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Huguenot Emigration 





Volume II 





Copyright, 1885, 





Oxford, Massachusetts ; from the site of the Huguenot 

Fort Facing title-page. 

The Mayor's Chapel, Bristol, England. (Exterior.). .Facing page 159 

The Mayor's Chapel. (Interior.) " " 161 

Diagram : The Huguenot Fort, Oxford, Massachu- 
setts " " 264 

Map : Massachusetts in 1690 Page 270 

Monument in memory of the Huguenot Settlers of 

Oxford Facing page 290 

Map : The Narragansett Country, Rhode Island Page 292 

Diagram : Plan of the French Settlement in Narra- 
gansett " 296 

Map : The Provinces of France End. 



ie Revocation ; Flight from Saintonge 
Facilities for Escape 
Mouth of the Charente 
Port des Barques . 
Saint Nazaire . 
The Principality of Soubise 
Moise, the Birthplace of Elie Neau 
The " Cure " of Soubise . 
Hiers and Marennes 
Conversion of Seamen 
The " Temple " of Marennes 

Lefugees from Marennes . 
Daniel Mesnard 
La Tremblade 

Journal of a Huguenot Seaman 
Refugees from Arvert 
^^^-Refugees from La Tremblade 
Jean Machet 
Arnold Naudin 
Along the Gironde 
The Pelletreaus 
Sea-side Meetings . 
Pons in Saintonge 
Elie Prioleau 
Family Traditions 
Flight of Jacques Fontaine 

)elays at La Tremblade 


Chatellerault . 



Home of the Marions 



r 3 
J 3 





2 3 











5 2 



A Cluster of Protestant Villages in central Poitou 

Hastening to the Coast 



Firmness of the Inhabitants of Thorigne 
Settlers on the Santee . 
Flight from Touraine 
Refugees from Tours . 




The Revocation : Flight from 

the Northern 


■ • « 


Flight from Normandy 


The "Temple" of Caen . 

• • • 


The " Temple " demolished . 


Etienne de Lancy . 



Other Fugitives from Caen 


The Dragoons in Rouen 

• • • 


A Town taken by Assault 


Fugitives from Rouen 

• • • 


The Le Conte Family 


George de Bonneville 

ft • a 


Exiles in South Carolina 


The Dragoons in Dieppe . 

• • • 


Fugitives from Dieppe 


— —-"Pierre Chevalier 

B ft • 


Near the Mouth of the Seine . 


Jacques Caudebec 



Flight from Bretagne . 


The Ch&teau of Vitre 

ft ft ft 


Emilie de Hesse, Princess of Tarente 


Saint J alien de Malacare . 


Ravenel and Du Bourdieu 


The Seigneurs de la Muce 

• • ■ 


Olivier de la Muce 


The Founder of the Settlement on the James 


• ■ • 


Flight from Picardy 


Earlier Emigration 

• • ■ 


The Crommelins 

9 1 

(ireycourt . 

. ." • 

9 1 

Jean Cottin 


Refugees from Bohain 




Pierre le Grand 

Other Refugees from Picardy 
Flight from the Orleanais 

Daniel Streing 

The Settlers of Orange Quarter 
Flight from Maine . 
Flight from the Ile de France 

Seeking Refuge in the Capital 

Wedding Companies . 

Flight from Paris . 

Wandering from Town to Town 

Requa's Escape 

Charlotte Le Mestre . 

Other Refugees from Paris 

Flight from Villages near Meaux 
Flight from Berri . 

The Counts of Richebourg 

Isaac Porcher 

The Pasteur de Richebourg . 




9 8 








The Revocation : Flight from the Eastern 

Southern Provinces . 
Flight from Lorraine . 
Flight from Champagne 

Susanne Rochette 

Captain Barthelemy Dupuy 
Flight from the Lyonnais 

Escape of Francois L'Egare 
Flight from Languedoc 

La Voulte . 

Judith Manigault's Letter 
Flight from Dauphiny 

Rene de Durand 

Conversions en masse 

Disappointment of the Troopers 
Flight from Languedoc 

The Reform in Montpellier 

Refugees from Montpellier 



Jean Mascarene 

His Trial . 

Condemned to the Galleys 




I I [ 

I I I 

II 4 








Release and Banishment . 

A heroic Confessor 

Jean Paul Mascarene 

The Protestants of Nismes 

Refugees from Nismes 

Other Emigrants from Languedoc 
Flight from Guyenne 

Persecution in Guyenne 

Loyalty of the Protestant Population 

The Dragonnades 

Refugees from Guyenne . 

jean Barbaric .... 

Gabriel Minvielle, Mayor of New York 

Abraham Tourtellot 

Antoine Trabue 

The Aydelotts 

Several refugee Pastors from Guyenne 

Gilet and Latane 

Cairon and Laborie 

Alexandre de Ressiguier 
Flight from the Comte de Foix 

Pierre Peyret .... 


. 128 


• 13° 


• 13 2 


• J 35 

J 35 

• i3 6 

l 37 

■ 138 

J 39 



. 142 


• J 44 


- M5 





The Refuge : England 
Arrival in London 
A new City 

Freedom of Conscience 
The Dauphinese Durand's Impressions 
Spitalfields .... 
The Royal Bounty 

James II. and the French Refugees . 
Burning of Jean Claude's Book 
A generous Welcome . 
Hospital of La Providence 
Plymouth and Bristol . 
Huguenot Colony in Bristol 
Sir Jonathan Trelawney 
Church of St. Mark, or The Gaunt's Chape 
The Peloquins 

Conformist and Non-Conformist . 
Calvin and the English Reformers 
The Plea for Conformity . 











The Continental Churches 

Different Views held by the Refugees 

Popularity of the Church of England in 16S8 

Accessions from the Huguenot Clergy 

Plans of Emigration to America 

Conflicting Counsels 

Isaac du Bourdieu 

Gabriel Bernon in London 

Land Agents .... 

The Atherton Company 

The Emigrant's Outfit 

Vine Plants .... 

Letters of Denization . 

Conditional Clauses 

The British Patent Rolls 

Naturalization in the American Provinces 

Expenses of the Voyage to America . 

The Relief Committee 

Settlers for Virginia 

The Expedition to Virginia 

De la Muce and De Sailly 

Refugees from Piedmont . 

Vaudois and French Colonists 




• 165 


. 167 


. 168 


. 170 


• 171 


• 173 


. 174 


• 175 


. 177 


. 178 




The Emigration : On the High Seas 

. 181 

Dangers of the Passage 


Piracy ..... 

. 182 

Disease .... 


Hardships endured 

. 183 

Judith Manigault's Account . 


A jubilant Letter ..... 

• 183 

Fishing on the Banks . 


Varying Fortunes .... 

• 185 

From London to Jamestown . 


An Emigrant's Bill of Fare 

. 186 



The Settlement : JBoston 

Procuring Cause of the Emigration 
Motives for the Choice of a new Home 
" Baston " . 






Salem ..... 

Settlers from the Channel Islands 

Jersey and Guernsey . 

Philip English 

Joseph Roy .... 

eputation from La Rochelle to Boston 
Fugitives from Persecution 
Collections in the Churches 
Judith, Marie and Susanne Pare 
" French Renegades " 
Elie Neau in Boston . 
John Eliot .... 
Bernon's Letter 
Fifteen Families arrive 
A Third Company of Fugitives 
" The French House " in Salem . 
" Men of Estates " . 
Conspicuous Names 

irst Impressions of Boston 
Suburban Homes 
Elie de Bonrepos 
Settlers at Braintree 
The Oxford Planters arrive 
Pierre Baudouin in Casco 
The Faneuils .... 
Francois Bureau 

ther Huguenot Names 
Gabriel Bernon 
Huguenot Enterprise . 
A Warfaring Voyage 
Capture of Port Royal 
Faneuil's Letter .... 
Bernon removes to Rhode Island 
The French Church in Boston 
Kindness shown the Refugees 
The first Pastor, Laurentius Van den Bosch 
David de Bonrepos 

Pierre Daille .... 

The Academy of Saumur 
English Hearers in the Huguenot " Temple 
Theological Speculations 
" The Two Witnesses " . 
The Calvinistic Liturgy 
Order of Worship .... 
The French Psalms 

I 9 I 
I 9 I 










































Character of the Refugees 
Lord Bellomont's Testimony . 
Petition of the Elders 
Aid granted from the Public Funds . 
Daille's precarious Circumstances 
Application to the Gospel Propagation Society 
Daille's Interest in public Affairs abroad 
The News from Europe 
Barcelona relieved . 
The Battle of Ramilies 
Death of Daille 

His Successor, Andre Le Mercier 
The first Sermon . 
Decline of the French Congregation 
Huguenot Versatility 
Le Mercier's Writings . 
His philanthropic Exertions 
Sable Island 

The French Church dissolved 
Death of Le Mercier . 
Prominent Families 
Peter Faneuil . 
Faneuil Hall 
'The Bowdoin Family . 
Governor James Bowdoin . 
Bowdoin College 
The Mascarene Family 
The French Exiles in Boston . 

ord Bellomont's Reproach 

uguenot and Puritan 








2 37 















25 1 


The Settlement : Oxford . 
In the Heart of Massachusetts 
The primeval Forest 
Daniel Bondet . 
Site of the Plantation 
Laying out the Village 
Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau 
Mildness of the first Winter . 
Bernon's Agent 
Arrival of Bernon and Dudley 
Investiture by Turf and Twig 


• 255 



■ 256 



• 257 



• 258 



• 259 





Improvements . 

The Oxford Fort . 

" The French Houses " 

The Settlers 

Indian Neighbors 

The Nipmuck Tribe 

Selling Rum to the Savages 

Pasteur Bondet's Complaint 

The Indian Trader 

Murder of Alard's Daughter 

Two Children carried to Quebec 

The Canadian French and Indians 

Rumors of Savage Atrocities . 

The Settlers take Refuge in the Fort 

Du Tuffeau's Defection 

Pasteur Bondet leaves the Colony 

Toby the Indian 

Murder of Johnson and his Children 

Ineffectual Pursuit 

The Information of " Black James " 

Breaking up of the Settlement 

A Second Experiment 

Jaccpies Laborie 

Bernon's " Chamoiserie " . 

The Rum Traffic again under way 

Disaffection among the Indians 

Faborie's Fetter 

Preparations for Defense . 

Attacks upon the Massachusetts Settlements 

Massacre at Deerfield . 

The Oxford Settlement abandoned 

Sale of Bernon's Plantation 


2 73 


2 74 
2 75 





















The Settlement : Rhode Island 
The Narragansett Colony 
The Atherton Company 
boundary Disputes 
The Narragansett Country 

Temporary Habitations 
Living underground 
The Narragansett Planters ' 




• 293 



• 294 



■ 295 


• 297 



A fruitful Land 

Intimations of Trouble 

Unmannerly Intruders 

Governor Andros' Decision 

The " French Doctor " 

Carre's Sermon, " The Charitable Samaritan 

The Refugees viewed with Suspicion 

Domiciliary Visits . 

Continued Molestation 

Ayrault's Account . 

Conflicting Titles 

The Dispersion 

Other Huguenot Refugees 

Trade with the West Indies 

Huguenot Hatters 

Lord Bellomont to Bernon 

Manufacture of Naval Stores . 

The Church of England in Rhode Island 

Bernon's Zeal for Religion 

His pronounced Protestantism 

Bernon's last Years 

Descendants of Gabriel Bernon . 

Zachariah Allen 




3 11 
3 l 3 




3 2 3 

3 2 4 
3 2 5 


The Settlement : Connecticut 
Milford on the Sound . 
Mysterious Visitors 

M. de la Valliere and the Jesuit Bruyas 
Huguenot Families in Hartford . 
Mrs. Sigourney 

33 l 
33 6 


The Mascarene Papers . . . _ . 34° 

Narrative of a French Protestant Refugee in 

Boston ..... 379 

Judith (Giton) Manigault's Letter . . 39 6 

Daille Letters ..... 397 

A Huguenot Pastor's Discourse . . .401 


The Revocation, 
flight from saintonge and poitou. 

The province of Saintonge, now embraced in 
the department of Charente-Inferieure, presents ~_ 
a coast line exceedingly broken. The low, 
sandy shore is everywhere indented by bays : 
outlets of devious rivers, as the Charente and 
the Seudre ; or inlets of the sea, which runs 
capriciously far back into the land, making 
irregular peninsulas, and spreading out into 
broad marshes. Peopled by a simple and 
hardy race of sailors, fishermen, and salters, this 
region, we have already seen, was early visited 
by earnest propagators of the Reformed doc- 
trines, and a large part of the population was 
won over to Protestantism. 

At the time of the Revocation, Saintonge lost 

r . ... , , Facilities 

many of its most industrious and virtuous lami- fol- 
lies. The facilities for their escape were ex- escape - 
ceptionally great. The harbors and the landing 
places, along the Atlantic coast on the west, 
and up the broad gulf of the Gironde, on the 
south, were just so many open doors, inviting 
the persecuted to seek their freedom. Nor 
could the mounted guards, stationed at inter- 





of the 


chap. vi. vals along the coast, however they might hurry 
1681- f rom port to port, and scan the sands and shal- 
lows to detect some fugitive, prevent many 
from succeeding in the attempt. 

Near the mouth of the Charente, on the 
neck of land formed by that tortuous stream, as 
it approaches the sea, there were several villages 
and hamlets where a number of our Huguenot 
families originated. One of them, Port des 
Barques, has disappeared entirely from the map 
and the gazetteer. Three others, Saint Froult, 
Moi'se and Soubise, are obscure and decaying 
places, of four, five and six hundred inhabit- 
ants. Saint Nazaire alone, with a population of 
some fourteen hundred souls, shows any degree 
of vitality. 

Port des Barques, opposite the island of 
Oleron, was the early home of Elie Dupeux, 
Francois Bridon, Daniel Targe, and others, who 
came to America. Most of these refugees 
effected their escape to England as early as the 
year 1681. The name of Elie Dupeux appears 
ten years later, among the names of the settlers 
of New Oxford, Massachusetts. 1 Francois 
Bridon came to Boston, and was an Elder of the 
French Church in that city, by the end of the 

1 Elie Depeux, matelot ; sa femme ; deux enfans ; partis 
en 1681 : lieu de retraite, Angleterre. Fugitifs du Port 
des Barques. — (Archives Nationales, Tt., N". 259.) Elias 
1>M Pus, with Mary his wife, and Elias, John, Mary and 
Susanna, their children ; naturalized in England, March 
21, 1682. "Elie Dupeu " and "J. Dupeu" (probably Jean, 
son of Elie) were among the French settlers of New Ox- 
ford, Massachusetts, in i6'qi. 



century. 1 His son Francois, while the family Chap. vi. 
were still in England, went back in 1684 to Port ^Si- 
des Barques, perhaps hoping to secure some of 
the property left there at the time of their flight. 
Word was sent to Paris of his return to the 
place. 2 Daniel Targe, ship carpenter, 3 another 
of these fugitives, settled in Rhode Island, 
where the name slightly changed to Tourgee, 
has been preserved, and has lately become con- 
spicuous in American literature. 4 Jacques Bille- 
beau, of Port des Barques, comes to view after- 
ward as one of the inhabitants of Manakin- 

1 " Francois Bridon, sa femrae, deux enfans," fled from 
Port des Barques in 1681, leaving property valued at eight 
hundred livres. — (Arch. Nat.) Francis Bridon, his wife, 
Susanna, their son Francis junior, and their servant Elias 
Vallet, were naturalized in England, March 21, 1682. 
Francis Bridon [Bredon, Breedon] Elder of the French 
Church Boston, 1704. Susanne Bridon, wife of Denis 
Richer, New York, 1704. 

2 "Francois Bridon, le jeune, est de retour en 1684, sa 
famille en Angleterre, et parle de s'en retourner." — (Arch. 
Nat.) He reached America, and settled on Staten Island. 
Will of Francis Bredon, November 7, 1703. Wife, Hester 
Bodine ; son Francis ; daughter, Susanna Russhea. — (Wills, 
Surrogate's office, New York. VI., 88 ; VII., 127.) 

3 " Daniel Targe, charp er en navire ; sa femme," fled 
from Port des Barques to England in 1681, leaving property 
valued at two hundred livres. — (Arch. Nat.) "Jacques 
Target, matelot, sa femme et une fille ; 300 livres ;" fled in 
the same year to England, where he was naturalized, March 
21, 1682. 

4 Both Daniel and Jacques settled first in Narragansett, hut 
removed upon the breaking up of the French plantation to 
New York, whence a branch of the family, it is believed, 
returned to Rhode Island some years later. The name had 
undergone several changes (Target, Targer, Targee, Terge). 
But see below, page 312. 


chapel, town, Virginia, 1 and Charles Faucheraud and his 
1 63 1- wife Anne Vignaud, with their children, sought 
1686 refuge in South Carolina. 2 

From the village of Saint Nazaire, sev- 
eral families of Huguenot seamen made 
their escape about the same time. Jean 
Martin, 3 Francois Bouquet, 4 Pierre Til- 

1 " Jean Bilbaud d[it] racouet, matelot, sa femme, biens, 
4,000 livres" fled from Port des Barques in 16S1 to En- 
gland. Jacques Billebeau [Bilboa, Bilbaud, Billebo,] one 
of the inhabitants of Manakintown, 1700-1723, was doubt- 
less of the same family. 

2 " Anne Vignaud, nee au Porte des Barques en Xaintonge, 
veuve de Charles Faucheraud. Anne et Gedson, nez au 
Porte des Barques, enfans du dit Charles Faucheraud et de 
Anne Vignaud, Marie, leur fille nee en Angleterre." — (Liste 
des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline qui souhaittent 
d'etre naturalizes Anglois, 1696.) 

3 Jean Martin, S* Nazaire. — (Arch. Nat.) Jean Martin, 
one of the settlers of New Oxford, Massachusetts, removed 
to New Rochelle, N. Y., and was the ancestor of the Martine 
family of Westchester county, N. Y. 

4 "Francois Bouquet, maitre de barque, sa femme et cinq 
enfans; biens, 4,000 livres," fled to England in 1681 from 
Saint Nazaire or Port des Barques. (The name is men- 
tioned in connection with both these localities, which were 
less than two miles apart.) " Led[it] Bouquet est de retour 
en 1684, et s'en retourne." — (Arch. Nat.) Francois appears 
in New York at the marriage of Suzanne [his daughter ?] to 
Pierre Dasserex, in the French Church, April 22, 1697. He 
was an inhabitant of New York, paying taxes, in 1701. 
Guillaume, Jacob, Jeanne (who married Jean Hain), 
Abijah, or Abigail (who married Jacques Arden), and 
Marie, were probably children of Francois. Jacob Bouquet 
married Marguerite, and died in 1721. — (N. Y. Wills, IX., 
278.) Jacob, son of Jacob and Marguerite Bouquet, was 
born August 23, 17 19. — (Records of the French Church in 
New York.) This family is to be distinguished from that 
of Bock or Bokee, of Flemish extraction probably, which 
settled at an early day in Dutchess County, N. Y. — (New 
York Genealogical and Biographical Record, III., 146 ; 


lou, 1 Jean Hain, 2 Jean Vignaud, 3 came to New chap. vi. 

York : and Mathurin Guerin, with his son ^^ 

Francois, 4 settled in South Carolina. 


comp. X. 30 ; XII., 44, 85, etc. — Early History of Amenia, 
X. Y., by Newton Reed, pp. 82, 38.) 

1 Pierre Tillou, said to have been the ancestor of the 
Tillou family in America (N. Y. Gen. and Biogr. Record, 
VII., 144), fled from France in 1681 (ibid.) and was natural- 
ized in England, March 21, 1682, with his kinswoman 
Magdalen Bouquet, and with Vignaud, and Hain, also of 
Saint Nazaire. Vincent Tillou, naturalized July 3, 1701, 
was made a freeman of the city of New York June 9, 1702. 
He married Elizabeth Vigneau. He was one of the "chefs 
de famille " in the French Church in New York in 1704. 
He died before May 20, 1709. In 1725, John, Peter, Eliza- 
beth and Anne Tillou petition for an inventory of the 
will of their aunt Susanna Bridon. — (New York Historical! 
Manuscripts, vol. LXVIII., p. 59.) The late Francis R. 
Tillou, Esq., Recorder of New York, was a descendant of 
Pierre Tillou. — (N. Y. Gen. and Biogr. Record, VII., 144.)' 

2 Jean Elizee et Elizabeth Hains, were among the fugitifs 
de Saint Nazaire. — (Arch. Nat.) John Hain, naturalized in 
England, March 2r, 1682, was in New York in 1693, when 
he received aid from the French Church. He married 
Jeanne Bouquet, February 26, 1701. His posthumous son 
Jean was baptized in the French Church, April 23, 1704. 

3 Jean Vignaud l'aine, M e et bourgeois de barque, and 
Jean Vignaud le jeune, matelot, are mentioned, under, both 
Port des Barques and Saint Nazaire, as fugitives to England 
in 16S1. The former was accompanied by his wife and two 
daughters ; the latter by a son and a daughter. It is noted 
in 1684 that both had returned, and purposed to depart 
again. Each had left property to the value of three thou- 
sand livres. John Vignault, his wife Elizabeth, and his 
daughters Anne and Elizabeth, were naturalized in England, 
March 21, 1682. The will of Elizabeth, widow of John 
Vignau, of New York, signed May 20, and, proved Septem- 
ber 20, 1709, names her daughter Elizabeth, widow of 
Vincent Tillou, and her daughter Anne Mace. 

" Mathurin Guerin, natif de Saint Nazaire, en Xaintonge: 
fils de Pierre Guerin et de Jeanne Billebaud ; et Marie 
Nicholas, sa femme, native de la Chaume en Poitou, fille 
d'Andre Nicholas et de Franeoise Dunot. Francois Guer- 



chap. vi. Soubise, anciently a fortified town, and the 
i<58~- ca pi ta ^ °f a - sma -h principality, gave its name to 
the noble house of Soubise, which was one of 
the last to abandon the Protestant cause. Here 
Pierre Poinset, one of the emigrants to South 
Carolina, 1 Jean Panetier, of Virginia, 2 Jean 
Doublet 3 and Jean Pierrot, 4 of New York, and 
others were born. Within the limits of the 

rain, fils de Pierre Guerrain et de Janne Billebeau, ne a St. 

Nazere en Saintonge. Anne Arrine, sa femme." — (Liste des 
Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.) Etienne 
Guerin was in New York in 1711 and 1715. 

1 " Pierre Poinset, l'aine, ne a. Soubize, fils de Pierre Poin- 
set, et Marie sa femme. Pierre Poinset, le jeune, ne a 
Soubize, fils du dit Pierre et Sara Fouchereau, Anne Gobard 
sa femme." — (Liste des Franeaiset Suisses refugiez en Caro- 
line, etc.) 

" " Jacques Panetier, fugitif de Soubise." — (Arch. Nat.) 
John Pantrier, naturalized in England, March .8, 16S2. 
Panetier, one of the settlers of Manakintown, Virginia, in 
1700. Jean Panetier, 17 14. 

3 " Jean Doublet, laboureur, sa femme, une fille, fugitifs de 
Soubise en 16S1," went to England. — (Arch. Nat.) John 
Doublett, carman, was made freeman of New York, February 
7, 1695. Jean nnd Marie Doublet were members of the 
French Church in New York, 1702. Elizabeth Doublet, 
wife of Isaac Gamier, 1693. 

4 "Jean Pierraux, sargier, sa femme, deux enfans, biens, 
1500 livres; fugitifs de Soubise en 1681 ; lieu de retraite, 
Angleterre." — (Arch. Nat.) Jean Pierrot and Meta (or 
Martha) Meby (Maybie) his wife, presented their son Pierre 
for baptism in the French Church, New York, August 24, 

"Jean Gaultier, charp er de navire, sa femme, trois enfans ; 
fugitifs de Soubise en 1681 ; lieu de retraite, Angleterre." 
— (Arch. Nat.) John Gautier was naturalized in England, 
March 8, 1682. La veuve Gautier was assisted by the 
French Church in New York in 1696. Elizabeth Gautier, 
wife of Timotce Archambeau, 1692 ; and Jeanne, wife of 
Jean Blanchard, 1687, are'also mentioned. 



principality, and scarcely more than a mile to chap. vi. 
the south-west of Soubise, is the hamlet of lf)gl _ 
Moi'se, the birthplace of Pierre Guimard, and of 
Elie Neau, the brave confessor, who suffered for 
the faith in the galleys of Louis XIV., and sur- 
vived a long imprisonment to become the pa- 
tient teacher of ne^ro slaves and Indians in the 
city of New York. 1 The descendants of Pierre 
Guimard. in Ulster County, New York, have 
preserved the certificate which their ancestor 
brought with him from the consistory of the 
Protestant Church of Moise, attesting his good 
character. 2 

1 Elie Neau, originaire de Moi'se en Xaintonge dans la 
Principaute de Soubise. — (Histoireabbregee des Souff ranees 
du sieur Elie Neau, sur les galeres, et dans les Cachots de 
Marseille. A Rotterdam, chez Abraham Acher, Marchand 
Libraire, pres de la Bourse. M. DCC. I. Page 1.) 

2 " Pierre Guinard [Guimard] fils, fugitif de Moi'se en 
1685 ; son pere est vivant : lieu de sa retraite, Angleterre." 
— (Arch. Nat.) According to an account preserved by his 
descendants in Orange County, New York, Guimard fled 
from France, in company with one Caudebec, whose sister 
he was engaged to marry. Their flight was so precipitate, 
that they were unable to provide themselves with means ; 
but it was arranged that the sister should meet them, at a 
certain time and place, bringing them a sum of money. 
They waited for her appearance, but waited in vain ; and 
the young men, entirely without resources, embarked in 
their desperation for America. They landed in Maryland, 
and, after experiencing many hardships, reached the spot 
now known as the town of Deerpark, in Orange County, 
New York. Here Guimard and Caudebec joined with five 
others in forming a settlement. The following record of 
Guimard's marriage occurs in the register of the ancient 
French Reformed Church of New Paltz, Ulster county, 
New York : 

"Le i8 e Avril, 1692, M r Dailliez a mariez Pierre Guimar 
natif de Moize en Saint Onge en France fils de Pierre 


chap. vi. Louis Geneuil, 1 Josue and Daniel Mercer- 
16S1- eau ' 2 members of the French Church in New 


York, had also fled from Moi'se. They 

Guimar et Anne Damour ses pere et mere, avec Ester Has- 
broucq natif du Palatin en Alemagne fille de Jean Has- 
broucq et de Anne Doyoeux ses pere et mere." 

Guimard was naturalized, July 3, 1701. He died between 
1726 and 1732. The will of Paire [Pierre] Guimard, of 
Wagachkemeck, in the county of Ulster, mentions his only 
son Paire, and his daughters Hester, wife of Philip Du Bois, 
Anne, wife of Jacobus Swartwout, junior, Mary, and Eliza- 
beth.— (Wills, N. Y., XL, 395.) 

The following certificate, in the possession of Peter L. 
Gumaer, Esq., of Guymard, Orange County, New York, was 
probably forwarded to Pierre after his escape to England. 
The names in italics are doubtless incorrectly given, the 
signatures being almost undecipherable. 

" Nous soussignez ancien du Consistoire de Moize en l'ab- 
sence de Monsieur Moriii nostre Ministre certifions que 
Pierre Guimar age de ans ou environs fait et a toujours 

fait profession de nostre Religion en laquelle il est ne sans 
commettre aucun scandalle qui soit venu a nostre connois- 
sance qui empeschequ 'il ne puisse estreadmis a la participa- 
tion de nos Sacrement. En foy dequoy nous luy avons 
signe le present certificat a Moize vingtiesme d'avril 1686." 

" Guvmard Zo/sary. L Avillaisiiez. 
" Billbaud." 

1 "Louis Geneuil, saulnier, sa femme, deux filles, fugitifs 
de Moise, en 1681 : lieu de retraite, Angleterre ; biens, 400 
livres." — (Arch. Nat.) Marie Geneuil de Moyse en Xaint- 
onge, was in New York, November 9, 1692, and married 
Jean Dubois, October 29, 1693. " Lfouis] Geneuil" was a 
witness to her marriage ; Madelaine Geneuil, sponsor at the 
baptism of her child, married Jean Pierre de Salenave, 
January 29, 1701. — (Records of the French Church in New 

1 This family was in New York as early as the year 16S9. 
Josue Mercereau, de Moise en Saintonge, married Marie 
Chadaine, July 16, 1693. Daniel, of Moi'se, married 
Susanne Marie Doucinet, August 6, 1693. Marie, de 
Moise, married Jean La Tourette, July 16, 1693. Eliza- 
beth, another sister apparently, was already the wife of Pierre 
Masse, whose son Daniel was presented for baptism, May 
5, 1689. — (Records of the French Church in New York.) 


doubtless knew something of the stress of the chap. vi. 
persecution that visited the inoffensive popula- Vi- 
rion of these obscure places. The curate of ,„, 

111 1686. 

Soubise was wont to boast that he waged per- 
petual war upon the Huguenots, who dared not 
say one word. " They are taken like pheasants 
by the beak," said he ; " and at the slightest 
sound, off we pack them to the prisons at 

Saint Froul, between Moi'se and Saint Na- 
zaire, contains barely four hundred inhabitants. 
Here Pierre Durand, 1 Jean Dragaud, 2 and 
Jeanne du Tay, wife of Jacques Targe, 3 refugees 
in New York, lived before their flight from 

South of this cluster of villages, upon another 
marshy delta, stand the village of Hiers and 
the seaport-town of Marennes. Jean Chadaine, 4 

1 "Pierre Durand, de Saint Froul, fugitif." — (Arch. Nat.) 
Peter Durand and his son Charles were naturalized in En- 
gland, March 20, 1686. Pierre Duran, a member of the 
French Church in New York, August 4, 1706. 

2 " Jean Dragaud, marinier, fils de deffunt Pierre Dragaud, 
saunier et Jeanne Garnie sa vefue, demeurant cy devant a 
Saint Frou, proche Moize en Xaintonge," was married in 
the French Church, Bristol, England, August 26, 1699, to 
Marie Morrye, of Saint Nazaire. Jean Dragaud and Su- 
sanne, his wife, were members of the French Church in New 
York, 1729, 1732 ; and Jean was installed an Elder of that 
Church, May 18, 1729. Jean and Peter Dragaud were in- 
habitants of Staten Island in 1735. 

3 Marie et Jeanne Dutais, fugitives de Saint Froul. — (Arch. 

4 " Jean Chadaine, M e de barque, sa femme, sa belle-mere, 
quatre enfants et une niece, fugitifs de Hiers pres Brouage 
en 1682. Lieu de retraite, Corp [Cork]." Marie Chadaine, 
de Yers en S'onge, was married, July 16, 1693, to Josue 



chap. vi. shipmaster, fled from Hiers in 1682, with his 
x 68i- family, to Cork in Ireland, whence he made his 
way, after some years, to New York. His children 
settled on Staten Island and in New Rochelle. 
Elie Rembert, seaman, and Jacques Rembert, 
salter, fled from Hiers in 1683. 1 Elie and 
Jacques found homes in America, the one in 
New York, the other in New Rochelle. Pierre 
Rusland, 2 sailmaker, of Hiers, escaped with his 
family in 1682, and after a sojourn of some 
years in England, came to New York. Pierre 
Arondeau, 3 mate, accompanied Chadaine to Ire- 
land. He was probably the father of Jacques 
Arondeau, of New York. 

The flight of these seafaring 1 men and their 

Mercereau, in the French Church in New York. She was a 
daughter of Jean Chadaine, of Narragansett, and subse- 
quently of Staten Island, N. Y., ship-carpenter, who died in 
1708. His will names his wife Mary, and children John, 
Henry, Martha, Elizabeth, and Mary, wife of Joshua Mer- 
cereau.— (N. Y. Wills, VII., 393.) 

1 Elie Rembert, matelot, fled from Hiers with his wife in 
16S3, to London. Jacques Ramber, saulnier, his wife and 
four children, sought refuge in Cork in 1682. "Rembert" 
is named among the settlers of Narragansett ; but Elie came 
to New York as early as 1692. He married first Jeanne 
Coulombeau, and secondly, Martha Moreau. Elias Ram- 
bert, mariner, died in New York in 1706. Jacques was a 
resident of New Rochelle, 17 16-1728. 

"Pierre Rusland, voilier, sa femme, trois garcons et deux 
filles, fugitifs de Hiers pres Brouageen 1682 : lieu de retraite, 
a Londres." — (Arch. Nat.). Pierre was a member of the 
French Church in New York in 1702. 

" Pierre Arondeau, contre-maitre, sa femme, une fille ; 
fugitifs de Hiers en 1682 ; lieu de retraite, Corp " [Cork]. 
— (Arch. Nav.) Jacques Arondeau, sponsomt the baptism of 
Jacques, son of Elie Rembert, in the French Church in 
New York, June 20, 1703. - 


families, was caused by the measures taken as chap. vi. 
early as the year 1680, for the purpose of forcing- 7T" 
all the sailors and captains of vessels to accept 
"the king's religion." In April of that year, a 
circular was sent to the warden of every port in 
the kingdom, informing him that His Majesty 
was resolved, " little by little," to remove from 
the navy all those of the Pretended Reformed 
religion. An able ecclesiastic would be sent to 
each port, and upon his arrival they were to be 
made "very gently" to understand, that His 
Majesty was willing to bear for a while with 
them, to see whether they would profit by the 
facilities given them for obtaining instruction in 
the Catholic faith ; but that after this, should 
they persevere in their error, he would dispense 
with their services. Upon receiving these 
orders, the Count d'Estrees, in command at La 
Rochelle, wrote to the minister : " You confirm 
me, Sir, in the resolution which I had formed to 
devote myself earnestly, during this season, to 
the conversion of sailors." It must be borne in 
mind that these pious efforts were put forth, 
not, as one might imagine, for the moral and 
spiritual good of seamen— a class greatly need- 
ing such philanthropic attention — but for the 
purpose of either driving from the country, or 
forcing into a nominal and hypocritical consent 
to the established religion, those who, as their 
superiors freely acknowledged, formed the 
soundest and best part of the seafaring popula- 
tion of France. 1 

1 Bulletin de la soc. de l'hist. du prot. frang., II., pp. 332-336. 



chap. vi. Marennes, twenty-five miles south of La 
1684. Rochelle, is now a town of four or five thousand 
inhabitants. It is surrounded by salt marshes, 
which in former times so insulated this place, as 
well as the neighboring town of Arvert, that 
they were known as " islands." J This region, at 
Tke the time of the Revocation, was almost entirely 
"temple" p ro testant. 2 The "temple" of Marennes was 
Marennes. still standing in 1 684, when all the Huguenot 
places of worship in the neighbourhood had 
been destroyed. Thirteen or fourteen thousand 
persons now gathered, from far and near, to 
attend its services. The order for its demolition 
was at length given. To aggravate the distress 
which this order would produce, it was withheld 
from the knowledge of the ministers until Sat- 
urday night. The next morning, about ten 
thousand persons were assembled around the 
Church. Many of them had come from the isles 
of Re and Oleron. Twenty-three children had 
been brought for baptism. Upon learning the 
doom of their sanctuary, the multitude dispersed 
slowly, weeping, man)' of them unable to re- 
strain themselves from sobs and lamentations. 
Relatives and friends embraced one another in 
silent grief. Many, with hands clasped, and 


' Histoire des eglises reforniees de Pons, Gemozac et 
Mortagne en Saintonge, par A. Crottet. P. 50. 

" Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes [par Elie Benoist], Tome 
troisieme, seconde partie, p. 683. — Complaint was made, 
May 31, 1694, that the " nouveaux convertis," in the 
Island of Marennes and the vicinity, possessed almost 
the entire region. — Bulletin de la soc. de l'hist. du prot. 
franc, vol. XXX., p. 320. 


eyes turned toward heaven, seemed unable to Chap. vi. 
tear themselves away from the spot, where, in l684 
spite of the inclemency of the weather, they had 
come to seek comfort in God's word and in 
prayer. Several of the little children died on 
the homeward journey. The order for the de- 
struction of the " temple " required, as usual, that 
the Huguenots themselves should be made to 
demolish it. But the government found it im- 
possible to carry out this design : and it was 
found necessary to bring workmen from a con- 
siderable distance to execute the decree. 1 

A number of the Huguenot inhabitants of 
Marennes came to America. Among these 
were Pierre Parcot, and Francoise Gendron, 
his wife, 2 who settled in New Rochelle ; 
Elie Charron, 3 Francois Basset, 4 De- 

1 Benoist, Histoire de 1' Edit de Nantes, tome troisieme, 
seconde partie, pp. 6S1-683. 

2 The Parquot refugee family in London, 1693-1727, was 
from Marennes. Pierre Parquot was an " ancien " of the 
" temple " in Soho. Pierre Parquot or Parcot of New 
Rochelle, N. Y., was doubtless of the same stock. He and 
Francoise [Gendron] his wife, are named among the inhabit- 
ants of New Rochelle in 1698. 

3 Elie Charron, matelot, fugitif du Fouilloux, en 1682 ; 
lieu de retraite, Baston.— (Arch. Nat.) Marguerite Jamain, 
veuve de Pierre Charon, fugitive de Marennes. — (Ibid.) Nico- 
las Jamain, in his will, New York, 1707, mentions Jean and 
Esther, children of Jean Charon and his '" sister Margaret, 
dec'd." — (Wills, N. Y., VII., 30 r.) Jean may have been 
named Jean Pierre. Esther Charron married Pierre Morin, 
as early as 1700. — (Records of French Church, New York.) 

4 Francois Basset, matelot, fugitif de Marennes en 1682 ; 
lieu de sa retraite, a. Baston. — (Arch. Nat.) He was in New 
York in 16S5 : see his adventure in the West Indies, above, 
vol. I., p. 232. He married Marie Madeleine Nuquerque, 



ciiap. vi. blois, 1 and Doctor Pierre Basset, 2 of Boston ; 
1681- ; 

and had two daughters, Susanne-Madeleine, and Susanne, 
born September t, 16S9, and a son Francois, born April 17, 
1692. He was naturalized April 15, 1693. The will of 
Francis Bassett, sailor, is dated January 9, 1696-7. — (Wills, 
N. Y., II., 93.) Francois was living in 1729. Francois 
Basset (le jeune, 1756), was one of the " chefs de famille," in 
the French Church, New York, in 1763. He took a promi- 
nent part in the troubles in that Church, 1765, 1766. 
Francis Basset was a member of the General Committee for 
New York, with Jay, Duane, Low, and others, May 1, 1775. 
Jean Basset, who married Elizabeth Vischer, before 1724, 
was probably a younger son of Francois, the refugee. 
(Francois and Susanne-Madeleine his daughter, were spon- 
sors at the baptism of Marie, daughter of Jean and Elisabeth 
Basset, October 27, 1725.) Jean, son of Jean and Elisabeth, 
was born November 28, 1 73 1. He married Helen Evout, 
December 10, 1763. Jean, son of Jean and Helen Basset, 
born October 7, 1764, became a prominent clergyman of the 
Reformed Protestant Dutch Church. (Rev. John Bassett, 
D. D., minister of that Church in Albany, N. Y., 1787 to 
1804. and in Bushwick, L. I., t8ii to 1824, when he died.) 
1 " M. Delbos," noticed in the "Relation d'un protestant 
francois refugie a Boston," 1687. Susanne Delbois, of 
Marennes, mentioned in the records of the Church of La 
Patente, London, 1694. Gilbert, Louis and Stephen Delbois 
were inhabitants of Boston in 1754. " Les de Bloys — famille 
noble de Saintonge — sont toujours restes protestants." — (La 
France Protestante, 2 e edition, II., 620.) 

' Pierre Basset et sa femme, fugitifs de Marennes." 
— (Arch. Nat.) He was in New York in July, t686, when M. 
Daille wrote of him to Increase Mather in Boston. "Ille 
Doctor qui tibi reddet hasce meas litteras est optimushomo, 
reformats nostra? religionis, peritissimus in arte sua. Passus 
a maximam jacturam, ita ui omnes sarcinas, omniaq, medi- 
camenta injuste amiserit. Vult emere Bastonia medica- 
menta et ea qua? necessaria sunt." — (Mather Papers, vol. VI., 
letter No 20, MSS. in the Prince Library, Public Libraiy of 
the city of Boston.) He seems to have been prevailed upon 
to remain in Boston, or to return thither : for he was ad- 
mitted into the colony, February 1, 1691, and is spoken of 
in 1700 as having left that city. Denization in the province 
of New York was granted him, September 21, 1699. Pierre 
and Jean Basset presented their daughter Esther for bap- 



Andre Paillet, 1 Timothee Archambeau, 2 Pierre Chap. vi. 
Trochon, 3 Benjamin and Elie Tadourneau, 4 of r 68i_ 
New York ; Jean Boisseau 5 and Pierre Demeon, 6 
of South Carolina. Jean Boisbelleau, 7 a name- 

tism in the French Church, New York, October 2, 1700. 
He died in November, 1 706.— (Wills, N. Y., Vi., 186.) 

1 Paillet, a Marennesname. Andre was a member of the 
French Church, New York, in 1690. Madame Paillet re- 
ceived assistance, 1693, 1696. 

a Estienne Archambaud, fugitif de Marennes. (Arch. 
Nat.) Timothy, naturalized in England, January 31, 1690. 
He and his wife Elizabeth Gautier were members of the 
French Church, New York, in 1693. Jeanne Archambeau 
married Abraham Gouin, May 25, 1700, and secondly Andre 
Dupuy, July 14, 1705. Judith was the wife of Jacques 
Valiet in 1 699. 

3 Pierre Trochon was a member of the French Church, 
New York, 1700, 1702. Apparently he was afterwards 
taken captive by Algerine pirates. "Pierre Trochon, de 
Marennes, rachepte de son Esclavage de Marroc, [age de] 
66 ans ;" assisted in London in 1705 from the Royal 

4 "Benjamin Tadourneau, natif de Marennes, enterre le 12 
Avril, 1689." — (Records of the French Church, New York.) 
Elie Tadourneau, pilote, fugitif de Marennes en 1685 : lieu 
de retraite, a la Caroline. — (Arch. Nat* 

5 " Jean Boisseau, ne a Maraine, fils de Jacques Boisseau 
et de Marie La Court. Marie Postel, sa femme." — (Liste 
des Francois et Suisses Refugiez en Caroline, etc.) lean 
Boisseau, cooper, was made a freeman of the city of New 
York, February 2, 1698. 

' " Pierre Demeon, saulnier, fugitif de Marennes, 1684, a la 
Caroline." — (Arch. Nat.) 

'"Marc Boisbelleau, pasteur a Marennes, 1682-1684 ; 
ministre refugie a Amsterdam, 1688." Jean Boisbelleau ob- 
tained denization in New York, September 2, 16S5. See an 
account of the services he rendered to two French refugees; 
above, vol. I., page 232. He was sponsor at the baptism of 
a child of Poncet Stelle, sieur des Lorieres, April 7, 1689. 
(Records of the French Church, New York.) In 1687, he 
had been living for two years in Gravesend, Long Island, 
N. Y. — (Documentary History of New York, vol. I., p. 661.) 


chap. vi. sake and possibly a relative of the last pastor 

1681- °f Marennes, after an adventurous career found 

a quiet retreat at Gravesend, on Long Island, 

l686 - 11 T • /Oh 

where he was Jiving in 1087. 

About the same period, there arrived in 
the city of New York an interesting family 
from the same locality in France. Jacques 
Dubois, according to a family tradition, had 
held an important office under the govern- 
ment in France, when compelled at the Revoca- 
tion to flee from the country. He left Marennes 
with his young wife Blanche Sauzeau, and their 
Daniel infant daughter, and an orphan boy named 
Mesnard. jj an j e i Mesnard, who had been committed to his 
care. The fugitives made their way first to 
Amsterdam, thence to the island of Martinique 
in the West Indies, and finally to New York, 1 
where Dubois soon after died. 2 His widow sur- 
vived him onlv a few months. 3 Their daughter 

1 Information communicated by Benjamin Aycrigg, Esq., 
Passaic, New Jersey: 

2 " Will of James Dubois and Blanche Sauzeau, conjoined 
in lawful matrimony, living in the borough called Marenne, 
and of the Reformed Religion. Act of notary drawn up in 
said place, February 6, 1675, in the presence of Master John 
Aubin and Michel Rondeau, marshall ; Master Nathanael 
Chapeloupe, notary ; Master Peter Delavergne, a Royal 
Sergeant ; John Delafon, chirurgeon ; Peter Delacheval, 
shoemaker ; John Denis, called la Montague, and Christo- 
pher Legrand, shoemaker, all of Marennes. Copy certified 
at Marennes, January 4, 1684. Ratified [in New York] by 
the late James Dubois at the article of death," September 
27, 1688. Translated by Stephen Delancey. Attested by Elias 
Boudinot, Gabriel Leboiteux and Stephen Delancey. — 
(Wills, N. Y, XIV, pp. 54-57). 

J Inventory of the goods of Madame Blanche Sauzeau, 
widow of Mr. Jaques Dubois, made by Jean Papin and Jean 
Bouteillier, April 2, 1690. .The property included, "one 


Blanche grew up, and became the wife of Rene 
Het: 1 and the orphan, Daniel Mesnard, when ^gi- 
come to man's estate, married the daughter of i6g6 
Francois Vincent, and founded a family which is 
still extant. 2 

The tongue of land, south of Marennes, formed 
by the estuaries of the Seudre and the Garonne, 
was covered with villages, the inhabitants of 
which, principally mariners, were nearly all Prot- 
estants, before the Revocation. At La Trem- 
blade, near the mouth of the Seudre, only five or 
six families professed the Roman Catholic faith, 
when in 168 1 the " temple " of the Huguenots 
was taken and converted into a Roman Catholic 
church. The following year, the "temple" of 
Arvert was demolished. The journal of Tare 
Chaillaud, a Protestant mariner of La Tremblade, 

peece of Land of about one hundred & twenty acres scitu- 
ated at New Rochell in tins Governm* , upon y e great Lots 
coast," valued at ^30 : and one young negro, by name 
Sans fassons [sans facon], valued, with other chattels, 
at ^"40 : total ^"882. Debts in the island of Mar- 
tinique are mentioned. — (Wills, N. Y., XIV., 1 21-123.) 
Several others of the name of Sauzeau (variously spelled) 
and natives of Marennes, came to New York. " Madeleinne 
Sozeau de Marenne " was married to Jean Bouyer, Novem- 
ber 12, 1693, in the French Church, New York. Her brother 
[saac Souzeau obtained letters of administration upon her 
estate, January 29, 1698. Ester Souseau married Jean Petit 
before 1694. 

1 Inscription upon her tomb in Trinity church-yard, New 
York : " Here Lyes Interr'd y e Body of Blanche, wife of 
Rene Het, of this City, Dau of James Dubois, Born at 
y e City of Marrian in y e Province of Saintonge in France 
& Died Jan ry y e 31, 1739-40, in y e 54 th year of her Age." 
— (Communicated by Mr. Win. Kelby.) 

2 Colonel Benjamin Aycrigg is a grandson of Francis, 
second son of Daniel Mesnard. 



chap. vi. gives a graphic picture of the condition of things 
16-0- m tnese obscure and humble places, before and 
after the times of violent persecution. In 1670, 
he writes, "all was going well, though the trade 
with Newfoundland had begun to diminish. 
There were many good and generous and brave 
seamen then in the island of Arvert." In 1680, 
" This year, France was at rest and in peace. 
Here, every one lived in tranquillity. But the 
clergy, sworn enemies of the public repose, wish 
to destroy the Protestants in France. And this 
is the way in which they begin : All Protestants 
occupying any office, whatever it may be, are 
forbidden to practice their arts, trades or callings. 
They are despoiled, and the spoils are given to 
Roman Catholics, however incapable of fulfilling 
the duties of the office. The clergy cause money 
to be given to poor people, to turn Catholics, so 
that those who are without the means of living, 
take the money, and change their religion, and 
others go to England and Holland, and empty 
the kingdom." In 16S1 : "There was great 
fury in France against the Protestants. Every- 
where the temples were cast down. In the month 
of May or June, they took the temple of La 
Tremblade to serve for a Catholic church. The 
Protestants left their goods, and fled in great 
troops to the foreign princes." In 1682 : "There 
were still at La Rochelle some ten vessels going 
to Newfoundland, to the coast fisheries, for cod, 
all of which discharged at La Rochelle ; and there 
were fourteen ships or more that went to the 
deep sea fisheries, on -the banks of Newfound- 


land. But business begins to slacken, for the chap. vi. 
religion is persecuted every day with greater I 6g~_ 
violence, and the Protestants are emptying the 
kingdom. In the month of May, the temple of 
Arvert was thrown down, destroyed to its very 
foundations. The priest, M. cle la Farge, took 
possession of the materials, and also of the tomb- 
stones in the cemetery belonging to us poor 
Protestants, and used them to rebuild and 
lengthen the Catholic church. O God ! how 
have we offended Thee, that Thou dost thus 
give us up as a prey into the hands of those who 
seek our ruin !" ' 

Numbers of the fugitives from Arvert and La 
Tremblade found their way to New York. 
Etienne Bouyer, "of Arver in France," came in 
1 686, and settled in Southampton, on the east- 
ern shore of Long Island. 2 Jacques Vinaux and 
Anne Audebert, his wife, 3 and jean Dubois, of 

1 Journal d' un marin protestant du XVI I e siecle, Bulletin 
de la soc de l'hist. du prot. franc. ; XV., pp. 327-334. 

2 He obtained denization in New York, July 29, 1686, 
and appears to have removed at once to Long Island. In 
1729 he presented to the Presbyterian Church of Southamp- 
ton two silver chalices for the Holy Communion. It is 
said that he spent his last years in the family of Francois 
Pelletreau, who removed from New York to Southampton 
in 1720. The inscription upon his tomb reads, " Here lyes 
y e body of Mr. Stephen Bowyer of Arver in France who 
came to this place in y" year 1686. Departed this life Oct. 
y° 24 1730 aged 73 years." — (The Early History of South- 
ampton, L. L, by G. R. Howell.) 

Charlotte Boyer, perhaps a daughter or niece of Etienne, 
married Jacques Favieres. Their son, born September 25, 
1728, was named Estienne Boyer. — (Records of the French 
Church, New York.) 

3 Jacques Vinaux d'Alvert en France, et Anne Audebert, 



Chap. vi. Arvert, 1 were members of the French Church in 
1 68 1- New York at an early day. The ancestor of the 
De Cou family, 2 in New Jersey, came probably 
from the same place. La Tremblade was the 
birthplace of many more. Jacques Paquinet, of 
Boston, 3 Jean Germon, one of the settlers of 
Narragansett, Charles Germon, one of the set- 
tlers of New Oxford ; 4 Jean Melet, 5 Jean Roux, 6 

du mesme lieu, were married in the French Church, New 
York, August 16, 1699. 

1 Jean Dubois, du bourg d'Albert en Saintonge, married 
Marie Genouil, October 29, 1693, in the French Church, 
New York. 

2 Marie Decoux, fugitive d'Arvert. — (Arch. Nat.) In 1739, 
Isaac De Cow was surveyor- general at Burlington, New 
Jersey, where the name is still extant, and is believed to be 
of Huguenot origin. 

3 Andre Paquinet, fugitif de la Tremblade. — (Arch. Nat.) 
Andrew and his son Peter were naturalized in England, in 
1690. James Paquenett, or Packnett, was a member of the 
French Church in Boston, 1748. 

1 Jean Germon, fugitif de la Tremblade. — (Arch. Nat.) 
One of the Narragansett settlers, 1686. 

" Jean Melet, matelot, sa femme et une fille, fugitifs dela 
Tremblade en 1682 ; lieu de retraite, Londres; biens, 1,000 
hvres." — (Arch. Nat.) Jean Melet and Elizabeth le Clere his 
wife presented their son Pierre for baptism in the French 
Church in Threadneedle street, London, December 6, 1685. 
'" Marthe, fille de Jean Melet, absent, et Elizabeth Cler," was 
baptized in the French Church, New York, March 9, 16S9. 
Jean was probably lost at sea. Madame Melet received as- 
sistance from the Church, and went to South Carolina, where 
she married Pierre Gaillard. 

" Jean Roux, ofhcier marinier ; Jeanne le Cler, femme ; 
trois enfans ; fugitifs de la Tremblade en 1682 ; lieu de re- 
traite, Londres." — (Arch. Nat.) Pierre, fils de Jean Roux, 
et Jeanne Leclerq, was baptized in the French Church, New 
York, February 9, 1692. 

" Jacob Roux, fils d'un ministre franpois,' 1 was assisted by 
the Consistory of the French Church of London, September 
28, 1707, " pour r:on voyage- pour la Caroline." 

1 686. 


Andre Arnaud, 1 Jeanne de Loumeau, 2 Jean chap. vi. 
Equier, 3 Isaac Boutineau, 4 and Pierre Rolland, 5 l68l _ 
of New York ; Marie Fougeraut, 6 Pierre Couil- 
landeau, 7 and Susanne Dubosc, 8 were from La 

1 Andre Arnaud, voilier, fugitif de'la Tremblade en 1683; 
lieu de retraite, a Londres. — (Arch. Nat.) Arneau, one of 
the Narragansett settlers ; probably the same with Andrew 
Arneau, mariner, of New York, 1701, and of New Rochelle, 
1711, who died in 1734 or 1735, (Wills, N. Y., XII., 351,) 
leaving an only son Stephen, and a daughter Mary, wife of 
Jeremiah Chadaine. 

2 Jeanne de Loumeau, of La Tremblade, married Jean An- 
drivet in the French Church, New York, October 18, 1699. 

3 " Jean Equier, marinier, natif de la Tremblade, decede 
dans le havre de ce lieu [de New York], le 22 decembre, 
1689." — (Records of the French Church, New York.) 

4 " Isaac Boutineau, natif de la Tremblade en France," 
made public confession in the French Church, New York, 
July 3, 1698, of the wrong he had committed in yielding to 
the temptations to which he had been subjected in France 
to conform to the Roman Church. — (Records of the French 
Church, New York.) Stephen Boutineau, of Boston, was 
probably, like Isaac, from La Tremblade. 

5 " Pierre, Jean et Abraham Rolland, du lieu de la Trem- 
blade," brothers, applied to the Consistory of the French 
Church in London, May 9, 1698, " declarant qu'etant nez- 
dans notre religion, et tombez fort jeunes entre les mains 
des Papistes, ils ont eu le malheur d'etre menez souvent a la 
Messe, mais que Dieu leur ayant fait la grace de sortir de 
France, ils souhaitent de rentrer dans l'Eglise." They were 
admitted to make public confession on the following Sunday 
morning. — (Livre des Actes de 1692 — 3 a. 1708.) Pierre 
Rolland was naturalized in New York, June 2, 1702. The 
will of John Roland, of New York, merchant, June 2, 1721,. 
apnoints as executors Peter Vallette and John Auboyneau. 
-(Wills, N. Y., IX., 347O 

6 " Marie Fougeraut, veuve de Moise Brigand ; elle, native 
de la Tremblade." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez a 
la Caroline, etc.) 

7 Pierre Couillandeau, natif de la Tremblade, fils de 
Pierre Couillandeau et de Marie Fougeraut. — (Ibid.)' 

8 Susanne Dubosc, fern me de Isaac Dubosc, fille de Pienre 

1 686. 



cha*). vi. Tremblade. Jean Machet, ship-carpenter, who 
1681- settled first in Oxford, Massachusetts, but re- 
moved to New Rochelle, was a native of the 
same place. At the time when the last severi- 
ties aeainst the Protestants beofan to be exer- 
cised, Machet was pursuing his trade in the sea- 
port town of Bordeaux. " We left our goods, 
jean our furniture, and our clothes," he writes, " I, 
and Jeanne Thomas my wife, and Pierre, Jean, 
Jeanne and Marianne our children, for the sake 
of our religion, and fled from persecution, only 
saving our bodies." ' Elie Naudin, shipmaster, 

Couillandeau et de Susanne Couillandeau, native de la 
Tramblade en Xaintonge. — (Ibid.) 

1 " Notre ayde soit au nora de Dieu qui a fait le ciel et la 
terre, amen. Je Jean Machet Charpentier de navires ne et 
natif du bourg de la Tramblade & demeurant a Bordeaux en 
France Lequel dit Machet etant fugitif de la persecution 
avec sa famille composee de luy, & Jeanne Thomas sa 
femme, & Pierre, Jean, Jeanne, &: Marianne Machet leurs 
enfans & filles, ayant tons abbandonne leurs biens meubles 
& effects pour leur Relligion lesquels ils font tons profes- 
sion en la veritable purete & Relligion Chretienne que nous 
appellons religion protestante : Et comme le dit Machet 
ayant recogneu etre etably en ces lieux, terre et dependance 
d'York en la ville nominee la nouvelle Rochelle sous la do- 
mination de tres haut et tres puissant Monarque, notre Roy 
Guillaame de pleine memoire a qui Dieu maintienne son 
sceptre & sa couronne & que sous son regne puissions tons 
vivre en paix & en la crainte de Dieu. Et ledfit] Machet 
s'est veu attaque de maladie, grosse fievre, toutes fois sain 
de memoire & de l'entendem* & voulant pourvoir a ses af- 
faires pour le repos de sa famille. Premierement II recom- 
mande son ame a Dieu le pere tout puissant createurdu ciel 
et de la terre, qu'il le veuille recevoir dans son Royaume 
celeste, au rang de ses enfans bienheureux & quant a. son 
corps il prie et souhaitte d'etre enterre. en les forme & 
maniere de sa Religion & discipline jusques a la consomma- 
tion des siecles & resurrection, ou notre Seigneur viendra 



of La Tremblade, fled in the year 1682, with his chap. vi. 
wife and three children, to Southampton, in En- j^i- 
gland, where he died. His widow, Jael Arnaud, 
came to America some years after, with Arnaud 
or Arnauld Naudin, whose descendants are £ rna ^ ld 


numerous in Delaware and Maryland. 1 

pour juger les vivant et les morts c'est la priere qu'il fait, 
voulant bien comme un vray Chretien & pere de ses enfans 
que Dieu lay a donne fait testament . . . Premierement 
Ledfit] Machet veut et entend & pretend que ]ad[ite] 
Jeanne Thomas sa femme soit dame & maitresse de tout 
generallem* les bien meubles & acquests que nous avons fait 
ensemble pendant notre vivant & particulierem*. les acquerts 
que nous avons fait ensemble depuis notre sortye de France 
n'ayant sauve que notre corps seulem*. & que tout ce que 
•nous avons, nous l'avons gagne ensemble a la peine de nos 
mains & a la sueur de notre visage. — (Wills, N. Y., II., 
2. Signed April 17, 1694. Proved November 10, 1699.) 

' " Elie Naudin, pilote, sa femme, trois enfans, fugitifs de 
la Tremblade ; annee de leur depart, 1682 ; lieu de retraite, 
Hampton ; valeur de leurs biens, 4,000 livres a. lui et a sa 
femme." — (Arch. Nat.) Elias Naudin, Arnauld, Mary, and 
Elias, children, naturalized in England, March 8, 16S2. — Elie 
Naudin and his wife Jahel [Jael] Arnaud, presented their 
daughter Francoise for baptism in the French Church in 
Threadneedle street, London, February 7, 1686. He died, 
it would seem, in England, where also, apparently, his widow 
married Jacob Ratier, mariner, who was naturalized, with 
Jael his wife, and Arnold Naudin, May 8, 1697. They came 
in that year, probably, to New York, where Arnould Nodine 
obtained letters of denization, November 12, 1697. The 
granting of these letters was made one of the " heads of 
complaint " against the governor of New York, Fletcher, 
because done without any authority, and " in such large and 
extensive terms as are contrary to the intention of the laws 
of England which relate to the Plantation Trade." Gov- 
ernor Fletcher affirmed that the letters were granted in the 
usual form. He wrote, London, December 24. 1698, that 
he did not remember this particular case, but that the de- 
sire of New York and other plantations being for an increase 
of settlers, he did but follow the example of his predecessor, 
and grant denization "to several of the poor French," for- 



chap. vi. Along the Gironde, on the southern shore of 
1681- Saintonge, are the seaport towns and villages of 
Royan, Meschers, Saint Palais and Saint 
Georges. Royan, now a town of four thousand 
inhabitants, was the cradle of the Lavigne J 
and Ouantin 2 families ; and near by, in the 
village of Chatelas, was the birthplace of 
Jacques Fontaine, the Huguenot pastor, an- 
cestor of the American families of Fontaine 
and Maury. 3 Two of the refugees in 
New York, Daniel Lambert 4 and Andre 

bidding any fee to be taken in such cases. No decision 
seems to have been reached in the matter. — (Documents rel- 
ative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, vol. 
IV., pp. 434, 450, 454, 474, 4S6, 548.) 

Elias, 2 son of Elias and Jael Naudin, was married in 
Philadelphia, in 17 15, to Alicia, or Lydia, daughter of Peter 
and Lydia Le Roux. He was an Elder in the Presbyterian 
Church, and his lineal descendants Arnold, 3 Andrew, 4 and 
Arnold/ in successive generations, have like him occupied 
the office of the Eldership in that church. See the " Hamil- 
ton Record," by A. Boyd Hamilton, Esq., of Harrisburg, 

1 " Les Lavigne, fugitifsde Royan." — (Arch. Nat.) "Charles 
Lavigne, matelor, fugitifs de Royan, parti en 1684: lieu de 
retraite, Virginie." — (Ibid.) Estienne La Vigne. oneofthe 
French settlers in Narragansett, 1686, was a member of the 
French Church, New York, April 3, TG92, and obtained 
letters of denization in the province of New York, February 
6, 1696. 

'Les Quantins, fugitifs de Royan." — (Arch Nat.) Isaac 
Quantin, or Cantin, was an inhabitant of New Rochelle as 
early as 1702, and of New York in 1721. 

" Je suis ne a Jcnouille, la maison de mon pere, dans le 
village de Chatelas, paroisse de S* Pierre de Royan. Sain- 
tonge." — (M£moire de Jacques Fontaine, M.S., in the posses- 
sion of the family of his descendant, the late William L. 
Maury, Esq., New York. 

' Daniel Lambert, natif deS 1 Palay," was married to Marie 
Tebaux, November 8, 1691, in the French Church, New 



Jolin, 1 were natives of Saint Palais. Elie Badeau, 
the head of a family that established itself in the I 6g~ I _ 
county of Westchester, New York, came from 
Saint Georges; 2 and Jean Coudret and his wife 
Marie Guiton, 3 members of the French Church 
in New York, were of the same place. 

Meschers, a village of eleven hundred inhab- 
itants, was the home of Andre Lamoureux, 4 
shipmaster; of Jacques Many and his brother 

York. " Lambert," probably the same, had been one of the 
French settlers in Narragansett. 

1 Andre Jolin obtained denization in New York, August 

6, 1 686, and was naturalized, April 15, 1693. He was a 
.member of the French Church, New York, in 16SS. His 

wife was Madeleine Poupin. A family Bible in the posses- 
sion of T. S. Drake. Esq., New Rochelle, N. Y., contains 
the name of Guis Jolin. Guy Jaulin, natif de Vaux, paroisse 
de Saint Palais en Saintonge, was one of the refugees in 
Bristol, England, in the latter part of the eighteenth cen- 

2 " Elie Badeau, natif de S* Georges en Saintonge, fils de 
Pierre Badeau et de Marie Triau," was married in Bristol, 
England, August 30. 1696, to Claude, daughter of Daniel 
Fume, and widow of Francois Blondeau. — (Records of the 
French Church, Bristol.) Elie, son of Elie Badeau and 
Claude Fume, born October 29, 1698, was baptized in the 
French Church, New York. The family took root in New 
Rochelle, N. Y., and the name is still extant in Westchester 
county, N. Y., and elsewhere. 

3 Daniel, son of Jean Coudret and Marie Guiton, of Saint 
Georges en Saintonge, was presented for baptism in the 
French Church, New York, June 7, 1691. 

" Andre Lamoureux, maitre de navire, cy-devant de- 
meurant a Meche en Xaintonge, ou il etoit Pillotte ; et Su- 
zanne Latour sa femme," presented their son Daniel for 
baptism in the French Church, Bristol, England, January 

7, 1693. An older son, Jacques, had died in March, 1689. 
Andre and his family were in New York as early as May 15, 
1700, and his descendants resided in that city and in New 




chap. vi. Jean, sea-captain; 1 of Gilles Lieure ; 2 of Daniel 
1681- F um e> 3 anc ^ °f Jeanne Couturier, wife of Daniel 
Bonnet. 4 

Within a short distance of the same coast, 
there are several villages from which other 
refugees came to America. Saujon, the largest 
of these, with nearly three thousand inhabitants, 
was the home of Elie Chardavoine, whose de- 
scendants are still to be found in New York and 
in Alabama. 5 Three miles southwest of Saujon, 
is the village of Medis, where Jean Boudin, or 
Bodin, one of the French settlers of Staten 

1 Jacques Many, de Meschers en Saintonge, was a mem- 
ber of the French Church, New York, November 9, 1692. 
He married Anne, daughter of Francois Vincent. Jean, 
brother of Jacques, known as Captain Many, married 
Jeanne, eldest daughter of Jean Machet. 

' " Les Lievres, fugitifsde Meschers." — fArch. Nat.) Pierre 
Lieure, sargettier, of Meche en Xtonge, was married in the 
French Church, Bristol, England, May 20, 1688. Gilles 
Lieure signed at the marriage of Jean Le Lieure, marinier, 
de Saintonge, in the Crispin Street French Church, Spital- 
fields, London, January 26, 1704. Gille Lieure was an in- 
habitant of New Rochelle in 1743. 

:< " 1 )avid Fume, tisserand, demeurant cydevant a Meche en 
Xaintonge," was a member of the French Church in Bristol, 
England, as early as 1688. He came to New York, prob- 
bably with his daughter Jeanne, who had married Isaac 
Quintard, and was assisted by the French Church in New 
York, September 13, 1698. 

1 " Jeanne Couturier, natifuede Meche en Xaintonge," was 
in Bristol, England, with her husband, in 1693. She was a 
member of the French Church in New York in 17 17. 

'" Elie Chardavoinne, de Saujon en Saintonge, was 
married in the French Church, New York, August 24, 1692, 
to Anne Valos, probably a sister of Etienne and Esaie 



Island, was born. 1 The little hamlet of Musson, 2 
within the parish of Medis, was the residence I 6g I _ 
of Daniel Gaillard, a Huguenot emigrant to 
New York. 3 From Arces, six miles west of 
Meschers, came Jean Pelletreau and his two 
nephews Elie and Jean, who fled to America 
soon after the Revocation, and established them- 
selves in business as ship-chandlers in the city of 
New York. 4 Three families that settled in New 

1 " Doudin, fugitif de Medit, Election de Saintes." — (Arch. 
Nat.) John Boudin and Esther his wife were naturalized 
in London, October 14, 1681, together with Francois Bridon, 
whose daughter he had married on reaching London. He 
had been married before, and had children " by his first 
wife."— (Wills, N. Y., VII., 312.) He settled on Staten 
Island, N. Y., and died as early as March, 1695. — (Wills, 
N. Y., V., 101.) His wife, Hester Bodine, daughter of 
Francis Bridon (Wills, N. Y., VI., 88 ; VII., 147), survived 
him. He left a son, Jean Bodin, and a daughter, Marianne, 
who married Jean Abelin. — (Records of the French Church, 
New York ) The will of Jean Bodien, dated January 3, 
1707, mentions his brothers Eliazor and Francis, and his 
sisters Esther and Mary. — (N. Y. Colonial MSS., Land 
Papers, IV., 84.) 

2 The village of Musson is not on the maps. I find it 
mentioned in the records of the French Church of Bristol, 
as in the " paroisse de Medy." 

3 Daniel Gaillard, sargettier, of Musson en Saintonge, and 
Elizabeth Labe his wife, presented their daughter Susanne 
for baptism in the French Church, Bristol, England, August 
29, 1692. Daniel and Elizabeth Gaillard were members of 
the French Church in New York as early as the year 1702. 

John Pelletreau, born at Arse in Saintonge, Magdalen 
[Vincent] his wife, born at St. Martins, and Elie Pelletreau 
[his nephew] born at Arse in Saintonge," were naturalized in 
New York, September 27, 1687. Elie was the son of Paul 
Pelletreau, deceased, and Esther Gouin his wife, both of 
Arces. Jean, another son of Paul, came also to New York, 
where the descendants of the two brothers have been 



Chap. vi. Rochelle, Westchester County, New York — the 
16S1- Forestiers, Reynauds and Suires — are believed 
to have originated in the same vicinity. Charles, 
Jean and Theophile Forestier, were from Cozes, 
a village of two thousand inhabitants. 1 Daniel 
Raynaud 2 was a native of Chenac, and Jean 
Suire, 3 of Saint Seurin de Mortagne, two neigh- 
boring villages on the bank of the Gironde, where 
the doctrines of the Reformation had early been 
welcomed, and flourishing' churches had long 
existed. The " temple " of Saint Seurin was de- 
molished four years before the Revocation of 
the Edict of Nantes : and that of Mortagne soon 
after shared the same fate. But the Protestants 
of these places continued long to hold their 
meetings in secret, gathering sometimes in the 
woods, or in remote and isolated dwellings, but 
oftener along the shore, in crevices and caverns 

1 " Les Forrestiers. fugitifs de Coses." — (Arch. Nat.) " For- 
retier " is mentioned in the list of the settlers in Narragan- 
sett. Theophile Forestier. aged fifty-six, Charles, aged 
fifty-four, and Jean, were inhabitants of New Rochelle in 
169S ; and the family continued to be represented there. 

"Daniel Rayneau's family Bible, preserved in New 
Rochelle, contains this entry : " Memoire <lu jour que nous 
avons parti de Bristol : ce fut le six 11 "' d' avril 1693." The 
records of the French Church in Bristol, England, have the 
name of Abraham Regnaud, " marinier, demeurant cydevant 
a Chinat [Chenac] proche Saint Surin de Mortagne en 
S.iintonge." Daniel Rano [Renaud], aged fifty- five years, and 
Judith his wife, aged forty-five, were inhabitants of New 
Rochelle, New York, in 1698. Their descendants are 
numerous in Westchester County. 

3 Suzanne Suyre. wife of Andre Denis, one of the refugees 
in Bristol, England, was a native of Saint Seurin de Mor- 
tagne. John Suire, naturalized in 1701, died in New York 
before 1712. I lis widow and her son Cesar Suire were in- 
habitants of New Rochelle. . 



hollowed out among the rocks by the sea, where Chap. vi. 
the sound of their voices in psalm and prayer ^Si- 
was less likely to be heard by their persecutors, 
above the clamor of the winds and the waves. 1 

Leaving the sea-coast of Saintonge, we find, 
in several of the inland towns and villages of 
this populous province, the localities from which 
other Huguenot households were driven by per- 
secution to our American shores. In Saint Jean 
d' Angely, formerly one of the most important 
strongholds of the Protestants of France, the 
"temple" of the Reformed conoreoation was st. Jean 

d' Angely. 

closed in the year 1683. Jean Tartarien, 2 after- 
wards an Elder of the French Church in Boston, 
came from this place : and three of the Hugue- 
not families that sought refuse in South Caro- 
lina — the families of Daniel Durouzeaux, 3 Elie 
Bisset, 4 and Jean Thomas 5 — were likewise from 

1 Histoire des Eglises reformees de Pons, Gemozac et 
Mortagne, en Saintonge, par A. Crottet. Pp. 200-203. 

2 " Jean Tartarin, marchand, de St. Jean d' Angely," mar- 
ried Suzanne Jaille, in the Temple de Soho, London, De- 
cember 2i, 1690. Pie was the son of feu Jean Tartarin and 
Jeanne Collardeau. 

John Tartarien, naturalized July 3, 1701, was an Elder of 
the French Church in Boston in 1704. 

Daniel Durouzeaux ne a St. Jean d' Angely en Saint- 
onge, fils de Daniel Durouzeaux et Marie Souchard ; Eliza- 
beth Foucheraud, sa femme ; Daniel, Pierre, leurs enfans, 
nez en Caroline." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez 
en Caroline, etc.) 

Elie Bisset, ne a St. Jean d' Angely, fils d' Abraham 
Bisset et de Marie Bitheur ; Jeanne Poinset, sa femme ; 
Anne, Catherine, filles, nees en Caroline." — (Liste, etc.) 

" Jean Thomas, ne a. St. Jean d' Angely en Saintonge, fils 
de Jean Thomas et d' Anne Dupon." — (Liste, etc.) 


chap. vi. Saint Jean d' Angely. Jean Faget, 1 one of the 


"chefs de famille" of the French Church in New 
York, was a native of Mirambeau. Chalais 
was the birth-place of Jacques Nicholas, dit 
Petit Bois, 2 one of the French refugees in 
South Carolina. Just beyond the eastern 
boundary of Saintonge, in the neighboring prov- 
ince of Angoumois, was Barbezieux, the home 
of Paul Droiihet, one of the most prominent 
and estimable members of the French colony in 
the city of New York. 3 
Pons. The town of Pons, in Saintonge, was among 

the first to admit the preaching of the Reformed 
doctrines, near the middle of the sixteenth cen- 

1 " Jean Faget, ouvrier en laine, demeurant cy-devant a 
Mirambeau en Xaintonge, fils de Jean Faget du dit lieu," 
was married, November 5, 1691, in the French Church, Bristol, 
England, to Marie Chrestien, of Normandy. Jean Faget, 
victualer, was made a freeman of the city of New York, 
May 26, 1699. He was married to a second wife, Made- 
leine David, in the French Church, New York, June 29, 
1701. He was one of the " chefs de famille " of that Church 
in 1704. 

" Jacques Nicholas, petit Bois, ne a Chalais en Xaintonge, 
fils de Daniel Nicholas et de Leonore Gast." — (Liste des 
Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.) 

Paul Drouhet, ancien de 1' eglise de Barbezieux, 
1682." — (Bulletin de la soc. de 1' hist, du prot. franc. 
VII., p. 219.) The slight variation in the name does 
not make it doubtful that this may have been the Paul 
Droiihet who was for many years an "ancien" of the 
French Church in New York. Ten children of Paul Droii- 
het and Susanne de la Vabre his wife were baptized in that 
Church, between the years 1689 and 17 10. He died in 1712 
or 17 13, leaving a widow and four daughters, who were as- 
sisted by the French Church for many years. There is 
abundant testimony to the esteem and affection in which 
I >n>ilhet was held by his fellow-refugees, and by the English 
also, in New York. 


tury. It was held by the Huguenots during the chap. vi. 
civil wars, and secured to them by the Edict of 1 ^g I - 
Nantes, as one of their fortified places. Through- 
out the first half of the seventeenth century, 
" the best families of the ' noblesse ' of Saint- 
onge attended the ' temple' at Pons." 1 On the 
eve of the revocation of that Edict, Pons still 
contained a considerable number of Protestants. 
Elie Prioleau was their pastor, and he remained 
with his flock through all their tribulations, un- 
til, on the fifteenth day of April, 1686, their 
"temple" was leveled with the ground. While 
the work of destruction was in progress, Prio- Elie 
.leau preached to his weeping congregation, from Priolea11, 
the words, "He that findeth his life shall lose it : 
and he that loseth his life for My sake shall find 
it." 2 Under the cruelties inflicted upon them, 
many yielded, and signed an abjuration which 
their persecutors as well as they knew to be only 
feigned. Some of these, with others who stood 
firm in their profession, embraced the earliest op- 
portunity to escape from France. Prioleau him- 
self, and several of his people, reached America. 
He was the first pastor of the Huguenot Church 
of Charleston, South Carolina. 3 Matthieu Coli- 

1 Bulletin de la soc. de 1' hist, du prot. franc., vol. XI., 
p. 316. 

2 Histoire des eglises reformees de Pons, Gemozac et 
Mortagne, en Saintonge, par A. Crottet. P. 139. 

3 " Elias Prioleau, fils de Samuel Prioleau et de Jeanne 
Merlat, ne a [blank] en Xaintonge en France." — (Liste des 
Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.) His grand- 
father was Elisee Prioleau, sieur de la Viennerie, pasteur de 
Jonzac et de Niort. — (Histoire des protestants et des eglises 



chap. vi. neau, an advocate and a judge in the town of 
1681- P ons > an d a deacon of the Reformed Church in 
that place, settled in New York, and was made 
freeman of the city in 1694. 1 Jean Sarrasin, 
sieur de Frignac, another deacon of Prioleau's 
congregation, followed him to Charleston. 2 

reformees du Poitou, par Auguste Lievre. Tome III., p. 
306.) His father, Samuel Prioleau, was pastor of Jonzac in 
1637, of Niort in 1642, and of Pons in 1650, having already 
been for some years the colleague of Jean Constans, the 
preceding pastor. — (Crottet, Hist, des eglises de Pons, etc., 
p. 121.) Samuel died February 16. 1683, and was succeeded 
May 10, 1683, (Ibid., 130,) by his son Elie, who had pursued 
the study of theology in the Academy of Geneva. — (Livre 
du Recteur, p. 161.) Elie Prioleau married Jeanne Bur- 
geaud, a native of the Isle of Re, and had two children 
while in France : Jeanne, born at St. Jeand' Angely, (Liste, 
etc.) and Elias, named in the act of naturalization, but who 
probably died before his .coming to America. He took 
refuge in England, where he was naturalized, April 15, 1687. 
It was probably in the course of that year that he came to 
Charleston, South Carolina, and founded the French Church 
in that city, perhaps in conjunction with Laurent Philippe 
Trouillard, his colleague in the pastorate. Elie Prioleau 
died in the year 1699. " He has left behind him numerous 
descendants in South Carolina, who cherish his memory and 
emulate his virtues." — (History of the Presbyterian Church 
in South Carolina. By George Howe, D.D. Pp. no, 111.) 

" Matthieu Colineau, avocat en la cour et juge ordinaire 
de Pons, diacre de 1' eglise de Pons, 1678 ; chef de famille, 
1682." — (Crottet, Hist, des eglises de Pons, etc., pp. 124, 
128.) He married Jeanne Carre. — (La France protestante, 
IV., 522.) Matthew Collineau, naturalized in England, 
October 10, 1688, petitioned, July 1, 1694, as "a French 
Protestant," for letters of denization in New York, which 
were granted him July 12 ; and was made freeman of the 
city of New York, June 14, 1698. No further mention of 
him has been found; possibly he went to South Carolina, 
where Peter Coloneau was living in 1730. 

" Jean Sarrazin, sieur de Frignac, diacre de 1' eglise de 
Pons, 1678 ; chef de famille, 1682.— (Crottet. Hist, des 
eglises de Pons, etc., pp. 124, 228.) John Sarazin was nat- 


The flight of these refugees from the sea- chap. vi. 
board provinces of France, could the story be r ^- 
told in detail, would fill volumes : and instead of 
a tedious enumeration of the names of persons 
and places, we should have a narrative of hair- 
breadth escapes and adventures of the most 
thrilling interest. Such accounts were doubt- 
less preserved for several generations in all the 
Huguenot families that came to America. In Family 
most cases, they have reached us only in re- tradltions - 
duced and often distorted outlines. A striking 
exception to this rule is presented by the 
memoirs of Fontaine, of whom mention has 
already been made : and his account of suffer- 
ing and peril may serve as an illustration of the 
general experience. 

Jacques Fontaine, a son of the former pastor 
•of Royan, was living in his own house in the 
neighborhood of that town, when the year of 
the Revocation opened. He himself was pre- 
paring for the ministry, and had been active, in 
spite of repeated arrest and imprisonment, in 
strengthening the faith of his fellow-religionists 
by his exhortations and prayers. At length, 
word came that the dragoons, who had been 
ravaging the homes of Protestants in other 

uralized in England, March 20, 1686. Moreau Sarrazin, 
1730, and Jonathan Sarrazin, 1772, were in South Carolina. 
It lias been stated that Prioleau brought with him from 
Pons a considerable part of his congregation to Charleston. 
I find little to confirm this statement. None of the French 
Protestants whose names are given in the " Liste " above 
quoted, are represented as having come from Pons ; and 
Colineau and Sarrazin are the only refugees in America who 
appear to have belonged to Prioleau's flock. 


chap. vi. parts of the province, were coming to Royan. 
l6 g_ Fontaine strongly advised his friends and neigh- 
bors to escape. Great numbers embarked from 
the little harbor. Others fled to the woods, upon 
hearing of the arrival of the soldiers. Fontaine 
left the home of his childhood at midnight. He 
was well mounted, and accompanied by a servant. 
For several weeks, he employed himself in travel- 
ing through the province, visiting his relatives 
and other Protestant families, encouraging those 

Fontaine's w j 1Q continued steadfast, and striving to reclaim 

flight. & 

those who had fallen, and persuade them to 
recall the abjurations they had made under 
the threats and tortures of the dragoons. While 
thus occupied, Fontaine learned the news of the 
actual revocation of the Edict of Nantes. Noth- 
ing was now left for those faithful to their Prot- 
estant belief, save flight from the kingdom. " I. 
went to Marennes," he writes, " to make prepa- 
rations in good earnest, and I was so fortunate 
as to find an English captain of a vessel, with 
whom I was able to make a bargain. He agreed 
to take me, and four or five persons with me, to 
England, at the rate of ten pistoles each ; and it 
was arranged that we should assemble at La 
Tremblade for embarkation." The party con- 
sisted of Fontaine, his niece, his betrothed and 
her sister. After several days of painful sus- 
pense, they received word from the English 
captain that he would sail the following day, 
and would send a boat for them, at a spot on 
the coast which he indicated. His intentions, 
however, were suspected by the authorities : 


the vessel was detained at the custom-house; chap. vi. 
and Fontaine and his friends, with more than r 6g^ 
fifty others who hoped to make their escape by 
the same ship, and who had not been sufficiently 
cautious in keeping their purpose secret, waited 
all day in vain upon the sands near the forest of 
Arvert. The disheartened fugitives went back 
to La Tremblade, where they succeeded in con- 
cealing themselves for a number of days in the 
huts of the fishermen. " At last," says Fontaine, 
" the captain came to tell me that he feared he 
would not be able to take us on board. How- 
ever, he said, he meant to go to sea the next 
day, and would pass between the islands of Re 
and Oleron ; and if we were disposed to run the 
risk of going out thither in small boats, he 
might take us on board, after he had gotten rid 
of all visitors, custom-house officers and others. 
That very evening we embarked in a little shal- 
lop, as soon as it was dusk." The party had 
been joined by two young men from Bordeaux, 
and six young women from Marennes, making 
twelve in all. " Under cover of the night, we 
passed, without being observed, all the pinnaces 
that were keeping guard, as well as the fort of 
Oleron. At ten o'clock, the next morning, we 
dropped anchor to wait for the ship. We had 
agreed with the English captain that when we 
saw him, we would make ourselves known by 
hoisting; a sail, and letting- it fall three times. 
About three o'clock in the afternoon we first 
espied the vessel, but she had the officials and 
the pilot still on board. We watched her move- 


chap. vi. merits with intense anxiety, and saw her cast 


anchor when she reached the extreme point of 
the Isle of Oleron. Then she put out her visit- 
ors and pilot, got under way, and sailed toward 
us. It was a joyful sight : we felt confident 
that we had surmounted every difficulty, and 
expected in a very few minutes to be under full 
sail for England. Our joy was of brief dura- 
tion, for at that moment one of the King's 
frigates hove in sight, and gradually approached 
us. She was one of the vessels constantly em- 
ployed on the coast to prevent Protestants from 
leaving the kinoxlom ; seizing all that were 
found, to be sent, the men to the galleys, 
the women to convents. The frigate cast 
anchor, signaled the English vessel to do the 
same, boarded her, and searched her through- 
out. This done, the captain was ordered to sail 
forthwith. The wind was favorable, so that he 
could offer no excuse, and we had the misery of 
seeing him leave us behind." Happily, the 
boatman in charge of the fugitives was able at 
this moment to attract the attention of the En- 
glish vessel by means of the signal agreed upon, 
without exciting the suspicions of the officers in 
command of the frigate. Fontaine and his 
friends lay concealed in the bottom of the boat 
under an old sail, until twilight came on, when 
they succeeded in reaching the ship, and in due 
time were landed safely on the coast of En- 


1 Memoirs of a Huguenot family : translated and com- 
piled from the original autobiography of the Rev. James 
Fontaine, by Ann Maury. New York : 1853. 





The province of Poitou sent many excellent 
Huguenot families to America. From Chatel- 
lerault, an important town, which lost by the 
flight of the Protestant inhabitants more than a 
tenth part of its population, and that of the 
best and thriftiest,- 1 came Pierre Berthon de 
Marigny, and Marguerite, his wife, Marie Fleu- 
riau, widow, with her son Pierre and daughter 
Marquise, and her son-in-law Louis Carre ; Ami 
Canche, and Louise, his wife ; and Charles icrauit. 
Fromaget. Pierre Berthon or Berton, took the 
lead of the Narragansett colony, in Rhode 
Island. Louis Carre came to New York, and 
became prominent as a merchant, and as a mem- 
ber of the French Church in that city. 2 Ami 
Canche was one of the settlers of New Paltz, 
Ulster county, New York. 3 Charles Fromaget 

1 Lievre, Histoire des protestants et des eglises reformees 
du Poitou, II., 225. 

a The family was a numerous one, and several of its mem- 
bers went forth into exile at the period of the Revocation. 
Louis is thought to have been a descendant of the eminent 
Jean Carre, pastor for nearly fifty years (1618 to 1665 and 
after) of the Protestant Church in his native town, Chatel- 
lerault. Louis and his wife, Pregeante Fleuriau, reached 
the city of New York in June, 16S8. — (Certificate of their 
naturalization, dated London, April 5, 1688, and entered in 
the records of the Common Council, New York, June 14 
in the same year.) They had been preceded by Pregeante's 
brothers, Pierre and Daniel Fleuriau, who obtained letters 
of denization in New York, July 29, 1686. Carre soon be- 
came one of the principal merchants of the city, and his 
children married into several influential families. He was 
an"ancien" of the French Church in i7i3andin 1724. 
He died May 29, 1744, aged eighty-five years. Plis widow, 
whose name Pregeante had become transmuted to Bridget, 
died June 13, 1750, aged ninety-one years. 

3 Ami Canche and Louise, his wife, " born at Chastelereau 


chap. vi. went to South Carolina. 1 Thus widely were the 
T5g^_ fugitive subjects of Louis XIV. dispersed, over 
a territory that was to be the domain of 


religious freedom and intelligence. 

Six miles from Chatellerault, the village of 
Sossais was the birthplace of Jacques Benoit, 
who came to South Carolina with his wife, Sarah 
Monnie, and their son Jean. 2 
Loudun. At Loudun, the Protestants were numerous : 
but on the single night of October 30, 1686, 
two companies of a regiment of dragoons suc- 
ceeded in compelling fifteen hundred Hugue- 
nots to recant. There, as elsewhere, numbers 
had fled before the approach of these " mission- 
aries" of Rome; stealing away under cover of 
darkness from their homes, with the few ef- 
fects they were able to carry. 3 Of those who 
reached America w r ere Daniel Huger, and 
Marguerite Perdriau, his wife ; 4 Jacob Bailler- 

in Poictou," were naturalized in New York, September 27, 
1607, with their daughter Marianne, "born at St. Christo- 
pher's." Marianne became the wife of Abraham Jouneau, 
of New York. 

1 "Charles Fromaget, ne a Chastelerault, fils de Charles 
Fromaget et de Marie le Nain." — (Liste des Francois et 
Suisses refugiez en Caroline.) 

2 "Jacques Benoit, fils de Jacques Benoit et de Gabrielle 
Mercier, ne a Sussay en Poitou. Sarah Mounie, femme du 
dit Jacques. Jean, son fils ne en France. Jacques et Pierre 
nez en Caroline." — (Liste, etc.) 

J Lievre, Mistoire des protestants du Poitou, II., 153, 166. 
Like others to whom reference has been made (volume 
I., page 303,) linger first sought refuge at La Rochclle and 
on the Isle de R6, from persecution in his province of 
Poitou. The official record of fugitives from Aunis men- 
tions him as "Daniel Huger, marchand, sa femme et deux 
enfans ; sortis de V isle de Rd, en 16S2." — (Arch. Nat.) The 



geau, 1 Jacob Ammonet, 2 Nicolas Malherbe, 3 
Zacharie Angevin, 4 emigrants to South Caro- 
lina, Virginia, New York. 

Poitiers, the principal town of the province, 
had for its Protestant pastor, at the time of the 
Revocation, the learned Jacques Gousset, who 
took refuge in Holland, where he was called to 
a chair of theology in the University of Gro- 
ningen. Gousset was accompanied by Isaac 
Bertrand du Tuffeau, 5 a relative of his wife, who 

statement is corroborated by the " Liste des Francois et 
Suisses refugiez en Caroline," which mentions a daughter 
born at La Rochelle. — (" Daniel Huger, ne a Loudun, fils de 
Jean Huger, et Anne Rassin. Marguerite Perdriau, sa 
femme. Marguerite, leur fille, nee a Rochelle. Daniel et 
Madeleine, leurs enfans, nez en Caroline.") 

1 Jacob, son of Jacob Baillergeau, by Marguerite his wife, 
born at Loudun in Touraine, petitioned for denization in 
the province of New York, 1701. Doctor Jacob Baillergeau 
was licensed to practice physic and surgery in New York 
and New Jersey, April 11, 1704. He had been a member of 
the French Church in Threadneedle street, London, in 1688. 

2 " Jacob, Pierre et Matthieu Ammonet, chefs de famille a 
Loudun, 1634." — (La France Protestante, s. v.). — Jacob Am- 
monet was one of the settlers of Manakintown, Virginia. 

3 Nicholas Malherbe was a member of the French Church, 
New York, in 1697, and an inhabitant of that city in 
1702-3. His daughter Marie married Isaac Guion, August 
25, 1 7 10. Several refugees of this name fled from Loudun. 
—(Lievre, III., 295, 355.) 

4 Zacharie Angevin was married in the French Church, 
New York, March 5, 1690, to Marie, daughter of Andre 
Naudin. In 1701 he bought lands in New Rochelle, N. Y., 
where he spent the rest of his days, and where his descend- 
ants long continued to live. Isaac Angevin, de Loudun, 
fils de feu Andre Angevin, was married in the French 
Church, Threadneedle street, London, October 28, 1682. 
See also La France Protestante, s. v. 

5 Lievre, Histoire des protestants et des eglises reformees 
du Poitou, tome III., p. 312. 



chap. vi. became associated with Gabriel Bernon in the 
1681- Huguenot settlement of New Oxford, Massachu- 
setts. From the same place came Pierre Girrard, 1 
one of the refugees in South Carolina, and Aman 
and Gousse Bonnin, 2 of New York. 
Home The sea-port town of La Chaume, inhabited 

Marions, chiefly by hardy sailors, whom the dragoons 
found it difficult to convert, was the birthplace 
of Benjamin Marion, ancestor of Francis Marion, 
the brave general in the war for independence. 3 
Another refugee in Carolina, Gabriel Ribouteau, 4 

1 " Pierre Girrard, ne a. Poitiers, fils de Pierre Girrard et de 
Judith Fruschard." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez 
en Caroline, etc.) Elizabeth Damaris Girrard, Isaac Gir- 
rard and Marie Roubin his wife, — both of these names 
occur frequently among those of the Protestants of Poitou — 
were members of the French Church, New York, in 1694 
and after. 

4 Bonnin — "une des plus anciennes maisons du Poitou ; " 
some members of which were included in the list of the 
" nouveaux convertis " of Poitiers in 1682. Aman Bonnin 
was naturalized in England, January 5, 1688, and Gousse — 
who had undoubtedly received that uncommon appellation 
in honor of the Poitiers pastor, Jacques Gousset — obtained 
naturalization ten years later, September 9, 1698. The two 
had come to America in 1688. Aman settled in the city of 
New York, and was married in the French Church, September 
29, 1689, to Susanne, daughter of Esaie Valleau. Six children 
of Aman and Susanne were baptized in that Church. Gousse 
Bonnin and his wife Marie Pontin went to Pennsylvania, 
where their son Simon Pierre was born, January 16, 1689. 
(Baptized October 6, 1689, in the French Church, New 

a " Benjamin Marion, ne a la Chaume en Poitou, fils de 
Jean Marion et de Perinne Boutignon. Judith Baluet, sa 
femme. Ester, Gahrielle, et Benjamin, leurs enfans, nez en 
Caroline." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caro- 
line, etc.) 

"Gabriel Ribouteau, ne" a Lachaume, en Poitou, fils 
d'Estienne Ribouteau et de'Catharine Girardot." — (Liste, etc.) 



was a native of this place ; and a third, Jean 
Girardeau, 1 came from Talmont, a neighboring jggj. 
town, near the same coast. 

Further inland, were the villages of Mou- 
champs and Sigournais, the abodes of many 
Protestant families. Gilles Gaudineau, 2 a Hu- 
guenot physician who became active in the af- 
fairs of New York during Leisler's time, was a 
native of Sigournais; and his daughter Helene, 
who was married to Jacques Desbrosses, was 

1 " Jean Girardeau, ne a Tallemont en Poitou, fils de 
Pierre Girardeau et de Catharine Lareine." — (Liste, etc.) 

Gilles Gaudineau, named among the refugies du Poitou, 
(Lievre, III., 360,) was "born att Sigornay in low Poictou," 
but removed to " Mouchamps in low Poictou," where his 
daughters Susanne and Helene were born. — (Act of Natur- 
alization.) He and his daughters obtained letters of deni- 
zation in New York, August 26, 1686, and were naturalized 
September 27, 1687. From the first, Gaudineau took an 
active part in the affairs of the province. He was made 
lieutenant of Captain Minvielle's company, October 8, 1686; 
accompanied Governor Dongan's expedition to defend 
Albany and protect the Five Nations against the French, in 
1687 ; and took sides in 1689 against Leisler, who put him 
in prison for refusing to surrender his commission as lieu- 
tenant. — (Documents relative to the Colonial History of 
New York, III., 716.) He was a physician. " Giles Gau- 
dineau, Chirurgeon," obtained the freedom of the city, May 
27, 1702. He was an " ancien " of the French Church, 
New York, in 1702, and a vestryman of Trinity Church, 
New York, in 1708. His daughter Susanne returned to 
Europe. (Perhaps the Susanne Godineau who was buried 
in London, October 10, 1692.) Helene remained in New 
York, and was married in the French Church, October 18, 
1703, to Jacques Desbrosses. Gilles died after May 20, 
1709, and before November 24, 17 15, when his will, dated 
August 24, 1694, was admitted to probate. — (Wills, N. Y., 
VIII., 374.) Jacques Godineau, also of Poitou, and "chi- 
rurgien," aged fifty-eight years, received assistance from the 
Royal Bounty in London, in 1705. 



Chap. vi. born in the neighboring" town of Mouchamps. 
1681- Desbrosses himself came probably from the same 
neighborhood. 1 

In the southern part of central Poitou, there 
is a cluster of towns and villages, east and 
north of the town of Niort, where many of our 
Huguenot families, transplanted to America, 
had their orioqn. Most of these localities are now 
so insignificant, as to find no place upon ordi- 
nary maps. But none of them were too obscure 
of to be visited by the troops of Louis XIV., under 

villages!* the direction of the infamous Marillac, in the 
course of the spring and summer of the year 
1 68 1 : and it is probable that this little district 
witnessed, at that period, as much of concentrated 
cruelty and misery, as did any other part of 
France. The soldiers did not leave one parish 
to go to another, so long as a single Protestant 
remained, to be either converted or ruined. 
Houses were pillaged, women were insulted and 
tortured, men were beaten : and when driven or 

1 See above. The name of Ragnou des Brasses occurs in 
the same list of refugies de Poitou with that of Gaudineau. 
Jacques first appears in New York in 1701. Six children of 
Jacques Desbrosses and Helene Gaudineau were baptized in 
the French Church, 1705-17 18. The eldest, Jacques, be 
came an " ancien " of that church. The youngest, Elie, 
born April 22, 17 18, was one of the vestrymen of Trinity 
Church, New York, 1759-1770, and one of the wardens, 
1770-1778. In his will he " left a legacy to the corpora- 
tion of Trinity Church in trust for the use and benefit of 
such French clergyman who shall perform divine service in 
the French language in " that "city, according to the liturgy 
of the Church of England as bylaw established." — (Records 
of the French Church, New York.) One of the streets of 
New York is named after this family. 



dragged to the churches, those who could be chap. vi. 
persuaded to kneel before the priest, or place 77 
their hands upon the Gospel, were reported as 
converts. Multitudes of the wretched villagers 
might be seen flying from their homes, toward 
La Rochelle, or some other place of fancied 
security ; or gathered in groups along the coast, 
waiting for some means of escape by sea. 

It is easy to conceive that the bewilderment and 
consternation produced by the visits of the sol- 
diery, may have resulted sometimes in insanity. 
Jean Migault relates that in his wanderings he 
frequently met a woman, with an infant in her 
arms, and two little children at her side, hasten- 
ing, crazed by fear, across the fields, under the 
impression that she was pursued by the dra- 

Niort, long one of the fortified towns of 
the Huguenots, was the home of many of 
the fugitives. Of those who reached Amer- 
ica, we have the names of Marie Tebaux, 1 
Andre Foucault, 2 David Pougnin, 3 Rene Gil- 

1 Marie Tebaux, " native de Niord." was married, No- 
vember 8, 169 r, in the French Church, New York, to Daniel 

2 Andre Foucault, witness to the above marriage, was 
authorized by the governor, September 13, 1703, to teach 
an English and French school in the city of New York. He 
was one of the " chefs de famille " of the French Church in 
1704, and is repeatedly mentioned, down to the year 1720. 
The name is that of a refugee family of Poitou, noted for 
their sufferings on account of their religion. — (Lievre, III., 

3 Another witness to the marriage of Marie Tebaux ; un- 
doubtedly of the same family with the refugie Pougnant, de 
Niort et environs. — (Lievre, III., 357.) 



chap. vi. bert, 1 Jean Coulon, 2 Daniel Champenois, 3 Pierre 
16S1- Reverdy, 4 and Samuel and Moise, sons of Jean 
Morin, 5 or Morine. 

Twelve miles to the south-east of Niort, lies 
the village of Thoriome. It was the home of 
Daniel Bonnet, afterwards one of the settlers of 

1 Rene Gilbert, " natif de la ville de Niort," died in New 
York, January 16, 1690. — (Records of the French Church.) 

2 |ean Coulon, " de la ville de Nyort en Poitou," was 
married in the French Church, New York, April 27, 1692, 
to Marie du Tay. Four children were baptized in that 

3 Several of this name were persecuted, among them, 
Jacques Champenois, " le plus riche negociant de Niort." 
''Mr. Champenois" was in New Rochelle in 1716. Daniel, 
and his wife Marguerite, were members of the French 
Church, New York, in 1725. 

4 Peter Reverdy and his son Benoni were naturalized in 
England, July 2, 1684. Peter came to New York from 
London, with pasteur Peiret, on the ship Robert, in No- 
vember, 1687. He is mentioned in " New England Justi- 
fied," p. 41, (republished in Force's Historical Tracts, IV.,) 
as the author of certain Memoirs concerning Sir P>dmund 
Andros. — (Documents relative to the Colonial History of 
the State of New York, III., 651.) He was chosen coroner 
of Newcastle, Delaware, May 3, 1693. — (Colonial Records, 
I., 330.) Reverdy was a Niort name. Catharine, de Niort, 
received aid from the Royal Bounty in London, 1705. 

' Jean Morin, sargettier, demeurant cy-devant a Niort en 
Poittou," and his second wife Elizabeth Viconte, of Meschers 
en Xaintonge, had five children baptized in the French 
Church, Bristol, England, 1687-1694 ; among them Samuel, 
horn January 19, 1691, and Moise, born January 12, 1692. 
Jean died in Bristol, February 5, 1699, aged forty-four 
years. Samuel and Moise came to New York. The former 
married Marie, daughter of Isaac Quintard ; the latter mar- 
ried Marianne Bricou. Samuel Morine and Isaac Quintard 
were among the signers of a petition addressed to the gov- 
ernment of Connecticut in May. 1738, for exemption from 
taxation for the support of the Congregational order. — 
(History of Stamford, Conn., by Rev. E. B. Huntington, p. 



New Rochelle, 1 and of Jacques Bergeron, who chap. vi. 

1 The traditionary account preserved in the Bonnet family 
concerning their ancestor's escape from France is, that 
Daniel and his wife attempted to reach the coast, — some 
forty-five or fifty miles distant, — with their two small chil- 
dren, concealed in the panniers of a donkey, and covered 
with fresh vegetables. The mother having enjoined upon 
the children to keep perfect silence, no matter what might 
occur, they had scarcely commenced their journey when 
they were overtaken by a trooper, who demanded to know 
what the panniers contained. The mother replied, Fresh 
vegetables for the market. As if doubting her words, the 
rough soldier rode up to the side of the donkey, and thrust 
his sword into the nearest pannier, exclaiming, as he rode by, 
Bon voyage, mes amis ! The agony of the parents may be 
conceived, until the soldier was well out of sight, when the 
pannier was immediately opened, and the child was found to 
have been wounded, the sword having pierced through the 
calf of the leg. Fortunately, nothing more occurred to 
interrupt their journey to the coast. — (History of the County 
of Westchester, N. Y., by the late Rev. Robert Bolton. 
Revised Edition, Vol. I., pp. 595, 596.) The fugitives suc- 
ceeded in reaching Bristol, England. Daniel Bonnet, 
" ouvrier en laine, fils de Louis Bonnet de la paroisse de 
Torrigny en Poittou," and his wife Jeanne Coutturier, were 
members of the French Church in Bristol, England, from 
1690 to 1700 Their children, baptized in that Church, 
were : Pierre, born June 2, 1693 ; Daniel, born January 29, 
1695 ; and Marie, [who married Jean Soulice,] born May 9, 
1697. This Huguenot family removed to America in the 
winter of 1700, bringing the following certificate, which is 
preserved by the descendants : 

Civitas Bristol. These are to certify that the bearer here- 
of, Daniel Bonnett, weaver, (as we are very well assured by 
persons of credit and repute of the French refugees here,) 
is a French Protestant of good repute, and hath here lived 
ten years. But in hopes of better maintaining himself and 
family, is intending to settle himself, with his wife and four 
children, in some of his Majestie's plantations in America. 
In testimony whereof, we have hereto subscribed our names, 
and caused the seal of the mayoralty of this city to be here- 
to affixed this sixteenth day of November, one thousand and 
seven hundred. 

Thos. Cary, Clerk. William Daines, Mayor. 



chap. vi. came to New York. 1 The Protestant inhabitants 
1681- °f horione showed a firmness almost unexam- 


pled, under the sufferings inflicted by the dra- 
goons of Marillac. Scarcely a single feigned 
conversion was effected. The priest of the vil- 
lage was enraged at the obstinacy of the Hu- 
guenots. He called for a second visit of the 
troops, which proved equally fruitless. The 
soldiers found the houses empty ; the inmates 
had escaped to the neighboring forests. 

Benet, a town eight miles north-west of Niort, 
was the home of the Soulice family of New 
Rochelle, 2 and of the Ravard family of New 

1 "Jacques Bergeron, ouvrier en laine, demeurant cy- 
devant a Torigny, Poitou," and Judith Peletan, his wife, were 
members of the French Church in Bristol, England, 1707, 
1708. A son Pierre was born September 25, 1707 ; a 
daughter Judith, October 12, 170S. Jacques Bergeron and 
Judith Peletant had four children baptized in the French 
Church, New York : Jean, February 24, 1712 ; Anne, Jan- 
uary 17, 1714; Jean, March 27, 1715 ; and Elie, January 
27, 1717. 

! The name Soulice is of rare occurrence in France, and 
it does not appear at all in the British Patent Rolls, contain- 
ing the names of Protestant refugees naturalized in England. 
I find, however, in the records of the French Church, 
Threadneedle Street, London, mention of the marriage of 
"Jacques Soulice, natif de Benet en Poitou, fils de feu 
Jacques Soulice et feue Marie Ravard," to Marie Amail, 
"native de Roufigny en Poitou :" October 19, 16S7. The 
researches of M. Louis Soulice, bibliothecaire de Pan, into 
the history of his family, have established its descent from 
William Soullice, born in Ireland in 1520, who emigrated to 
France in 1540, and settled in Marans, in the province of 
Aunis. His son Jacques, bom in 1554, removed to Coulon, 
a village in Poitou, six miles west of Niort, where his 
descendants continued to reside until the period of the 
French revolution. Benet, the birthplace of Jacques Soulice, 


York. 1 Cherveux, a village about as far to the chap. vi. 
north-east, was the birth-place of Pierre Gail- ^gi- 
lard 2 and George Juin, 3 emigrants to South 
Carolina, and probably also of Jean Pinaud, of 
New York. 4 From Germon, a village north of 
Cherveux, came Philippe Normand, of South 

the refugee above mentioned, is a village in the immediate 
vicinity of Coulon, four miles to the north. 

The record of the Soulice family of New Rochelle, New 
York, states that John, their ancestor, was the son of John 
Soulice and Jane Curterrie [Couturier] his wife. He married 
Mary, daughter of Daniel Bonnet — see above, page 65. (It 
is evident that the record confounds the mother of John 
Soulice with the mother of Mary Bonnet.) 

John Soulice, probably a nephew of Jacques of Benet, was 
born in 1695, and died in New Rochelle, N. Y., August 28, 
1776. Mary Bonnet, his wifefborn May 9, 1697, died in 
New Rochelle, September n, 1778. The family is still 
represented in that place. 

1 Pierre Ravard was married to Jeanne du Gas (or Dugua) 
in the French Church, New York, January 7, 1702. The 
name was extant in 1737. 

2 "Pierre Gaillard, ne a. Cherneux [Cherveux] en Poitou, 
fils de Pierre Gaillard et de Jacquette Jolain. Elizabeth 
Leclair, sa femme. Cleremonde, leur fille, nee en Caroline. 
Elizabet et Marthe Melet, nees a la Nouvelle Yoorck, filles 
de Jean Melet et de la ditte Leclair." — (Liste des Francois 
et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.) 

3 " George Juing, ne a Cherneux [Cherveux] en Poitou, fils 
de Rene Juing et de Judith Pie. Suzanne Le Riche, sa 
femme, nee a Londre. Jean Juing, leur fils ne en Caroline." 
— (Liste, etc.) Several refugees of this name were in London 
in 1694. Jean Juin was one of the inhabitants of New 
Rochelle in 1709. " Juin " soon came to be "June." 

" Jeanne et Catharine Pinaud, fugitifs de Cherveux-et- 
francois." — (Arch. Nat.) Jean Pineaud, imprimeur, died in 
New York, December 22, 1688. "Inhume dans le cime- 
tiere public." — (Records of the French Church, New York.) 
Paul Pinaud and Elizabeth Audebert were married in that 
Church, May 5, 1700. Several others are mentioned. 


1 686. 


chap. vi. Carolina. 1 Daniel Seneschaud, 2 of South Caro- 
l68l _ lina, and Jean Moreau, 3 of New York, were 
natives of Saint Maixent. Lusignan was the 
home of Isaac Quintard, 4 the ancestor of a 
prominent Huguenot family of New York and 
Connecticut. The villages of Beaussais, Sepvret, 
Chenay, La Forge-Nocey, and Sainte Soline, had 
representatives among the emigrants to America. 
From Beaussais came Marie and Marianne 

1 " Philippe Normand, ne a Germain en Poitou, fils de 
Philippe Normand et de Jeanne Pineau. Elizabeth Juin, sa 
femme." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caro- 
line, etc.) 

2 " Daniel Seneschaud, fils de Jonas et Jeane Seneschaud, 
de St. Maixant en Poitou. Magdelaine sa femme, fille de 
Daniel Ardouin et de Marie Ardouin, de Gemoset en 
Xaintonge. Elizabeth Seneschaud, fille des susdits nez en 
Caroline." — (Liste, etc.) 

3 Jean Moreau, Jeanne Moreau, fugitifs de Saint Maixant. 
— (Arch. Nat.) John Moreau was one of the inhabitants of 
New Rochelle in 17 12. Jeanne Moreau was a member of 
the French Church, New York, in 17 14. 

4 The marriage of Isaac Quintard, "ouvrier en laine, 
demeurant cy dcvant proche a Luzignan en Poittou," 
and Jeanne Fume, was solemnized in the chapel of the Gaunt, 
Bristol, England, by M. Descairac, pasteur of the French 
Church, November 26, 1693. Their daughter Marie was bap- 
tized in the same chapel, January 13, 1695 ; and their son 
Isaac was baptized December 13, 1696. Quintard came to 
New York in 1697, or the following year. His second son, 
Abraham, was baptized in the French Church in that city, 
September 25, 1698, and his third son, Pierre, January 28, 
1700. He removed about the year 170S from New York to 
Stamford, Connecticut, where his descendants have continued 
to reside. The Right Reverend Charles T. Quintard, D.D., 
LL.D., Bishop of the diocese of Tennessee, Protestant Epis- 
copal Church, is a descendant of the Huguenot refugee in 
the fifth generation. 



Bricou ; x from Sepvret, Pierre Guerri ; 2 from Chap. vi. 
Chenay, Jacques Marseau and his mother, I 6g" I _ 
Francoise Mounart ; 3 from La Forge-Nocey, 
Auguste Memin; 4 and from Sainte Soline, 
Isaac Caillebceuf. 5 

Aulnay and La Villedieu, villages now in- 
cluded within the limits of the department of 
Charente-Inferieure, formerly belonged to the 
province of Poitou. Pierre and Abraham 
Michaud, fugitives from La Villedieu, joined 
the settlement on the banks of the Santee, in 
South Carolina. 6 

1 Pierre Bricou, of Beaussais en Poitou, was a member of 
the French Church, Bristol, and was connected by marriage 
with Isaac Quintard. In New York, Marie Bricou, wife of 
Pierre Durand, 1706, and Marianne Bricou, wife of Moise 
Morin, 17 17, were members of the French Church. 

" Pierre Guerri, fils de Jacques et d'Anne Guerri, de 
Seuvet et Poitou ; et Jeanne sa femme, fille de Louis et de 
Judith Broussard, du dit lieu. Enfans, Francois, ne a 
Dublin, Jean, Pierre, Jean Jacques, Jeanne Elizabeth, nez 
en Caroline." — (Liste de? Francois et Suisses refugiez en 
Caroline, etc.) 

" Francoise Mounart, nee a Chaine en Poitou, fille de 
Jacques Mounart et d'Anne Bonneau. Jacques Marseau, 
ne a Chaine en Poitou, fils de Gabriel Marseau et de 
Francoise Mounart." — (Liste, etc.) 

" Auguste Memin, ne a la Forge Nossey, en Poitou, fils de 
Jean Memin et de Marie Masiot." — (Liste, etc.) 

" Isaac Caillabeuf, ne a Ste. Soline, fils de Louis Cailla- 
beuf et de Marie Charuyer ; Rachel Fanton, sa femme ; 
Isaac, Etienne et Anne, leurs enfans, nez en Caroline." 
— (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.) 

" Pierre Michaud, fils de Jean Michaud et de Catherine 
Michaud de la Ville Dieu d'Onis, province de Poitou. 
Sara Michaud sa femme, fille de Jacques et Elizabeth Ber- 
tonneau, nee en Lisle de Re, cidevant femme de Elie 
Jodon. Abraham Michaud, frere de sus dit Pierre Michaud 
idem, et Ester Michaud sa femme, fille d'Elie Jodon, nee en 



Chap. vi. Severe as the persecution was, it failed to ex- 
1681- tirpate Protestantism in the villages of central 
Poitou, that formed this interesting cluster. 
More than half a century after the Revocation, 
a Protestant minister who secretly explored this 
region, for the purpose of discovering its religious 
condition, wrote : " I could not have believed 
that the Reformed were in such numbers as I 
have found in this province. Between Couhe 
and Niort — a tract of country ten leagues in 
length by four or five in width — not one-eighth 
of the population is Roman Catholic. The 
people are very firm." ' 

The province of Touraine, adjoining Poitou 
on the east, contained a large Protestant popu- 
lation. Tours, its principal town, was nearly 
ruined by the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. 
A number of the fugitive families found their 
way to America, and some of them, at least, 
were families of superior social position. Jean 
de Neufville, 2 a physician, became one of the 

l'isle de Re. Jeanne, Ester et Charlotte Michaud leurs 
en fans nez en Caroline. Daniel Jodon, fils de Elie Jodon 
et Sara Jodon, ne" en l'isle de Re." — (Liste, etc.) 

1 Bulletin de la soc. de 1'hist. du prot. franc., XL, p. 81. 

'"Johnde Neufville, born at Xaintonge" according to 
the act of his naturalization in New York, September 27, 
1687. His will, however, gives his birthplace as Tours " en 
Poitou." Instances of like inaccuracy in the designation of 
adjoining provinces are not unusual. He styles himself 
" Docteur en Medecine." His wife, Rachel le Vilain, was 
a native of the island of St. Christopher : " ma tres chere et 
honoree espouse," he calls her in his will, bequeathing to 
her all his property, as well in France as in America, " desir- 
ant " lui " laisser un temoignage asseure de la veritable et 
tendre affection que j' ay toujours eue pour elle, fondle sur 


original purchasers and first settlers of New chap, vi 
Rochelle, in the county of Westchester, New 1681- 
York. Pierre Chardon, a banker, was residing l6g6 
in Paris at the time of the Revocation. 1 He fled 
to England, and soon after, emigrated to Massa- 
chusetts, where he took a prominent place as a 
merchant of Boston, and as an Elder of the 
French Church in that city. Pierre Fauconnier 2 
came to New York, and rose to eminence in 
public life. In 1705 he was made collector of 
the port, and receiver general of taxes. South 

la vertue, sagesse, et prudence que je lui ai toujours re- 
marquee dans toute sa conduite, et la recognoissance que 
j' ay de tous les bons fidelles et affectionnes services qu'elle 
m' a rendus depuis que le Seigneur nous a mis ensemble." 
The deed of his land in New Rochelle, bought of Jacob 
Leisler, is dated May 1, 1690. The names and ages of his 
children are given in the New Rochelle census of 1698 thus : 
John, age 20 ; Prudence, 18 ; Mary 16 ; Jeanne, 14 ; James 
Peter, 12 ; Sebe [?], 8 ; Josias, 7 ; Rachel, 6, and Martha, 
3. " Mary Prudence " became the second wife of Aman 
Bonnin ; license of marriage dated December 28, 1705. 
Jean de Neufville was born about the year 1639. — (Census.) 
His will, dated May 3, 1712, was admitted to probate, De- 
cember 21, 1 7 16. He appears to have been one of the most 
intelligent and cultivated of the refugees in the province of 
New York. 

1 He was naturalized in England, April 15, 16S7, and 
soon after removed to Massachusetts. He is believed to 
have been a native of Tours. — (La France Protestante, 
deuxieme edition, vol. IV., p. 46.) 

2 Peter Fauconnier and Magdalene [Pasquereau] his wife, 
were naturalized in England, April 4, 1685, in company 
with Louis Pasquereau and Magdalene his wife, and their 
children Louis, Peter and Isaac. Madeleine, daughter of 
Pierre Fauconnier and Madeleine Pasquereau his wife, was 
baptized in the French Church, Threadneedle street, Lon- 
don, May 13, 1685. Pierre and Estienne, twins, were 
baptized in the same Church, June 24, 1686 ; and Estienne 
was baptized April 20, 1689. Peter and Magdalen Faucon- 


chap. vi. Carolina was enriched by the accession of sev- 
i ^ 8 "_ eral important families — Fleury de la Plaine, 1 
Royer, 2 Carron, 3 Pasquereau, 4 and Bacot. 5 


nier were in New York as early as December, 1702, when 
they petitioned, with others, for certain lands on Staten 
Island. Fauconnier stood high in favor with governors 
Bellomont and Cornbury, and was not only advanced to 
important offices under the colonial government, but also 
obtained large grants of land from them. His course was 
severely criticised by the opponents of these governors. 

1 " Abraham Fleury, de la Plaine, ne a Tours, fils de 
Charles Fleury, et de Madeleine Soupzmain ; Marianne 
Fleury, sa fille, veuve de Jacques Dugue, nee a Paris ; et 
Marianne Dugue, fille du defunct Jacques Dugue, et du dit 
Marianne Fleury, nee en Caroline. Isaac Fleury, ne a 
Tours, fils de Charles Fleury et de Madelaine Soubmain." 
— (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline.) 

2 " Noe Royer, 1' aine. ne a Tours, fils de Sebastien Royer 
et de Marie Rendon. Madeleine Saulnier, sa femme, 
native de Chatelleraulx, fille de Jacques Saunier et Judith 
Baudon. Pierre, Madeleine, et Marie, leurs enfans, nez a. 
Tours. Noe Royer le Jeune, ne a Tours, fils de Noe Royer, 
et de Madeleine Saulnier. Judith Giton, sa femme." — (Ibid.) 

3 " Claude Carron, ne a. Tours, fils de Michel Carron, et de 
Elizabeth Belong."— (Ibid.) 

4 " Louis Pasquereau, ne a Tours, fils de Louis Pasquereau 
et de Madeleine Chardon." It would seem that the elder 
Pasquereau died — possibly in London — leaving four sons ; 
and that his widow, Madeleine Chardon, married again, 
and came to South Carolina with her second husband 
Philippe Gendron and his brother Jean and daughter, 
Madeleine, and with Pierre, Isaac and Charles Pasquereau, 
younger sons of her former husband. Pierre and Isaac, 
like Louis, were born in Tours ; Charles was born in Lon- 
don. — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, 
etc.) Pierre Pasquereau, of Tours, aged seventy-two years, 
received assistance in Southampton, England, from the 
Royal Bounty, 1706, 1707. 

'' Pierre Bacot, r\6 a Tours, fils de Pierre Bacot et 
de Jeanne Moreau. Jacquine Mercier, sa femme, fille 
d'Abraham Mercier et Jacquine Selipeaux. Pierre et 
Daniel Bacot, leurs fils, nez en France, et Elizabeth, leur 
fille, nee en Caroline." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses Refu- 
giez en Caroline.) 


The pedigree of the Bacot family represents that the Chap. VI. 
emigrant was the grandson of Pierre, who married Jeanne — 
Moreau. His son Pierre," married Jacqueline Menissier, f68i- 
and had three children : David, who remained in France, ,o fi 
and whose descendants are still residing there ; Pierre, the 
emigrant to South Carolina ; and a son, name unknown, 
who went to England. Pierre, 3 second son of Pierre and 
Jacqueline Bacot, was born in Tours, France, about the 
year 1670, and married Jacquine Mercier. He emigrated 
to America with his family in 1694, and settled as a planter 
at Goose Creek, about nineteen miles from Charleston, S. C. 
He had three children : Daniel, born in France, of whom 
nothing further is known ; Fierre, born in La Rochelle, 

1694 ; and Elizabeth, born in Carolina, married 

Boinest. Pierre, 4 second son of Pierre and Jacquine 
Bacot, married Mary Peronneau, and succeeded his father 
as planter at Goose Creek. He had four children : Samuel, 
born in 17 16, settled in Darlington district, now Darlington 
county, S. C. ; Mary, born in 1717 ; Elizabeth, born in 
1725; and Peter, born in March, 1728. Peter 5 married 
Elizabeth Harramond, November n, 1764, and settled in 
Charleston, as a merchant. He died September 7, 1787. 

This family is at present represented by Thomas W. 
Bacot, Esq., of Charleston, S. C. 


The Revocation. 

flight from the northern provinces. 

chap. vii. Whilst the country lying between the Loire 

1681- an< ^ t ^ ie Gironde sent a larger proportion of 

Hugfuenot emigrants to America than any other 

t686 00 j 

part of France — if we may judge by the number 
of families whose derivation has been ascertained 
— the province of Normandy was not far behind 
Saintonge and Poitou, in its contribution to this 
movement. Indeed, a special interest may be 
said to belong to the emigration from Normandy, 
and the adjoining provinces of Bretagne and 
Picardy, in view of the social position of some 
of the emigrants. Several representatives of the 
Nobmty Protestant nobility of France, and of that class 
Normandy, of enterprising and wealthy manufacturers to 
whom France had owed so much of the prosper- 
ity which she was now insanely driving from 
her borders, left their estates and their commer- 
cial affairs, to seek liberty of conscience in the 
New World. Sacrifices like these, made at the 
bidding of principle, reflect honor upon the 
men, and upon the cause to which they clung. 
The history of the dispersion of the persecuted 
Huguenots owes equal recognition to the stead- 
fastness of the poor and lowly, whom no promise 


of advantage could tempt to deny their faith, Chap. vn. 
and to the fidelity of the high-born and affluent, jggi- 
who renounced a life of ease, preferring banish- 
ment and penury to the abandonment of religious 

Protestantism, at the period of the Revocation, 
had long maintained a firm hold upon the popu- 
lation of this province. More than a century 
before — at the time of the Peace of Amboise — 
it was said that throughout Normandy, " both 
the nobles and the people were united and agreed 
in the observance of the Reformed religion." 1 
In 1 68 1, it was estimated, in government returns, 
that the number of those who professed the Cal- 
vinistic belief reached one hundred and eighty 
thousand. Already, multitudes had escaped to 
foreign lands, from the severities visited upon 
Protestants : and greater multitudes were soon 
to follow, fleeing before the dragomiadcs.' 2 - Th# 

The city of Caen, in Normandy, contained a 1 ^ le " 
large Protestant population. Its church was one Caen - 
of the strongest and most influential in the kino- 
dom. The " temple " of the Huguenots, erected 
in 161 2, was a building of vast proportions. It 
was noted as the only Protestant house of wor- 
ship in France having a belfry like that of Roman 
Catholic churches, surmounted by a cross. The 
large and scattered body of worshipers that 

1 Essai sur 1'histoire de l'Eglise reformee de Caen, par 
Sophronyme Beaujour. Caen : 1877. P. 67. 

2 Le Protestantisme en Normandie depuis la revocation 
de l'edit de Nantes jusqu'a la fin du dix-huitieme siecle ; 
par M. Francis Waddington. Paris : 1862. P. 16, note. 



chap. vii. gathered in this sanctuary, enjoyed the ministra- 
1681- tions of several associated pastors, who preached 
also in a number of places in the neighboring 
country. This congregation was distinguished 
for the social standing of its members. Its roll 
included the names of many of the Protestant 
noblesse. The revenues of the church, arising 
from bequests and voluntary contributions, was 
considerable. In 1563, the freeholders and 
inhabitants petitioned the king to appoint as 
governor of the town one "living in the fear of 
God," and professing " the Reformed religion," 
inasmuch as they were all of that faith. 1 

In the course of the repressive legislation that 

"Temple" prepared the way for the Revocation of the 

demolish- ,-. ,. f ,, i • • 11 r 

ed. rLdict 01 JN antes, this important church was nrst 
deprived of its ministers, then closed, and finally, 
on the twenty-fifth day of June, 1685, its destruc- 
tion was commenced, at the sound of trumpets, 
accompanied by the shouts of the rabble of 
Caen. Four months later, at ten o'clock in the 
morning, on the fifth day of November, the lead- 
ing Protestants of the town were called together 
in the town-hall, by order of the public author- 
ities, who informed them that a royal regiment 
comprising one thousand and six hundred men 
was to be expected soon, and would be billeted 
upon such Protestant families as should refuse 
obedience to the King's command to embrace 
the Roman Catholic religion. 

Among the persons who heard this an- 

1 Beaujour, Essai sur l'histoire de l'Eglise reformee de 
Caen : u. s. 


nouncement was a young nobleman, the repre- chap. vn. 
sentative of the Protestant branch of an l68 - 
ancient family originally of Picardy. Etienne 
de Lancy was now in his twenty-third year. 
His father, Jacques de Lancy, 1 was dead, 
and his mother, Marguerite Bertrand, daugh- 
ter of Pierre Bertrand, of Caen, was ad- 
vanced in years. Both the widow and her son 
were staunch Protestants, and neither was dis- 
posed to entertain the thought of purchasing 
exemption from threatened hardships by accept- „ 

1 _ . Marguer- 

ino; the Kind's relioion. It was plain, however, ite 


that concealment or flight was the only alterna- 
tive : and young De Lancy chose the latter, 
while his mother decided to remain. Before 
parting with her son, she gave him some family 
jewels, the property that he could carry with 
him most safely, and dispose of most readily. 
He succeeded in making his escape to Holland, 
and from Rotterdam went to London, where he 

1 Jacques De Lancy, ecuyer, was descended from Guy de 
Lancy, ecuyer, vicomte de Laval et de Nouvion (1432), 
whose son Jean, succeeding him in 1436, had a son Jean 
(1470). Charles, son of Jean, (1525), was married twice. 
By his second marriage, to Marie de Villiers (having only a 
daughter by his first wife) he had two sons : Charles, fifth 
vicomte de Laval, (1535), and Christophe, seigneur de Rarai. 
Charles married Isabeau Branche, daughter of Furie de 
Branche, sieur de Brean, April 15. 1534. They had three 
sons : Charles, Jacques, and Claude. The second son, 
Jacques, had a son Pierre, seigneur de Niville, whose son 
Jacques was the father of Etienne, the refugee. The Amer- 
ican branch of the De Lancy family, represented at present 
by Edward Floyd De Lancey, Esq., of New York, as its head, 
is the only one bearing the name ; the other branches hav- 
ing become extinct in the male line. 



Chap. vii. obtained letters of denization ; and immediately 
l686 afterwards he embarked for America. Etienne 
de Lancy became a successful merchant in the 
city of New York. The sale of his family 
jewels produced a sum that enabled him at once 
to enter into profitable business ; and his rank 
and personal character acquired for him a high 
position among the French refugees in that 
city. He was one of the first "anciens" of the 
French Reformed Church of New York, which 
was formed two years after his arrival. Some 
years later, he married the daughter of Stephen 
Van Cortlandt, and founded a family of social 
and political distinction. His son James 
became Chief Justice and Lieutenant-Governor 
of the province. 

Several other Protestants of Caen fled to 
America. Thomas Bayeux x became a leading 



1 Thomas Bayeux, merchant, was made free of the city of 
New York, May 10, 1705. He married Madeleine Boudinot 
(by license dated July 14, 1703), and had eight children, 
baptized in the French Church. Thomas, born July 5, 1708, 
married Mary Lispenard. Jean, born June 14, 1723, died 
young. Madeleine, born July 22, 1706, married Edward 
Holland, mayor of New York, 1747 to 1750. Anne, born 
December 16, 1710, married John Groesbeck. Marie, born 
J uly 5, 1 7 16, married the Reverend Richard Charlton. 
Jeanne, born May 20, 1719. Elizabeth, born July 25, 
1721. Marianne, born July 14, 1725. Another daughter, 
Susanne, wife of Jeremiah Schuyler, is named in her 
father's will, which also names "my brother John Bayeux, 
late of London, merchant, deceased." Thomas Bayeux 
died in 1742, leaving his house in King street, New York, 
and all his '* real and personal estate in the Kingdom of 
France," to his son Thomas. — (Wills, N. Y., XIV., 257.) 

La France Protestante, s.r.,. mentions several refugees of 
this name, all from Normandy, and nearly all from Caen. 


merchant of New York, and in his will left to Chap. vn. 
his son "all his real and personal property in I 6g" I _ 
the Kingdom of France." Daniel Du Chemin 
had escaped some years before the Revocation 
to the West Indies. 1 Isaac le Grand, ecuyer, 
son of Jean le Grand, sieur d'Anvuille ; 2 and 
Jacques le Bas, whose elder brother founded an 
important family in England, 3 came to South 

The wife of Pierre Bayeux, of Caen, was arrested with 
others in 1687, at Saint Aubin, on the coast of Normandy, 
in the attempt to escape from France by sea. She was 
imprisoned at Dieppe, and condemned to be " rasee et 
dottree." — (Memoirs inedits de Dumont de Bostaquet, p. 


1 Daniel du Chemin, " born at Caen in Normandy," was 
naturalized in New York, September 27, 1687, with his son 
Daniel and his daughter Catharine, "born at the Island of 
St. Christops." Perhaps he returned, as some others did, 
to that island : for the name does not re-appear until eighty 
years later, when another Daniel Duchemin obtains a mar- 
riage license in the city of New York, July 7, 1767, and 
receives letters of naturalization, May 20, 1769. 

2 " Isaac le Grand, ecuyer, fils de Jean le Grand, Sr. 
d'Anvuile, et de Marie le Grand, natif de Caen en Nor- 
mandie. Elizabeth le Grand, femme ; fille de Jean et de 
Judith Dieu, de Caen en Normandie. Isaac, leur fils, ne 
en Caen. Elizabeth, leur fille, nee en Caroline." — (Liste des 
Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.) 

3 " M r Jacques le Bas, ne a Can, fils de Jean le Bas et 
Anne Samborne. Pierre le Bas, son fils, ne a Can. Sa 
mere Catherine Varing." — (Liste, etc.) 

From the pedigree of the English family of Le Bas, 
drawn up by Henry Wagner, Esq., F.S.A., of London, it 
appears that "John le Bass, of Caen, in Normandy, 1609, 
married Mary, daughter of Robert Paisan. He had a son John 
le Bass, of Caen, gentleman, who married Anne Samborne, 
eldest daughter of Richard Samborne, merchant of Caen, 
in Normandy ; also of Maiden Newton, in Co. Dorset, En- 
gland. Anne died March it, 1634, aged thirty-two years. 
The children of John le Bas and Anne Samborne were: 
John, born March 10, 1625 ; ob. s. p. j James, born June 26, 



Chap. vii. Carolina. Daniel Marchand, a member of the 
1681- French Church in New York, died there in 

1686. l6 93- x 

The number of Protestants in the city of 

Rouen was reckoned, shortly before the Revo- 
cation, at five thousand. They were noted for 
their religious zeal, and for the constancy 
displayed by many of them under persecu- 
Rouen. tion. Several prominent members of the Re- 
formed congregation in that city were thrown 
into prison ; their wives and daughters were 
shut up in convents, where some of them died ; 
and the streets of Rouen witnessed in repeated 

1627 [see above]. Richard, born December 30, 1629. 
Michael, born 1632, ob. s. p. Mary, born December 28, 
1623 ; married Jeanblin. 

Richard, third son of John and Anne le Bas, was in 1687 
" Assistant to Sir Charles Cotterel, M 1 " of the Ceremonies in 
England." He married Kiffiana, daughter of Peter Gos- 
fraight, and had a son Charles Samborne le Bas. Charles 
was " of Pipwell Abbey, Co. Northampton," and married, 
July 24, 17 1 1, Mary, second daughter of Sir Samuel Moyer, 
Bar*, and ultimately his sole heir. Their only daughter 
and heir was Rebecca, who married Simon, (died Sep- 
tember 16, 1777), second Viscount and first Earl of 
Harcourt ; Governor to the Prince of Wales (afterward 
George III..), 175 1; Viceroy of Ireland, 1772 ; twenty-seventh 
in descent from Bernard, Lord of Harcourt in Normandy. 

' Inhis will, dated March 18, 1720, Charles Le Bas leaves 
a contingent remainder of his estate to ' cousin Stephen, 
second son of cousin Paul Peter Le Bas of Carolina, and his 
heirs,' and in default, to his eldest brother James ; in 
default, to ' my next heir at law who shall then be a Protest- 
ant, and none of my relations now in France, who have 
changed their religion and keep me out of my estate 

' Daniel Marchand, of Caen, was in New York in 1692. 
His daughter Marianne, was born September .5. His widow 
Catharine Lavandier, married Francois le Comte, May 31, 



A town 


instances the execution of one of the most chap, vn 
inhuman and horrible of the abuses inflicted upon j^l 
the dead as upon the living heretic, in the drag- 
ging- of the naked bodies of persons who had 
refused with their last breath to renounce their 
faith, to be cast into the public sewer. One who 
visited the city shortly after the arrival of the 
dragoons, in the last days of October, 1685, 
writes : " Rouen resembled a town taken by 
assault. Armed men, with proud and insolent 
looks, were riding up and down the streets. 
Sadness was imprinted on the faces of the 
inhabitants ; and the perpetual movement of 
troops, changing their quarters, the moment 
they had compelled their entertainers to sign 
the act of recantation, produced the impression 
that the town was filled with them, and cast an 
air of terror over all this great and rich city. 
It was a pitiable sight indeed ! " z 

Happily for the persecuted Protestants of 
Rouen, the way of escape to England was short, 
and, despite all efforts to close it, was open. 
The pastor of the Huguenot church in that 
city rejoiced — a melancholy occasion for joy — 
that two-thirds of his flock had been able to 
reach foreign lands. Multitudes of those who 
apprehended these persecutions had escaped 
already, and many who, yielding in a moment 
of weakness, had recanted, seized the first 
opportunity to follow them. 

Among the fugitives from Rouen, were Isaac 

1 Memoires de Bostaquet, pp. 99, 100. 


Chap. vii. Bataille x and Daniel le Gendre, 2 who went to 
l6Sl _ South Carolina. Jacques Montier settled in 


Boston. 3 

Pierre Assire found a home in New Rochelle ; 4 
and Jean Gancel, 5 Pierre Chaperon, 6 Abraham 
Dupont, 7 and Jacob Gosselin, came to New 
York. 8 



1 Isaac Bataille, weaver, and Judith Petit his wife, were 
living in "Ancre street," London, in 1700. Isaac Bataille 
was an inhabitant of South Carolina in 1720. 

" Daniel, fils de Jacques Le Gendre et de Maurice , 

de Rouen en Normandie." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses 
refugiez en Caroline, etc.) 

3 Jean Montier, " de Laon pont Bourg de Darnetal les 
Rouen, ville de Rouen," was one of the fugitives from Nor- 
mandy. — (Archives Nationales, Tt. N° 445.) James Montier 
was naturalized in England, March 8, 1682, and was 
admitted into the Massachusetts colony, February 1, 1691. 

4 David Assire, tailleur, de Rouen, was in London, 1699- 
1711. Pierre Assire, an inhabitant of New Rochelle, N. Y., 
in 1 7 14, was of the same craft, and probably of the same 

6 Jean Gancel, natif de Rouen, was married, May 19, 
1695, m tne French Church, New York, to Judith Le Roy. 
Their daughter Judith was born November 17, 1700. 

f ' Le sieur Chapron, marchand, is mentioned in a "Memoire 
de ceux qui sont plus zeles pour leur religion dans la ville 
de Rouen, "about the year 1688. — (Le Protestantisme en 
Normandie, p. 25.) Pierre Chaperon, de Rouen, and Eliza- 
beth Remy his wife, presented their son Pierre for baptism 
in the French Church, Glasshouse Street, London, Septem- 
ber 2, 1 688. It was probably this Pierre, junior, who was a 
member of the French Church, New York, 17 17-1720, 
together with his wife Judith. 

7 Abraham Dupont, rue des bons Enfans, Rouen, was one 
of the fugitive " religionnaires " whose goods were confis- 
cated. — (Arch. NaO He was in the French Church, New 
York, in 1695. and resided in South Carolina in 1730. 

' Nom originaire de la Normandie." — (Le Protestantisme 
en Normandie, p. 18.) ' Etienne Gozelin, de Rouen, mis a la 
chaine, 1684." — (Id.) Jacob and Marie Madeleine Gosselin 


Guillaume Le Conte, of Rouen, became the chap. vn. 

head of an American family, that has ren- ^gi- 

dered notable services to natural science. 1 rn , 


were members of the French Church in Threadneedle 
Street, London, October 26, 1690, when their daughter, 
Marie Madeleine, was baptized. Jacob Gosselin and his 
wife, Judith L'esveilee, presented their son Josse for bap- 
tism in the French Church, New York, November 9, 1701. 
At the baptism of their daughter Judith, September 5, 1703, 
Jean Gancel, de Rouen, was sponsor. They had three other 
children, Jacob, John, and Samuel. — (The Annals of New- 
town, by James Riker. P. 346.) Gosselin, a weaver by 
trade, settled in Newtown, Long Island, N. Y., where he 
purchased a farm. The name is still represented in that 
place. It has been corrupted to Gorsline. 

1 Guillaume Le Conte, born in Rouen, March 6, 1659, 
died in New York, 1720. There is a family tradition to the 
effect that he was descended, through his mother or grand- 
mother, from the barons of Nonant. He married, February 
17, 1 70 1, Marguerite de Valleau, daughter of Pierre Joyeulx 
de Valleau, of Martinique, who died soon, leaving one son, 
Guillaume, born December 3, 1702. He married secondly, 
Marguerite Mahault, and had two children, Pierre and 
Esther. He and his wife died of yellow fever the same day, 
September 15, 1720. Guillaume, the elder son, married 
Anne Besly, of New Rochelle, and had two daughters, 
through the second of whom, Susanne, who married another 
Besly, or Bayley, comes the family in whose succession 
were Mrs. Seton, founder of the Sisters of Charity in this 
country, and the late Archbishop Bayley of Baltimore. 
Pierre, the second son, a physician of some note, married, 
first, Margaret Pintard, and three years later, Valeria 
Eatton, of Eattonville, New Jersey, who had five children, 
William, John Eatton, Margaret, Thomas, and Peter. 
Margaret married the Reverend Jedediah Chapman, a 
prominent minister of the Presbyterian Church. John 
Eatton, born September 2, 1739, married Jane Sloan, in 
1776, and had three children, William, Louis, and John 
Eatton. Louis, born in 1782, a man of decided scientific 
tastes and attainments, was the father of Professors John 
and Joseph Le Conte, of the University of California. 
John Eatton, born in Shrewsbury, New Jersey, February 22, 
1784, was a devoted student of natural history. He married 

7 6 


chap. vii. George de Bonneville, a nobleman of Normandy, 
!68i_ born in the city of Rouen, sought refuge with 
his family in England, where his son George, 
"a protege of Queen Anne," and in later years 
a leading propagator of the Restorationist doc- 
trine in Pennsylvania, was born. 1 




Mary Ann Lawrence, July, 182 1, and had three sons, two of 
whom died in infancy. The youngest was John Lawrence 
Le Conte, born May 13, 1825, died November 15, 1883. 
Dr. John L. Le Conte's contributions to the study of 
natural science have given him the highest distinction. He 
was " unquestionably the greatest entomologist this country 
has yet produced." The Transactions of the American En- 
tomological Society, Philadelphia, of which he was presi- 
dent, contain "A Biographical Sketch of Dr. John Lawrence 
Le Conte," with an appendix on his ancestry, prepared by 
Mr. Samuel Hubbard Scudder, of Cambridge, Massa- 

1 " After the death of my mother," who was of the 
Granville family, "Queen Anne provided me with a nurse, 
and she had the care of my first years." In his early youth 
he was very wild. On one occasion, returning home from 
a ball, he fell into a fainting fit, and had a vision, in which 
he saw himself in perdition. "Coming to myself, I cried 
out, I am damned ! Prayers were desired in the French 
churches [in London], for one who had lost his senses, and 
was melancholy." This religious impression led to his con- 
version. He then felt that he was called to preach the 
Gospel, and at the age of seventeen he embarked for 
France, where he preached for two years, undergoing great 
persecution, often narrowly escaping with his life, and much 
of the time confined in prison. Once, when he was wor- 
shiping with others in a secluded spot, the assembly was 
surprised by a party of soldiers. Many were taken prison- 
ers ; among them, De Bonneville, and one Durant, of 
Geneva, a young man aged twenty-four years. They were 
conducted to the place of execution. On the way, Durant 
sang the CXXVIth psalm, and died faithfully. De Bonne- 
ville was then led to the scaffold ; he fell on his knees in 
prayer ; but while the executioner was binding his hands, a 
messenger came from the king with a reprieve. He was 
remanded to prison, but ieventually, at the instance of the 



A few miles east of the city of Rouen, is the chap. vn. 
village of Lyons-la-Foret, the birthplace of I 58 I _ 
Nicolas de Longemare, son of Jacques de 
Longemare and Adrienne Aracheguene, his 
wife. Nicolas married Anne le Roy, and 
removed to Dieppe, where his son Nicolas was 
born, and became the husband of Marie Bon- 
English government, he was released. He went to Germany, 
and having learned the language with great difficulty, he 
preached in German as well as in French, but passed much 
of his time among the French refugees in Berlin, Magde- 
burg, Brunswick, the Palatinate, and in Holland, and the 
valleys of Piedmont. Having thus spent eighteen years, he 
became convinced that he was called of God to go to 
America and preach the Gospel there. He came to this 
country in the year 1741, about the same time with Count 
Zinzendorf. He was induced to establish himself in Oley, 
Berks county, Pennsylvania, where he spent the greater por- 
tion of his remaining life, engaged in teaching, preaching, 
and visiting the neighboring Indians, as well as in the practice 
of medicine. In 1745, he married Esther, daughter of 
Jean Bertolet, by whom he had two sons — the elder of 
whom, Daniel, served as surgeon during the Revolution — 
and five daughters. De Bonneville died in the year 1793, 
aged ninety. He was not formally connected with any 
ecclesiastical body. In religious belief, he was a " Witter- 
bringer," or restorationist. He is said to have been a man 
of piety and zeal ; and "his influence and teaching must 
have been advantageous, especially at that period of the set- 
tlement of the country. He was subject to frequent and 
very remarkable trances." — (Bertolet MS., in the possession 
of Dr. R. M. Bertolet, Philadelphia, Penn.) 

Jean Bertolet, of whom mention has been made above, 
was a native of Chateau-d'cex, in the canton of Vaud, 
Switzerland, whither his Huguenot ancestors had fled, from 
persecution in France. From that place, he removed to 
Gutenberg, in Germany ; and in the year 1726, he came to 
America, with his brother, his wife Susanna, and their five 
children : Abraham, born December n, 17 12 ; Maria, July 
I2 ' I 7 I 5 ; John, September 28, 17 17 ; Esther, 1720 ; Susan, 
November 17, 1724. Another son, Frederick, was born in 
America. — (Bertolet MS.) 


chap. vii. neau. Both these families found homes on the 
1681- Dan ks of the Santee, in South Carolina. 

The sea-port town of Dieppe had been en- 
riched by the enterprise of its Huguenot mer- 
chants, ever since the days when its bold navi- 
gators opened to France the commerce of 
Canada. After years of restriction and depres- 
sion, its Protestant inhabitants were still nu- 
merous, and high-spirited. Until visited by the 
dragoons of Louvois, they remained " obstinate 
beyond all others in the kingdom;" and that 
The minister of Louis XIV., in giving the order for 
lagoons t j ie dragonnades at Dieppe, directed the officer 
Dieppe. j n cnar g e << no t to keep the troops within the 
bounds imposed upon them elsewhere, but to 
allow them to create whatever disorder mio-ht 
be necessary, to extricate these people from 
their present state, and make an example of 
them to the rest of the province." 1 

The consternation and despair produced by 
the brutalities that ensued, are vividly pictured 
by writers of the day. Some of the sufferers 
from this persecution reached our shores. 
Etienne Hamel, " a poore French Protestant, of 
Dieppe," took refuge, as we have seen, in the 
island of Guadeloupe, in the West Indies, but 
was " forced to fly from the Rigorous Persecu- 
tion " that followed him there, and came to the 
city of New York in June, 1686, "leaving his 
Estate behind him." 2 Two other refugees from 

1 Le Protestantisme en Normandie, p. 2. 

2 See above, volume I., pp. 230, 231. 


the same city, Jean and Pierre Le Conte, settled chap. vn. 
on Staten Island. 1 1681- 

The family of Josias Le Vilain, escaping ,„, 
from St. Christopher, came to New York 
in 1687, and joined the little colony then 
forming at New Rochelle. 2 Jacques Lar- 
dan, 3 Nicolas Le Nud, 4 Marie Brug;net, 5 

'Pierre Le Conte, " born at Diep in Normandy," was 
naturalized in New York, September 27, 1687. He obtained 
land on the west side of Staten Island. He died in 1704. 
His wife Marguerite survived him. They had three sons, 
Jean, Pierre, and Jacques. — (Wills, N. Y., VII., 142 ; XII., 

Jean Le Conte, a brother of Pierre of Dieppe, was also an 
inhabitant of Staten Island. He died in 1697, leaving a 
wife Hester, and a daughter Susanne. — (Wills, N. Y., V., 

2 Josias le Vilain is named among the inhabitants of St. 
Christopher, about the year 1677. If he reached New 
York, he died soon after his arrival ; for in 1687, (Septem- 
ber 27,) Marie Guespin, veuve de feu Josias Le Vilain, with 
her sons Josias and Jean le Vilain, and her daughter 
Jeanne, " born at the Island S\ Xtops," were naturalized in 
New York. The land of Mary Levilain, in New Rochelle, 
N. Y., is mentioned as early as the year 1690. 

3 "Jacques Lardan, ne a Dieppe, fils de Jacques Lardan et 
de Marie Poulart ; Marthe Moreau, sa femme ; Jacques, 
leur fils, ne en Caroline." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses 
refugiez en Caroline, etc.) Jean Lardant, de Dieppe, was 
condemned to the galleys in March, 1687. for having at- 
tempted to leave the kingdom. He was still a galley slave 
in 1700, on the ship " La Guerriere," and was subject to 
cruel maltreatment. — (Le Protestantisme en Normandie, pp. 
18, 19.) 

4 " Nicholas, fils de Nicholas et Marie Le Nud, de Dieppe 
en Normandie. " — (Liste des Francois et Suisses, Refugiez 
en Caroline, etc.) 

5 " Marie Brugnet, nee a. Dieppe, veuve de Nicholas 
Postell."— (Ibid.) 



Chap. vii. Marie Soyer, 1 Isaac Dubosc, 2 Jean Potell, 3 
!68i_ and Nicolas de Longemare, 4 fled to South Caro- 

Other towns of Normandy contributed to the 
American emigration. St. Lo was the home of 
Jean Berteaud 5 and Pierre Le Chevalier, 6 of 
Charleston, and probably also of Jean Le Chev- 
alier, of New York, 7 and of Pierre Chevalier, 
of Philadelphia. 8 

1 " Marie Soyer, native de Dieppe en Normandie ; ferame 
de Jean Aumant, de Nisme. — (Liste, etc.) 

2 " Isaac Dubosc, fils de Louis et Anne Dubosc, de Dieppe 
en Normandie. Susanne Dubosc, sa ferame." — (Ibid.) 

3 " Jean Potell, ne a. Diepe, fils de Nicholas Potell et de 
Marye Brugnet. Madeleine Pepin, sa femrae. Jean, Pierre, 
Jacques-Jean, leurs enfans, nez en Caroline." — (Ibid.) 

4 " Nicholas de Longemare, ne a Diepe, fils de Nicholas 
Longemare l'aine et d' Anne Le Roy. Marie Bonneau, sa 
femme." — (Ibid.) 

5 " Jean Berteaud, ne a St. L6, fils de Jean Bertaud et de 
Marguerite Robert." — (Ibid.) 

6 " Pierre le Chevallier, natif de St. L6 en Normandie, fils 
de Rolland le Chevallier et d' Ester Dallain, ses pere et 
mere, et Madelainne Garillion, sa femme, native de Grenoble, 
fille d' Israel Garillion et Susanne Saunier, samere." — (Ibid.) 

7 Jean le Chevalier and Marie de la Plaine were married 
in the Dutch Church, New York, by license dated June 27, 
1692. They had two children baptized in the French 
Church : Marie, born June 6, 1693, and Susanne, born March 
it, 1695. Peter Chevalier and Belitje Claerhout had two 
children baptized in the Dutch Church : Catharine, Decem- 
ber 17, 1693, and Peter, January 1, 1695. Peter Chevalier 
married Cornelia Bosch, in the same church, April 3, 1697. 

' The ancestor of the Chevalier family of Philadelphia 
was a French Protestant, who at the time of the Revocation 
of the Edict of Nantes was constrained to fly from his native 
country, together with his wife. From the circumstance of 
his having in his coat-of-arms a fleur-de-lis, the family have 
always conjectured that he was descended from a house of 
some distinction ; but upon this subject nothing has been 
known with certainty. His grandsons, who became eminent 



The town of L'Aigle was the birthplace of Chap. vn. 
Jacques Gallopin, 1 another South Carolina refu- ^Si- 
gee ; and Francois le Comte, 2 of New York, was 
a native of Pont l'Eveque in Normandy. 

merchants in Philadelphia, were advised to visit France in 
order to ascertain the facts, and to obtain their inheritance ; 
but so great was their dread of the power of the Romish 
clergy, and of the unfriendliness of the government toward 
heretics, that they could not be induced to venture into that 
country. The refugee and his wife settled in England, 
where their son Peter was born. Peter, after he became of 
age, married an English lady, and had one daughter before 
he emigrated to America. This daughter remained in En- 
gland, and married an Irish gentleman named Gittong. After 
the arrival of Peter Chevalier and his wife in America, he 
had two sons, John and Peter, and several daughters, one of 

whom, Susannah, married Standley, of Philadelphia, 

and another, Jane, married Garland Anderson, second 
son of the Rev. James Anderson, the first Presbyterian 
clergyman settled in New York." (Communicated by 
Professor Edward E. Salisbury, LL. D., late of Yale Col- 
lege, New Haven, the grandson of Judge Samuel Breese, 
of Shrewsbury, N. J., whose wife, Elizabeth, was the daughter 
of Garland Anderson, and the grand-daughter of Peter 
Chevalier. — Since the above was written, Professor Salisbury 
has found evidence that the family in question originated 
in Bretagne ; the only Chevalier coat-of-arms bearing a 
fleur-de-lis being that of a family of that province.) 

'Jacques Gallopin, ne a Laigle en Normandie, fils de 
Simeon Gallopin, et de Louise Malherbe. — (Liste, etc.) 

2 " Natif du Pont Levesque en Normandie, fils de Francois 
Lecompte et de Marie Anion." He was married in the 
French Church, New York, May 31, 1693, to Catharine 
Lavandier. Two months before, he had made a public 
abjuration. " Francois le Comte. . . ne et eleve dans la 
Religion Romaine, ayant. demande diverses fois detre recu a 
faire abjuration du Papisme, Dieu luy ayant fait la grace den 
conoitre la faussete par la lecture de lecriture Ste. et autres 
Livres, et a faire profession de la religion Protestante dont 
il a pareillement reconnu la verite apres diverses epreuves a 
enfin ete recu aujourdhuy a. la face de cette Eglise ou il a 
proteste qu' il rejette sincerement toutes les erreurs et tous 


chap. vii. A group of small towns and villages near the 

~ mouth of the Seine, on the neck of land between 

the estuary of that river, and the ocean, sent a 
number of refugees to America. From the 
ancient seaport town of Harfleur, now eclipsed 
by the neighboring port of Havre, came Abra- 
ham Lesueur, and Catharine Poinset, his wife, 
settlers of South Carolina. 1 Montivilliers, four 
miles north of Harfleur, was the birthplace of 
Jacques Le Moine, who likewise fled to South 

Near Carolina: and from the same place, probably, 
th o/tiie th came Pi erre Le Moine, one of the settlers in 

seine. Narragansett, and the founder of the Mawney 
family of Rhode Island. 2 Bolbec, a town of ten 
thousand inhabitants, fourteen miles to the 
north-east of Harfleur, was the home, it is be- 
lieved, of Jean Mallet, one of the settlers of New 

les faux cultes du dit Papisme et quil desire aussi de tout 
son coeur de professer toutes les doctrines de la religion 
Protestante en foy de quoy le present acte a ete dresse fait 
en consistoire le dit an et jour que dessus." — (Records of 
the French Church, New York.) 

Francois Lecompte, Victualer, was made free of the city 
of New York, April 18, 1695. Three children of Francois 
and Catharine le Compte were baptized in the French 
Church : Francois, born March 2, 1694 ; Josias, born 
February 20, 1697, and Madeleine, born March 15, 1698. 

1 " Abraham Lesueur, ne a Harfleur en Normandie, fils 
d' Isaac Lesueur et de Marye Senee. Catharine Poinsett, 
safemme." — (Listedes Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caro- 

2 " Jacques Le Moine, fugitif de Montivilliers." — (Archives 
Nationales.) James Le Moyne, naturalized in England, 
March 8, 1682, was an inhabitant of South Carolina in 1689. 
Pierre Le Moine was one of the French settlers in Rhode 
Island in 1686. 


Oxford, 1 and of Nicolas Caron, 2 who came to New ch&p. vn. 

York. Jacques Le Blond, a leading Huguenot x 68i_ 

in Boston, was probably from Trouville, a small 

... ., r n 11 16S6. 

villaee seven miles east 01 boibec. 3 

Jean Carriere, a refugee in South Carolina, 
was a native of Normandy. 4 Jacques Caudebec, 5 
" a young man from Normandy," fled from 
France, according to tradition, during the perse- 
cution, in company with Pierre Guimard, and Jac „ ueg 
came, as we have seen, 6 to the province of New Caudebec 
York. Here Caudebec with others — seven in 
all — bought a tract of land in the valley of the 
Peenpack. His descendants are still to be found 
in the town of Deerpark, in Orange County, 
New York. 

The history of the persecution in the province 

1 Several of this name were among the " religionnaires 
fugitifs de Boibec." — (Arch. Nat.) Jean Maillet was one of 
the inhabitants of New Oxford, Massachusetts, in 1687. He 
removed to Boston. The will of John Mallet, of Boston, 
shopkeeper, (wife, Elizabeth,) was signed October 7, 1734, 
and admitted to probate, January 27, 1741. 

2 Louis and Daniel Caron, fled from Boibec. Peter Caron 
was naturalized in England, January 5, 1688. Nicolas 
Caron, jeweler, was made free of the city of New York, 
August 5, 1 7 18. In his will he mentions his "brother 
Peter, now living in London." — (Wills, N. Y., IX., 311.) 

3 "Abraham et David Leblond, fugitifs de Trouville." 
— (Arch. Nat.) Jacques and Antoine le Blond came to 
Boston. Jacques had nine children baptized, between 1690 
and 1709, in Cotton Mather's church, of which his wife 
became a member in 1690. 

4 "Jean Carriere, ne en Normandie, fils de Jean Carriere." 
— (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.) 

5 Jacob Codebeck, van Normandyen, was married in the 
Reformed Dutch Church, New York, September 17, 1695, to 
Margaret Provost. 

6 See above, page 19. 


chap. vii. of Bretagne, shows some conspicuous names 
!68i- that were represented in the emigration to 
1686. America. 

Certain refugees who went to South Carolina 
were natives of Vitre, a town of some importance 
in the north-eastern part of the province, and 
anciently one of the fortified places held by the 
HiiQuenots. The Protestants of Vitre had en- 
joyed for more than a hundred years the right 
of maintaining public worship, when, in 1671, 
they were ordered to vacate their " temple," 
which had been doomed to destruction. But 
the chateau of Vitre belonged to the Princess of 
? h JL Tarente, 1 a firm and devoted Protestant, who 
m of about this time came to reside upon her estate 

Tarente. . I 

in the country ; and until the Revocation, four- 
teen years later, this lady continued to exercise 
her manorial rio-nt to have religious services in 
her own house for the benefit of her family and 

1 Emilie of Hesse, widow of Henri Charles de la Tre- 
mouille, prince de Tarente et de Talmond, due de Thouars. 
Her husband belonged to a family that had long been one 
of the firmest supports of the Protestant party. He yielded, 
however, to the urgency of the king, and renounced his 
faith. His wife and daughter refused to follow his example. 
He died, September 14, 1672, not long after his abjuration 
— (Erman et Reclam : Memoires pour servir a l'histoire des 
refugies dans les Etats du Roy: Berlin, vol. I., pp. 202, 
206.) The princess of Tarente was a lady of remarkable 
native excellence, and of exemplary piety. She was the 
daughter of the landgrave William of Hesse Cassel. After 
her husband's death she withdrew to Vitre, where she 
possessed an estate by right of dower ; but after the Revo- 
cation, she took refuge in Heidelberg, and in Frankfort, 
where she died, February 23, 1693, "universally regretted." 
— (Essai sur l'histoire des eglises reformees de Bretagne, 
1 535-1808, par B. Vaurigaud, III., 94-96.) 


her fellow-religionists. Among those who fre- chap, vii 
quented these services were three families I 6g I _ 
of rank, the families of Ravenel, Du Bourdieu, 
and De Saint Julien. Pierre de Saint Julien, 
sieur de Malacare, 1 and his brother, Louis de 
Saint Julien, 2 his brother-in-law, Rene Ravenel, 3 
and Samuel du Bourdieu, ecuyer, sieur du 
Heullet, de la Goulairie, et de la Bachulaye, 4 
came to America in 1686. The first of these 
emigrants left a considerable estate, which was 
confiscated by order of the king. 5 The prop- Eavenei 


1 " Pierre de St. Julien, Malacare, ne a Vitre en Bretagne, 
fils de Pierre St. Julien, Malacare, et de Jeanne Le Febure. 
Damaris Ehzabet Le Serurier, sa femme, Pierre et Jacques, 
leurs enfans, nez en Caroline." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses 
refugiez en Caroline, etc.) 

2 " Louis de St. Julien, ne a Vitre, fils de Pierre St. Julien 
et de Jeanne Le Febure." — (Ibid.) 

3 " Rene Ravenel, fils de Daniel Ravenel et de Marie 
Ravenel, de Vitre en Bretagne, Charlotte Ravenel, fille de 

de St. Julien de Malacare, nee a Vitre en Bretagne : 

Jeanne Charlotte, Daniel, Rene Ravenel, enfans des susdits 
nez en Caroline." — (Ibid.) 

* "Samuel du Bourdieu, escuyer, ne a. Vitre en Bretagne, 
fils d'Olivier du Bourdieu et de Marie Genne, Judith Dugue, 
sa femme. Louis Philippe, fils du dit Samuel, et de Louise 
Thoury, ne en Caroline. Samuel, fils du sus dit et de la 
ditte Judith Dugue, ne en Caroline." — (Ibid.) 

Etat de ce qui se trouve de biens en Bretagne appar- 
tenans cy devant . . . aux religionnaires et nouveaux con- 
vertis fugitifs, 1685. — Pierre de Saint Jullien, sieur de Mal- 
acar, a laisse pour cent soixante et dix livres de rente 
d'heritages affermes qui font en principal, au denier vingt, 
trois mil quatre cents liv., cy 3,400 1. 

" La vente de ses meubles monte a sept cents livres, qui 
a este faite a la requeste du procureur fiscal, cy, 700I. 

" Cela fait en tout, en principal 4,iool." 

— (Vaurigaud, histoire des eglises reformees de Bretagne, 
III., 67,68.) 





chap. vii. erty of Du Bourdieu, consisting of a house in 
1681- Vitre, and several estates in the neighborhood, 
was claimed by a brother, in virtue of his stand- 
ing as an " ancient Catholic." 1 In their homes 
on the banks of the Santee, these exiles for 
conscience' sake must have remembered, in 
vivid contrast with their humble surroundings, 
the days when, under the protection of " the 
most high and most mighty princess Emilie of 
Hesse, princess of Tarente," 2 they enjoyed the 
advantages of their social station, with the ines- 
timable blessings of their religion, in the land 
of their fathers. 3 

1 "Biens delaisses par ceux de la R. p. R. qui se sont re- 
tires de la province de Bretagne dans les pays etrangers. — 
Pierre du Bourdieu a herite par la fuite de Samuel du 
Bourdieu, son frere, et d'Elisabeth, Ester, et Renee du 
Bourdieu, des terres du Heullet, de La Goulairie, de La 
Bachulaye, scituees ez paroisses de Baluze, Saint-Aubin- 
des-Landes, et de Poce, et d'une maison a Vitre. — (Margin :) 
Le sieur du Bourdieu est ancien catholique." — (Vaurigaud, 
histoire des egl. ret. de Bretagne, III., 176.) 

2 A sister of the refugees Pierre and Louis de St. Julien 
was named for the princess, who stood as sponsor at her 
baptism. The following entry is found in the register 
of the Protestant Church of Vitre: "Aujourd'hui trois 
febvrier 1675 a este batisee, Emilye, fille de Pierre de St. 
Jullien, sieur de Malacore, et de demoiselle Janne Lefebure, 
sa femme, de laquelle a este parein hault et puissant messire 
Claude-Charles Goyon, baron de Marce, et marraine ties 
haulte et ties puissanie princesse Madame Emilie de Hesse, 
princesse de Tarente. L'enfant ne le 30 Janvier dernier." 
— (Vaurigaud, hist, des egl. ref. de Bretagne, III., 96, 97.) 

3 " Mr. S. Juliens Plantacon " is mentioned in a communi- 
cation from Dr. Le Jau, in South Carolina, to the Secretary 
of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
Parts, dated May 21, 17 15. Henry de St. Julien of St. 
John's, Berkley, S. C., youngest son of Pierre de St. Julien, 
died in that parish in 1768 or 1769, aged about seventy 




Not far from the city of Nantes, in southern 
Bretagne, was the seat of the noble house j^_ 
of La Muce-Ponthus. Bonaventure Chauvin, 
seierneur de la Muce-Ponthus, the head of this 
house in the early days of the French Reforma- 
tion, was one of the first among the nobility of 
the province to embrace the new faith. He be- 
came its most earnest supporter, " consumed 
with zeal " for the cause of religion ; l and his 
descendants inherited the same devotion. His 
three sons fought in the Huguenot armies 
under Henry IV. ; and his grandson David, 
marquis de la Muce, presided over the oolitical 30, 
assembly of the Protestants, held in La Ro- 
chelle in the year 162 1. For his attendance 
upon that assembly, contrary to the King's com- 
mands, he was condemned to be drawn and quar- 
tered ; a sentence which was executed upon him 
in effigy ; whilst his beautiful castle was actually 
demolished and razed to the ground. Cesar, 
his son, and Olivier, his grandson, were elders 
in the Reformed Church of Nantes. Under the 
provisions of the Edict of Nantes, the seigneurs 
de la Muce claimed the rigfht of holding re- 
ligious services in their own house ; and besides 

years. His sister survived until the year 1780. It was 
in this family that the invaluable " Liste des Francois et 
Suisses refugiez en Caroline," which we have had frequent 
occasion to quote from, was preserved. 

1 La France Protestante, seconde edition, vol. IV., p. 266. — 
On the margin of the register of the Protestant Church of 
Vitre, opposite the record of his decease, these words are 
written : " Va-t-en au nombre des elus, Bonaventure de la 
Musse ! " — (Vaurigaud, hist, des egl. ref. de Bret., III., 18 r.) 


chap. vii. supporting this worship, they contributed gen- 
1681- erously to the funds of the "temple" in the 
i686 adjoining village of Suce. The church of Suce 
had two pastors, one of whom preached also in 
the chateau of La Muce. The ministrations of 
these pastors were frequently attended by Prot- 
estants from Nantes, who went to Suce by 
water, singing their psalms in the good old Hu- 
guenot fashion, as they rowed along the banks 
of the little river Erdre, which flows past that 
village, and empties into the Loire at Nantes. 
Urseline de la Muce, widow of Cesar, renounced 
Protestantism at the period of the Revocation ; 
though complaint was made that she gave no 
signs of a true conversion. But her son Olivier, 
worthy of his Huguenot ancestors, * remained 
inflexible. Soon after the Revocation, he fled 
from his home, and was arrested on the island 
of Re, while waiting for an opportunity to make 
his escape to England. Imprisoned for two 
years, first in La Rochelle, and afterwards in 
the castle of Nantes, he resisted every effort to 
persuade him to deny his faith. At length an 
order was given for the expulsion of the 
marquis de la Muce from the kingdom, as an 
obstinate heretic. Accordingly, he was placed 
on board a foreign ship, the captain of which 
received orders to land him in England, but 
carefully to conceal from him the fact that he 
was about to be set free. This method was 

Among them was the famous Huguenot leader, Francois, 
sieur de la Noue. 


occasionally resorted to by the government, in chap, vn. 
dealing with Protestants of high rank, whose ^81- 
prolonged imprisonment or summary execution ,„, 
would be likely to attract public notice and 
occasion remonstrance from abroad. The mys- 
tery maintained to the last in such cases was 
designed to deepen the terror of the prisoner, 
and perhaps induce him to recant before the 
moment set for his actual liberation. Ignorant 
of his destination — supposing that like many 
others at that period he was but to exchange a 
prison for slavery in the West Indies — his sus- 
pense terminated only when the vessel came in 
sight of the English coast. 1 

Twelve years later, we find Olivier de la Muce Founder 
at the head of a large expedition sailing from settlement 
England for America. The Breton nobleman j^mes 
became the founder of the Huguenot settle- River - 
ment on the James river, known as Manakin- 
town, or King William Parish, in Virginia. He 
was a man of recognized excellence of character. 
The historian Benoist speaks of him as a young 
nobleman of substantial piety, of which he gave 
admirable proofs during his long imprisonment. 
A younger sister of Olivier de la Muce, who died 
in 1 68 1, at the age of sixteen years, was a kin- 
dred spirit. The beauty of her character, and 
the strength of her religious faith, were so 

1 Benoist, Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes, tome troisieme, 
seconde partie, pp. 1000, 1001. — Vaurigaud, Hist, des eg]. 
ref. de Bretagne, III., 99-144. La France Protestante, 
seconde edition, gives these facts, hut does not narrate the 
subsequent career of Olivier de la Muce. 

1 686. 



chap. vii. marked, that an account of "the last hours of 
r6 gj_ Mademoiselle de la Musse" was published in 
Holland, two years before the Revocation. 

From other places in Bretagne fled Jean 
Lebert, 1 Joseph Marbceuf, 2 and Paul Micou. 
The first two settled in South Carolina. Paul 
Micou, a native of Nantes, educated for the bar, 
after spending some years in England, came to 
Virginia, and took up his abode on the Rappa- 
hannock, near a landing-place which bears his 
name. 3 
„ ,. The province of Picardy had sent a number 

Earlier L r ... . . 

emigra- of important Huguenot families to America, in 
the earlier days of religious persecution. By 
this time these families were firmly rooted there. 
David de Marest, Nicolas du Puis, Philip Casier, 
Jean Mesurole, Marc de Chousoy, Benjamin de 
la Noy, and others, had now been residents of 

1 "Jean Lebert, ne a Redon en Bretagne, fils de Pierre 
Lebert et de Jeanne Guernier." — (Liste, etc.) 

" Joseph Marbeuf, natif de Viellie Vigne [ Vieillevigne], en 
Bretagne. fils de Julien Marbeuff et d'Ester Robin." — (Liste, 
etc.) "Joseph Marbceuf, apothiquaire, (paroisse de Vieille- 
vigne,) passa en Angleterre, il y a un pen plus d'un an ; ses 
immeubles sont situez en Poitou." — (Estat general des gens 
de la R. p. R. qui ont sorty de la province de Bretagne de- 
puis l'annee 1681. — Vaurigaud, III., 88.) Several other 
refugees of this name fled from Bretagne. 

" A man of great and acknowledged worth. He died May 
2 3> J 736> aged seventy-eight years. His tombstone, of 
heavy black marble, is still to be seen, deeply sunk in the 
earth. One of his daughters married Mr. Gisborne, an Epis- 
copal minister in Richmond county. Another daughter, 
Judith, married Lunsford Lomax. Another married Moore 
Fauntleroy." — (The Huguenots, or, Reformed French 
Church. By William Henry Foote, D.D.— Richmond, Va., 
1870. Pp. 571, 572.) 


the city or colony of New York for more than a chap. vn. 

quarter of a century, and had already acquired ^g^ 

wealth and influence. 1 This fact may have de- 

iii-i ii 1 r 1686. 

termined the choice that was made by several of 

the fugitives from Picardy, at the period of the 

Revocation, in seeking the same refuge. 

Daniel Crommelin was the thirteenth child of 

a rich manufacturer of Saint Ouentin. 2 After 

various adventures, he reached New York toward 

the close of the seventeenth century, and there 

became the head of a well-known family, whose 

ancient country-seat in Ulster county probably 

took its name " Gricourt," from their former 

home in northern France. 3 


1 See volume I., page 172. 

2 Jean Crommelin, of Saint Quentin, had fifteen children. 
Daniel, the thirteenth, was born February 28, 1647. He 
entered into business in Paris, and married, in October, 
1674, Anne Testart. He remained in Paris until 1680, 
when he engaged in trade with South America, but lost 
every thing, and returned to Europe penniless. After 
spending ten or twelve years in England, he went with his 
elder son Charles and two nephews to Jamaica, Avhere his 
nephews died of a contagious fever within a few days after 
their arrival. Daniel and his son escaped to New York, 
and were soon joined by his wife and younger son Isaac, 
both of whom died in that city in 1702 or 1703. — (Bulletin 
de la societe de l'histoire du protestantisme francais, vol. 
VIL.pp. 478-495.) 

Daniel Crommelin was made free of the city of New 
York, June t8, 1698. His wife was in New York as early 
as May 17, 1696, when she signed as sponsor at the baptism 
of Gabriel, son of Daniel and Charlotte Streing. — (Records 
of the French Church, N. Y.) Charles Crommelin married 
in 1706, Hannah Sinclair, and had two children baptized in 
the French Church, New York : Elizabeth, born November 
6, 1715 ; and Robert, born February 13, 1 7 18. 

" The elder Crommelin was a part owner of the Waway- 
anda patent in Orange county, where, in 1716, he made a 




Chap. vii. Jean Cottin of Bohain, in the same neighbor- 
1681- nooc b belonged to another prominent family of 
manufacturers in Picardy. He is named in the 
list of escaped " religionnaires et nouveaux 
convertis," whose goods were confiscated by 
order of the king, between the years 1685 and 
1688. Coming to America, he made his way up 
the Hudson river to Kingston, where a few 
French Protestants had already settled, and 
cottin. there pursued a flourishing trade, chiefly in pel- 
tries. Cottin was one of the most enterprising 
and successful of the Huguenot refugees, and 
a devoted son of the persecuted Church of 
France. 1 

settlement, calling it Greucourt." — (The Annals of New- 
town, in Queen's Co., N. Y., by James Riker ; p. 145.) The 
Grey Court House, as it was commonly called, stood near 
Chester, N. Y., " on the north edge of the Greycourt mead- 
ows." — (Eager's History of Orange county, N. Y., pp. 476, 
477 ; — where an absurd explanation of the name is offered.) 

Gricourt, now a village of eight hundred inhabitants, was 
a hamlet of less than three hundred inhabitants in 1696. Jt 
stands within four miles from St. Quentin. — (Melleville, 
Dictionnaire historique du departement de lAisne, I., 430.) 

1 " Jean Cottin " is named in the " Etat des biens des re- 
ligionnaires et nouveaux convertis qui se sont absentes du 
royaume ; saisis par l'ordre du roi." 1 685-1 688. — (La Re- 
forme en Picardie, par O. Douen. — Bulletin de la soc. de 
l'histoire du prot. franc. VIII.) Jean Cottin was natural- 
ized in the county of Ulster, province of New York, De- 
cember 2, 1687 ; shortly after his arrival in Kingston, in that 
county. His account-books — two folio volumes, in the pos- 
session of the consistory of the First Reformed Church of 
Kingston, N. Y. — show that he carried on an extensive busi- 
ness for more than thirty years, in correspondence with the 
French merchants in the city of New York — Etienne De 
Lancey, Auguste Jay, Barberie, Faneuil, Bayeux, Freneau, 
and others. He married Catharine, widow of Louis Du 
Bois. She died October iS, 17 13. He survived her eight 


Pierre le Grand was likewise from Bohain. 

He joined Cottin in Kingston, but returned to l es I - 

the city of New York, where his daughter Marie 
1 ; ^_ 1686. 

years, and died July 31, 1721, apparently while in the city 
of New York. His gifts and bequests show that he was 
wealthy and generous : and the provision that his will makes 
for the maintenance of religious services in New Rochelle 
proves his strong and jealous attachment to the doctrines and 
the discipline of the Reformed Churches of France. The will 
of Jean Cottin, of Ulster county, in the province of New York, 
York, merchant, " now in the city of New York," leaves to 
Messrs. Jean Barberie, Stephen De Lancey, Abraham Jouneau, 
Elias Pelletreau, and Jean Cazalls, of New York, merchants, 
the sum of two hundred and fourteen pounds, to be put out 
at interest, for the maintenance of the French minister of 
the Reformed Protestant French Church of the City of 
New York, as long as the said Church shall remain and 
continue under the discipline and Church government as 
was used in the Reformed Protestant Churches of France. 
Another sum of one hundred and nine pounds is left in like 
manner for the relief of the poor of the said Church. A Cottin's 
third sum, of thirty-six pounds, is left to the same trustees, bequests, 
the interest of which is " to be paid to such minister or 
ministers of the French Reformed Protestant Church of 
the City of New York as yearly go to New Rochelle in 
the province of New York to preach to such of the Inhabi- 
tants there as continue in the Discipline and church govern- 
ment of the aforesaid Protestant Churches of France." Other 
bequests are made, to the Reformed Protestant Dutch 
Churches of Kingston, New York City, and Harlem.— (Wills, 
Surrogate's Office, New York, IX., pp. 250-256.) 

Among the legatees mentioned by Jean Cottin in his will, 
are his " loving brother Daniel Cottin, living at Bohein near 
S*. Quentin in the Kingdom of France " ; his " sister Su- 
sanne, widow of Louis Libot, living at Bohein " ; his " sister 
Marie Cottin, wife of Philip Gilliot, senior" ; his "cousins 
Daniel and Jacques Libot and their sister, children of Dan- 
iel Libot, son of my sister Susanna Cottin, now living at 
Amsterdam, in Holland" ; and his "nephew Philip Gilliot, 
now living in the city of New York." Daniel, the brother 
mentioned above, is probably the person referred to as 
"Cottin, marchand de la paroisse de Bohain," October 17, 
1700 : a Huguenot, whose children were taken from him 
and put under the care of the cure. • 



chap. vii. became the wife of Jean Canon. 1 Abraham 
1681- Sauvage, of St. Algis, in Picardy, came to Bos- 
ton. 2 Jacques le Serrurier, one of the leading 
members of the Reformed Church in Saint 
Quentin, before the Revocation, escaped to 
England in 1683. His son Jacques came to 
South Carolina, while others of the name went 
to the West Indies and the Cape of Good Hope. 3 

1 Pierre Legrand is named among the " Religionnaires de 
Bohain, dont les biens ont ete saisis par l'ordre du roi." He 
was naturalized in England, March 8, 1682. Perhaps he 
went to the island of St. Christopher, where Pierre Legrand 
is mentioned in a list of inhabitants. " Pieter le Grand and 
wife " were admitted as members of the Reformed Dutch 
Church in the city of New York, December 5, 1684. They 

Pierre removed, April 30, 1685, to Esopus or Kingston, and re- 
le Grand, turned March 5, 1686, but ultimately joined the French 
Church. Peter Lecrand, tobacconist, was made free of the 
city of New York, August 30, 1698. His wife, Jeanne de 
Wendel, died May 20, 1699. His daughter Marie was mar- 
ried September 23, 1697, in the Dutch Church, to Jenn 
Canon. Their children, baptized in the French Church, 
were, Jeanne, born September 24, 1698 ; Catharine, born 
August 30, 1700; Andre, born August, 18, 1701 ; and Abra- 
ham, baptized September 9, 1702. 

2 Abraham Sauvage, " veuf, natif de S l Algi pres de 
Guise," was married October 17, 1677, in the French Church, 
Threadneedle Street, London, to Marie Bridou. Abraham 
Sauvage was in Boston, Massachusetts, September 4, 1696. 
Thomas, marchand, de Boston, and M c la veuve Elizabeth 
Sauvage, de Boston, are named in Gabriel Bernon's ac- 
counts, 1704, 1706. 

n Jaccpies Le Serrurier was one of the "chefs de famille " 
of the Church of St. Quentin in 1668. His son Jacques 
" s'est retire' en Angleterre en 1683, oh son pere est alle le 
rejoindre." — (Douen, La Reforme en Picardie.) James and 
Peter Le Serrurier were naturalized in England, July 2, 
1684. James went to South Carolina. " Jacques Le Ser- 
rurier, ne a St. Quantin en Picardie, fils de Jacques Le Ser- 
rurier et de Marie Le Comte. Eli/abet Leger, sa femme." 
— (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline.) Peter 


Several other refugees in the South were natives Chap.vii. 

of Picardy : Louis Dutarque, 1 Solomon Bremar, I 6g I _ 

of Anseme, 2 and Isaac Baton, the son of a ,„, 

„ 1086. 

prominent "religionnaire," of Leschelle, whose 
property was confiscated after his flight. 3 

From the adjoining province of Artois, came 
Louis Gourdain, who settled in South Carolina, 4 

went to the West Indies, and like too many of his fellow- 
refugees, translated his name into English. In his will, on 
record in the city of New York, he appears as " Pierre 
Smith, marchand a St. Thomas." He makes bequests to 
" mon frere Josias le Serurier, demeurant a St. Quentin en 
France " ; to " ma soeur Elizabeth le Serurier, epouse du 
Sieur Daniel de Clues, demeurant a Paris" ; to "ma soeur 
Lydie Simmons, epouse de M r Thomas Simmons, ministre 
du S* Evangille a Londres ; " and to "ma soeur Madeleine 
de Serrurier, epouse du sieur Jacques du Montier de Vabre, 
demeurant a S Quentin." He also mentions "mon beau- 
frere Jaques Smith" living in St. Thomas, and "mon 
cousin Pierre Genilliat." Suzanne Le Serrurier, wife of 
Jean Francois Gignilliat, is named in the Liste des Francois 
et Suisses refusriez en Caroline. — Wills, Surrogate's Office, 
New York, VIII., 13. 

1 " Louis Dutarque, ne en Picardie, fils de Mathieu Du- 
tarque, et de Anne Foulon." — (Liste, etc.) 

2 " Solomon Bremar, natif d'Anseme en Picardie en 
France, fils de Jacque Bremar et de Marthe Le Grand ; et 
sa fern me Marie Sauvagot." — (Ibid.) 

3 " Isaac Baton, ne a l'Echelle en Trevache, fils de Cor- 
nille Batton et de Judith Voienne ; et Isaac Batton. son fils 
ne en Carolinne ; et Jacques Batton, son fils ne a Londre. 
Leur mere est morte ; elle s'appelloit Marye de Lonne, 
native de Vadenouste." — (Liste, etc.) 

Cornille Baston, is mentioned in a list of the " religion- 
naires" of Leschelle, Picardie. — (Douen.) 

4 " Louis Gourdain, ne a Concourt en Artois, fils de Val- 
entin Gourdain et de Marye Piedeuin." [Piedevin.] — (Liste, 


Chap. vii. and Norbent Felicien Vigneron, a physician, 


who established himself in Rhode Island. 1 

Few, comparatively, of the Huguenot exiles 
from the more central provinces of France 
reached America. The city of Orleans was the 
birth-place of Daniel Streing, 2 and his wife, Char- 
lotte Lemestre, 3 of Louis and Gabriel Thibou, 4 

1 Norbent Felicien Vigneron, a native of the province of 
Artois, reached America in 1690. He died in Rhode 
Island in 1764, aged ninety-five. "He was well educated, 
and a popular practitioner." His wife died in 1748-9. 
Charles Antonio, sou of Norbent Vigneron, was born in 
Newport, Rhode Island. He attained eminence in the 

medical profession. He ■-married Fish, and had five 

sons and three daughters. He died in the city of New 
York in 1772, aged fifty. — (History of the Medical Profes- 
sion in Rhode Island, by Usher Parsons, M.D.) 

2 The signature of " Daniel String Genabensis," occurs in 
the matriculation book of the Academy of Geneva (Livre 
du Recteur), as that of a student of philosophy, entered 

Streing. J u ty 2 9- 1672. A comparison of this signature with that of 
Daniel Streing, the refugee, establishes the identity ; not- 
withstanding a difference in spelling, several examples of 
which are to be found in the records of the French Church, 
New York. Indeed, such variations in form, not affecting 
the sound of a name, were then considered immaterial. 
Daniel himself, however, habitually wrote his name Streing. 
Of L'Estrange, or D'Estrange, said to have been the original 
form, I have found no instance. Daniel Streing, and Char- 
lotte his wife, were naturalized in England, March 21, 1688. 
Several children are mentioned, but the names in the Patent 
Roll — Peter, Matthew, Mary and Anne — do not correspond 
with those in the family record, and have probably been 
transposed in the Roll from their proper place. 

3 Charlotte Lemestre, femme de Daniel Streing (Records 
of the French Church, New York), belonged probably to 
the Lemaistre family of Orleans, mentioned by Haag, La 
France Protestante, several members of which took refuge 
in England. An apparent connection with the Thibou 
family of Orleans — see below — also favors this view. 

4 Louis Thibou, ne a Orleans, fils de Jean Thibou et de 




and of Mariette, one of the refugees in Boston. 1 chap. vn. 
Several of the settlers of Orange Quarter, South ^Si- 
Carolina, were natives of the Orleannais. An- 
toine Poitevin, the elder, was born in Orsemont ; 2 
Antoine, the younger, in Maintenon; 3 Pierre 
Dutartre, his brother-in-law, was of Chateaudun ; 4 

Marie Callard, was one of the French refugees in South 
Carolina, with his wife Charlotte Mariette, and his children 
Louis and Charlotte, born in Paris ; Gabrielle, born in 
London ; Isaac, born in New York ; and Jacob and Louise, 
born in Carolina. — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en 

Gabriel Thibou, perhaps a brother of Louis of South 
Carolina, was a member of the French Church, New York, 
in 1700 and 1702. Louis, son of Gabriel Thibou and of 
Marie Couly his wife, was presented for baptism, August n, 
1700 ; Jacob Thibou and Louison Streing, sponsors. 
Another son, Jean, was baptized December 20, 1702. The 
names Gabriel, Charlotte, Louise, were also given to Daniel 
Streing's children. 

1 Mariette, an Orleans name (see above). Claude Mari- 
ette, from Orleannais, " galerien pour cause de religion, 
1681." " Le sieur Mariette, proprietaire a Blois," was one of 
the " fugitifs de l'election de Blois " in 1687. — (Bulletin de 
la soc. de l'hist. du prot. franc. XXX., p. 89.) Mariette, 
one of the refugees in Boston, and a member of the French 
Church before 1700. 

! " Anthoine Poiteuin, natif d'Orsemont, province de Gaule 
en France, fils de Jacques Poiteuin et de Jenne Modenien ; 
et Gabrielle Berou sa femme, native d'Ormey en Bause, fille 
d'Utrope Berouet d'Andree Le Prou." — (Liste des Francois 
et Suisses refugiez en Caroline.) 

"Anthoine Poiteuin, fils, ne a Maintenon, fils de An- 
thoine Poiteuin et de Gabrielle Beron. Margueritte de Bour- 
deaux, sa femme, native de Grenoble en Donne, fille de 
Jacque de Bourdeaux et de Madalenne Garilian." 

Pierre Dutartre, fils de Daniel 1 hitartre et d'Anne 
Renault, natif de Chathaudun en Bause. province de France, 
et Anne Poiteuin sa femme, native de Duplesis Mome, 
province de Gaule en France, fille d'Anthoinne Poiteuin et 
de Gabrielle Berou."— (Ibid.) 


chap. vii. and Daniel Trezevant, another relative, of An- 

77 thon en Perche, in the northern part of the 
I obi- , . , r 

neighboring- province of Maine. 1 

t f\R(\ ox 

These refugees were accompanied to South 
Carolina by an excellent Minister of the Gospel 
from the same region. Laurent Philippe Trouil- 
lard, the first pastor of the little colony of 
Orange Quarter, was born in La Ferte-au- 
Trouiiiard Vidame, at the time when his father, Pierre 
Trouillard, was settled in that place. 2 

1 " Daniel Trezevant, fils de Theodore Trezevant et de 
Suzanne Menou, natif d'Anthon en Perche, et Suzanne 
Maulard sa femme, natif de Chanseuille en Bause, Province 
en France, fille de Lubin Maulard et de Gabrielle Berou. 
Daniel Trezevant, fils de Daniel Trezevant et de Suzanne 
Maulard."— (Ibid.) 

2 " Laurent Philippe Troillart, ne a la fette Regnault 
Roidam, fils de Pierre Trouillart et de Marie. Madeleine 
Maslet sa femme nee a cet. Elizabet et Madeleine leurs fils 
nez en Caroline." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez 
en Caroline.) Elsewhere, in the same document, the name 
is given as " Florent Philippe Trouilliard, natif de la Fette 
Regnault, ditte le vidame, fils de defunct Pierre Troiiillard, 
vivant professeur en Theologie." " Florent " unquestion- 
ably is a mistake for " Laurent." 

Pierre Trouillard, the father, was a native of Sedan in 
Champagne. He served several churches in that province 
and elsewhere : among them the church of la Ferte-au- 
Vidame. The Revocation found him in Calais, whence he 
took refuge in Holland, and afterwards in England, where 
he became minister of the French church in Canterbury. 
(Bulletin de la soc. de l'hist. du prot. franc., VIII., p. 605. 
Burn, Foreign Churches, p. 45.) Perhaps it was during his 
stay in Holland that he occupied a chair of theology, as 
stated above. 

The son, Laurent, came to South Carolina, and was there 
" in the latter part of 1686." — (Howe, History of the Presby- 
terian Church in South Carolina, I., p. 10S.) His first pas- 
torate was in Charleston, as colleague with Prioleau. Upon 
Prioleau's death, in 1699,-he relinquished his charge. The 


Under the panic caused by the dragonnades, Chap. vn. 
in these and other provinces of France, some of j^- 
the unfortunate Protestants fled for greater 

n • -r ■ j 1 • l686 - 

security to Fans. 1 wo motives prompted this 
singular course. First, it was thought incredible 
that the quartering of troops upon families 
would be practiced in the capital ; and many 
were influenced by the hope that they might 
there escape the barbarities suffered in remote 
parts of the country. Besides, many persons 
contemplating marriage, found it necessary to 
come to Paris to have that rite administered, 
according to the usage of the Reformed 
Churches : for, by this time, throughout one half 
of the kingdom, all exercises of the Protest- 
ant religion had been forbidden. An old Hu- 
guenot custom required the presence of numer- 
ous relatives and friends, on such occasions : 
and not unfrequently large companies were to 
be seen, attending the contracting parties on their 
errand to the capital for this purpose. Thus it 
came to pass, that on the eve of the Revocation Wedaing . 
of the Edict of Nantes, the city was crowded companies, 
with strangers, and the taverns and lodging- 
houses were filled to overflowing. Determined 
to cut off all hope of escape, the government 
now ordered everv Protestant to return to 

consistory of the French church in Charleston wrote, March 
3, 1700, to the consistory of the French church in London, 
asking for a minister "pour remplir la place que M. Trouill- 
art laisse vacante dans notre Eglise." He became pastor 
of the French congregation in St. John's, Berkley, and con- 
tinued in office until his death in 1712. 


Chap. vii. the province and the town to which he be- 
1681- l° n ged. A week before the signing of the Edict 
of Revocation, notice was published in Paris 
that all persons who had resided in that city less 
than one year should depart within four days. 
In the confusion that followed, not a few of the 
Huguenots found opportunity to leave the city 
and the kingdom. Whole families fled together, 

m , wandering from town to town, until at length 

Wander- £> & 

in s the eood providence of God opened to them a 

from , r c 1 

town to door 01 escape irom the country. 

These facts, which are related by the historian 
Benoist, 1 strikingly confirm certain interesting 
traditions preserved by Huguenot families in 
America. We give one of these traditions in 
the homely language in which it was written 
down, many years ago, from the lips of an aged 
person : 

"The Requa 2 family lived in Paris, previous 
to their departure from France in consequence 
of the persecution by the Romish Church 
against the Huguenots, as they were called. 
They departed in the night, to save their lives, 
leaving the greater part of their property, which 
they could not convert into money. There were 
eleven other families that went at the same time. 
The priests used to search every house where 
they imagined that there were Bibles or meet- 
ings held. They concealed their Bible for some 
time, but finallv it was discovered and taken 

1 Ilistoirede 1'Edit de Nantes, tome troisieme, seconde 
partie, pp. 863, 864. 

* Perhaps originally Req-uier or l'Escuyer. 


away. They managed, however, to retain some 

leaves, which were concealed under the bottom ^81- 

of a chair. The twelve families fled by night 

J & 1686. 

from Paris to La Rochelle, where they contin- 
ued for some time. But intelligence from Paris 
to La Rochelle soon detected theirseveral abodes. 
Their houses were to be broken into on a 
certain night. They would all have been cut 
off, had it not been for a good man, a Catholic, 
who had become acquainted with them. He 
gave them notice ; so they fled the night before, 
at about one or two o'clock. The twelve fami- Eequa's 
lies muffled the wheels of their waggons, so e£cape - 
as not to make any noise, but they were 
discovered on the way and pursued to a 
river, before they were overtaken. Ten families 
got over the stream safely, but two were taken. 
The others succeeded in getting aboard a ship 
which sailed for America." 1 

Daniel Streing and his wife were also in Paris 
at the time of the Revocation. Leaving his wife 
there in possession of his property, the hus- 

1 Document in the possession of F. R. Fowler, Esq., of 
Peekskill, New York. The document proceeds to state, 
that among the fugitives who escaped were Requa and his 
family. During the voyage, a fever broke out among the 
passengers, many of whom died. Among the victims were 
Requa and his wife, who left an only son, Claude, to become 
the founder of the family in America. Tradition gives the 
name of the emigrant as Gabriel ; but the English patent 
rolls mention the naturalization of John and Claude Esquier 
or Equerie ; and the Records of the French Church, New 
York, mention the decease of Jean Equier, marinier, natif 
de la Tremblade, who died in the harbor on a ship from 
London, December 22, 16S9. 


chap. vii. band embraced an opportunity to remove to En- 
i68~i- gl an d> wnere ne obtained a lieutenant's commis- 
sion in the guards of James II. Meanwhile, 
the severities directed against the Protestants 
increased ; the property of the refugee was con- 
fiscated, and the wife found herself friendless 
and destitute. Baffled in repeated attempts to 
escape, she at length in her desperation gave her 
child, two years old, into the care of the sentry 
charlotte wno detained her at the city gate, in pledge for 
LeMestre. fo^ S p ee dy return from the suburbs, whither she 
professed to be going in search of food. She 
succeeded in reaching England, made her way 
to London, and while wandering through the 
streets of that city, was noticed and recognized 
by some friends of her husband, who conducted 
her to him. 1 

There were other residents and natives of 

1 " A Memorandum of the family of Daniel L'Estrange 
and of Charlotte his wife, who escaped from France in the 
year 1685, in the time of the persecution under Lewis XIV. 
and came to America in 1688 and settled at New Rochelle 
in the County of Westchester then Province of New York." 

" Mr. L'Estrange shortly after was from the extended 
benevolence and bounty of the English government enabled 
to settle himself in the city of London where he resided and 
remained some time ; he continuing in the Guards until 
about the year 1688 when he having disposed of his commis- 
sion was enabled thereby to aid himself, and did embark 
with a number of other Protestant refugees his associates, 
many of whom were his acquaintances, for America, and ar- 
riving there landed at the City of New York in the course of 
the year 1688 with his wife and one son or more children. 
Mr. L'Estrange now in company with many of those his as- 
sociates proceeded to New Rochelle in the county of West- 
chester, where they making a settlement did settle them- 
selves in their respective -callings of life." 



Paris who joined the emigration to America. Chap. vn 
Henri Colie fled to England, upon the increase 77 
of persecution in 1681 ; but subsequently while 
on a voyage he was shipwrecked upon the coast 
of France, and taken a prisoner. He obtained 
his freedom through a feigned abjuration, which 
he hastened to disavow when he arrived in Lon- 
don a second time. He came to New York, 
some years later. 1 

Jonas Bonhoste, 2 Elie Horry, 3 Louis Picard, 4 
went to South Carolina ; and Jean Beauchamp 
became a prosperous merchant in Boston, Mas- 
sachusetts. 5 

1 Henry Collier was naturalized in England, March 8, 
1682. "Henry Colie, natif de Paris, s'est presente a la 
compagnie pour faire reconnoissance de l'abjuration qu'il a 
faite de notre religion en France, ou le vaisseau dans lequel 
il etoit echoiia. II le fera dimanche prochain." — (Records of 
the Consistory of the French Church in London, September 
20, 1700.) Henry Collier signed the protest against the 
dismissal of pasteur Rou, in New York, September 24, 1724. 
His widow, Susanne Colie, received assistance from the 
French Church, New York, in 1726. 

" Jonas Bonhoste, ne a Paris, fils de Pierre Bonhoste et 
de Marie Garlin, Catherine Allaire, sa femme, Jonas, leur 
fils ne en Caroline." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez 
en Caroline.) 

Ellye Horry, ne a Charenton, fils de Jean Horry et de 
Madelaine Du Frene."— (Ibid.) 

Louis Picard was in South Carolina in 1695. Appar- 
ently, he returned to England, where in 1705 Louis Picard, 
of Paris, aged sixty years, was assisted, with his wife Anne, 
by the Committee charged with the distribution of the 
Royal Bounty. 

5 Jean Beauchamp, a French Protestant refugee, was in 
Boston as early as the year 16S7, when his second daughter 
was born. He removed to Hartford in Connecticutafter 
1720, and his descendants, who intermarried with other Hu- 
guenot families, — Chenevard, Laurence, Sigourney, — are 


chap. vii. Two or three families that joined the emigra- 
l6Sl _ tion to South Carolina, came from villages and 
, Q , hamlets in the immediate neighborhood of 
Meaux, — thirty miles to the north-east of Paris, 
— where the first open preaching of the doc- 
trines of the Reformation took place, under the 
patronage of Bishop Briconnet. It is possible 
that these refugees in "Orange Quarter" may 
have been the descendants of some of the first 
converts in France, who received the Gospel at 
the lips of Lefevre and Farel, and whose faith 
was confirmed by the testimony of one of the 
earliest martyrs of the French Reformation, 
Jean Leclerc, "the wool-carder of Meaux." 1 

still to be found in that beautiful city. Beauchamp died in 
Hartford, November 14, 1740, aged eighty-eight years. 
" Jean Beauchamp, fils de Samuel Beauchamp et de Marie 
Malherbe," was baptized at Charenton, June 3, 1656. The 
father, a lawyer, and one of the influential members of the 
Church of Paris, fled, upon the Revocation, to England, 
and died in Thorpe in 1688. — (La France Protestante, 
seconde edition, vol. II., p. 9.) 

1 History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France, by 
Henry M. Baird. Vol. I, pp. 73-89. 

Nicholas Bochet, a native of Nanteuil-les-meaux, son of 
Nicholas Bochet and Marguerite Petit ; Susanne Dehays, 
his wife, born in Magny, paroisse de Boutigny ; with 
Susanne their daughter, born in Fublaines ; and Abel 
Bochet, brother of Nicholas, born in Nanteuil ; were among 
the settlers of Orange Quarter. Noe Sere, a native of 
Luminie [Lumigny], son of Claude Sere and Esther Gilliet ; 
and Catharine Challion his wife, also went to South Caro- 
lina. — (Liste, etc.) 

Nanteuil, two miles from Meaux, is a village of twelve hund- 
red inhabitants. Fublaines, close by, contains but four 
hundred. Lumigny, with five or six hundred inhabitants, 
lies within the canton of Rosoy, whither .Leclerc retired 
from Meaux after his first punishment for heresy, by whip- 
ping and branding. — Rise of the Huguenots, I., 87. 



The village of Saint Severe, in the province 
of Berri, was the birthplace of Isaac Porcher de 
Richebourg, the ancestor of a prominent Hu- 
guenot family of South Carolina. Isaac was a 
physician, and had taken his degree at the 
University of Paris. With his wife, Claude 
Cherigny, a native of Touraine, he fled soon 
after the Revocation to England, perhaps in 
company with his relative, Claude Philippe de 
Richebourg, a Protestant minister, afterwards 
pastor of the French colony on the James river 
in Virginia, and of the French church in 
Charleston. The Porchers were descended 
from the Counts of Richebourgf. 1 

1 " Isaac Porcher, ne a St. Severe en Berry, fils d'Isaac 
Porcher, et de Suzanne Ferre. Claude Cheriny, sa femme. 
Isaac, Pierre, Elizabeth, Madelaine, et Claude, leurs enfans, 
nez en Angleterre, et en Caroline." — (Liste des Francois et 
Suisses refugiez en Caroline.) 

" This family is descended from the Comtes de Riche- 
bourg. Isaac Porcher de Richebourg, M.D., of the Univer- 
sity of Paris, married Claude Cherigny, of the province of 
Touraine, and after the Edict of Revocation, they fled to 
South Carolina under British rule. Their son was Joseph 
Porcher, father of Paul Porcher, who married Mary Du 
Pre ; and his son, Josias Du Pre Porcher, removed from 
Charleston, South Carolina, in T768, being brought to 
England by his uncle, James Du Pre, who had been gov- 
ernor of Fort George, Madras. His son was Josias Du Pre 
Porcher, Esq., of Winslade House, Devonshire, M. P. for 
Old Sarum, who married Charlotte, daughter of Sir William 
Burnaby, and sister of the wife of John Chamier, Esq., 
who died in 1820. His eldest surviving son, Rev. George 
Porcher, married in 18 1 8, Francis Amelia, daughter of John 
Chamier, Esq.; and his sons are George Du Pre Porcher, 
Esq., barrister, and Captain Edwin Augustus Porcher, 
R. N." — (Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of 
Lewis XIV. By the Rev. David C. A. Agnew. II., 256.) 

To the same family, doubtless, belonged Claude Philippe 

Chap. VII. 






Chap. vii. From the neighboring town of Buzancais, the 

1681- brothers Pierre and Isaac Dugue, with their 

sister Elizabeth, made their escape at the same 

period, and ultimately reached South Carolina. 1 

de Richebourg. a Huguenot pastor who came to Virginia in 
1699, as minister of the French colony at Manakin town, on 
the James river. In 17 12 he left that colony and removed 
to South Carolina, where he succeeded Pierre Robert as 
minister of the French settlement at Santee. He died in 

The Porcher family in South Carolina is at present repre- 
sented by Frederick A. Porcher, Esq., of Charleston. 

1 " Pierre Dugue, Isaac Dugue, son frere, et Elizabeth 
Dugue, leur soeur, nez a Besance en Bery, enfans de Jacques 
Dugue et Elizabet Dupuy." — (Liste, etc.) 


The Revocation. 

flight from the eastern and southern 


The hopes of the persecuted Protestants in chap.vm 
Eastern France, and especially in those provinces 1681- 
of Champagne and Lorraine that reached l686 
out into the German territory, were naturally 
turned in their extremity to the region, compar- 
atively accessible, beyond the river Rhine and 
the Jura mountains, where " the Protestant 
Princes," and the friendly States of Switzerland 
and Holland, waited to show them kindness. 
There, indeed, the greater number of the exiles 
found permanent abodes ; while some, choosing 
rather to seek for themselves and for their chil- 
dren a home in the New World, pursued their 
journey northward to the German ocean, and 
embarked from some English port for the colo- 
nies in America. 

The names of but few refugees from those 
provinces have been transmitted to us, in connec- 
tion with the places from which they fled. Nic- 
olas Vignon, a native of Metz, in Lorraine, came 
to New York soon after the Revocation, and 
died there in October, 1689. 1 

1 Records of the French Church, New York. 



chap, viii It was probably from the neighborhood of the 
same town that Abraham Rutan, one of the 
Huguenot settlers at New Paltz, escaped to the 
Palatinate. 1 

Sedan, in the province of Champagne, was 
the home of the Tiphaine or Tiffany family. 2 

From Sedan came, also, Susanne Rochette, 
who afterwards married one of the French refu- 
gees in Virginia. Susanne was the youngest of 
three daughters, the eldest of whom was six- 
teen years of age at the time of the Revocation. 
Their home had been repeatedly visited by the 
priests, who questioned the children, seeking to 
find some occasion for sending them to the 
Roman Catholic schools. At length the father 
determined, if possible, to send his eldest daugh- 
ter out of the kingdom, and accordingly put her 
under the care of a niece, who with her infant 
child was about to set out for the nearest sea- 
port, hoping to escape to Holland. They were 
conducted by men, dressed in women's clothes. 

1 Refugees of this name fled at an earlier day from perse- 
cution in Saint Mihiel to Metz. — (Bulletin de la soc. de 
l'hist. du prot. franc., vol. II., p. 426.) 

The emigrant Rutan appears to have accompanied Abra- 
ham Hasbrouck to this country He reached New York 
as early as May, 1680. Five children of Abraham Rutan 
and Marie Petilion, his wife, were baptized by pastor Daille 
in the French church of New Paltz, 1683-1691. 

2 James (Jacques) Tiphaine and his wife Elizabeth, with 
six sons, were naturalized in England in 1682. Of these 
sons, two, Jean"de Sedan," and Daniel, remained in Lon- 
don, where several of their children were baptized ; and 
another, Pierre, with his wife Susanne Renel, came to New 
York. Jacques, son of Pierre and Susanne Renel, was bap- 
tized in the French church, New York, Oct. 15, 1704. 




On the journey, while crossing in the mgnt a 
small stream, the mother stumbled on some 
rocks, and the child cried out. A party of sol- 
diers stationed at a mill near by, roused by the 
sound, came forth, captured the women, and took 
them to prison. The father was permitted to 
bring his daughter home. A second attempt was 
more fortunate, and he succeeded in sending his 
two elder daughters to Amsterdam. The young- 
est, Susanne, was afterwards forwarded to her sis- 
ters, concealed in a hogshead, and committed to 
a friendly sea-captain. The family remained in 
Holland until the marriage of the elder daugh- 
ters, who removed to the West Indies. Susanne 
became the wife of Abraham Micheaux, a Hu- 
guenot, who ultimately settled in Virginia. 1 

Barthelemy Dupuy, the ancestor of a Hugue- 
not family that took root in Virginia, originated, 
it is believed, in this part of France. Accord- 
ing to the tradition maintained in various 
branches of that family, Dupuy was born in the 
year 1650, entered the army at the age of 
eighteen, and served for fourteen years, during 
which he fought in as many pitched battles, in 
Flanders. Promoted to be lieutenant, he was 
transferred to the household guards of Louis 
XIV. While in this service, he was occasion- 
ally sent on important errands, provided with a 
written pass from the king, requiring all persons 
to allow him to proceed on his way without 
hindrance. About the year 1682, he retired 

1 The Huguenots ; or, Reformed French Church. By 
William Henry Foote, D.D. Pp. 541-545. 

Chap. Vni 




Chap. vin from the service, purchased an estate, and mar- 
l6S „ ried a Countess Susanne Lavillon. He retained 
the favor of the king, though known to be a 
staunch Huguenot; and shortly before the Rev- 
ocation of the Edict of Nantes,' a messenger 
from the court came to apprise him of the 
measure then preparing, and urged him to abjure, 
promising him substantial reward. Soon after, 
the curb of the parish, with whom he was on 
friendly terms, called upon him, accompanied by 
six armed men. At the sight of this force, Du- 
puy drew his sword, but the priest entreated 
him to forbear, inasmuch as resistance would be 
hopeless, and besought him to be reconciled to 
the Church of Rome. An earnest discussion 
ensued, and finally Dupuy asked for a little 
time to reflect upon the matter. To this the 
cure consented, and he was left alone. That 
night, accompanied by his wife, disguised in 
male attire as his servant, he set forth on horse- 
back. Before dawn, they were far on their way 
to the German border. Interrogated from time 
to time by the military authorities whom he en- 
countered, he pleaded urgent official business, 
and when pressed, exhibited a pass, bearing the 
royal signature. At length the fugitives found 
themselves beyond the boundary of France ; and 
dismounting, they kneeled by the roadside, and 
prayed and wept together, and sang the psalm 
of deliverance, " I waited patiently for the Lord, 
and He inclined unto me and heard my cry." 

Duouy remained fourteen years in Germany. 
In 1699, ne went to -England, and soon after 


joined the French colony on the James river chap.vm 

in Virginia, where he ended his days. His T 68i- 

descendants in the United States are very ,„, 

J 1686. 

numerous. 1 

The city of Lyons had at one time a large 
Protestant population ; but during the period 
of severe religious persecution, nearly the 
whole of that population left the kingdom. 
Among - the fugitives was Francois L'Egare, 2 
whose eldest son, Solomon, became the founder 
of an influential family in South Carolina. Ac- 
cording to the family legend, Solomon, a youth 
of eighteen or nineteen, was absent from home, 
at college, when his parents made their escape 
from France. Word was brought to him by a 
trusted servant, directing him to disguise himself 
as a peasant, and proceed to Geneva. He sue- Lyons, 
ceeded in doing this, and in due time joined the 
family in Bristol, England, where they resided 
for some years, before coming to America. 
Francois L'Egare, with his two sons, was ad- 
mitted into the Massachusetts colony in 1691. 3 

1 The Huguenots ; or, Reformed French Church. By 
William Henry Foote, D.D., pp. 549-555. The name of 
Barthelemy Dupuy appears in a list of the inhabitants of 
Manakintown, in 17 14. 

2 So the tradition runs. — MS. in the possession of Mrs. 
Eliza Fludd, Charleston, S. C. 

3 Francis L'Egare, jeweler, his wife Anne, and their sons 
Francis Solomon, Daniel James, and Stephen John, were 
naturalized in England, March 8, 1682. Francis Legare, 
goldsmith, and two sons were admitted into the colony of 
Massachusetts, February 1, 1691. " Legare," perhaps one 
of the sons, joined the short-lived settlement in Narragan- 


Chap. viii Solomon removed to Charleston, South Caro- 
1681- lina, where he lived to enter his ninety-eighth 
1686 year. A man of strict uprightness and earnest 
piety, he was of an excitable temper, and deter- 
mined will. It is said that he would never per- 
mit the French language to be spoken in his 
family, wishing to break every tie that could 
unite them to the land of their ancestors. Often, 
relating the scenes of horror he had witnessed 
and heard of, in that country, he warned his 
children never to return to France. The Hon- 
orable Husfh Swinton Le^are, a distinguished 
American statesman and man of letters, was a 
descendant of this Huguenot refugee. 
La The town of la Voulte, in Languedoc, on the 

Vouite. wes t bank of the Rhone, seventy miles below 
Lyons, was the birth-place of Judith Giton, 
afterwards the wife of Gabriel Manio-ault. A 
letter that she wrote upon reaching America, 
to her brother, in Germany, gives a graphic 
account of her flight from France. " For eight 
months we had suffered from the contributions 
and the quartering of the soldiers, on account 
of religion, enduring many inconveniences. We 
therefore resolved on quitting France at night, 
leaving the soldiers in their beds, and abandoning 
the house with its furniture. We went to Ro- 
mans, in Dauphiny, and there contrived to hide 
ourselves for ten days, whilst a search was made 

The will of Francois Legard, of Braintree, Suffolk county, 
Massachusetts, is dated February 3, 1710^-11. — (Probate, 
January 26, 1711-12.) It mentions his wife, Ann, his son 
Solomon, " now at Carrolina," and his son Daniel. 


for us ; but our hostess, being faithful, did not Chap.vm 
betray us when questioned if she had seen us. l6 g 4 
Thence we passed on to Lyons, and thence to 
Dijon, from which place, as well as Lang-ret, my 
eldest brother wrote to you ; but I know not if 
either of the letters reached you. He informed 
you that we were quitting France. We went to 
Madame de Choiseule's, but accomplished noth- 
ing, for she was dead, and her son-in-law had the 
control of everything. Moreover, he gave us 
to understand that he perceived our intention to 
escape from France, and that if we asked any 
favors from him he would inform against us. 
We pursued our way towards Metz, in Lorraine, 
where we embarked on the river Moselle, in 
order to go to Treves. Thence we proceeded to 
Cochem and to Coblentz, and thence to Cologne, 
where we left the Rhine and took wagons to 
Wesel. There we met with an host who spoke 
a little French, and who told us that we were 
only thirty leagues from Luneburg. We knew 
that you were there, in winter quarters, for we 
had received a letter of yours, fifteen days be- 
fore our departure from France, telling us that 
you would winter there. Our deceased mother 
and I entreated my eldest brother to consent 
that we should go that way ; or else, leaving us 
with her, to go himself to see you. It was in 
the depth of winter. But he would not hear of 
it, having nothing in his mind but ' Carolina,' 
and dreading to miss any chance of coming 
hither. The thought that we thus lost so good an 
opportunity to see you at least once more, has 


Chap, vm been a constant source of grief to me, ever 

77 since. After this, we passed into Holland, in 

order to go to England. We were detained in 

London for three months, waiting for a vessel 

ready to sail for Carolina." 1 

East of the river Rhone, some fifty miles from 
the home of Judith Giton, is the town of Die, 
in Dauphinv, in the neighborhood of which 
Rene de Durand, a Huguenot gentleman, was 
residing, a few years before the Revocation. 
The Protestant " temple" in the village adjoin- 
ing his estate was one of the first to be destroyed 
in that district. Undaunted by threats and pro- 
hibitions, Durand assembled his family and 
friends, and resorted every Sunday to the site 
of the demolished sanctuary, to hold a service 
of prayer and praise amidst the ruins. For this 
daring act he was proscribed, his dwelling was 
plundered and torn down, and his large estates 
were confiscated. 2 

It was a brother of this nobleman who came 
to Maryland and Virginia in the year 1686, and 

Judith Giton, the writer of the letter above quoted in 
part, was married upon her arrival in South Carolina to Noe 
Royer, and after his death became the wife of Pierre Mani- 
gault. The original letter is in the possession of his de- 
scendant, Dr. Gabriel E. Manigault, of Charleston, S. C. I 
am indebted to the courtesy of Dr. Manigault for a tran- 
script, which will be found in the Appendix to this vol- 
ume. •, 

2 In a list of pastors and other persons persecuted in France, 
who had, in 1683, taken refuge in Geneva, the name of " M. 
De Durand, gentilhomme du Dauphine, 50 ans," occurs. 
He was accompanied by his wife and four children. — Bul- 
letin de la soc. de l'hist. du prot. franc., XIX., p. 313. 

en masse. 


who published upon his return to Europe a " De- Chap.vm 
scription " of those parts of America. The narra- t ^T 
tive of his flight from Dauphiny gives us a vivid 
picture of the effects of the dragonnades in that 
province, as he witnessed them. 

" As yet, no soldiers had been sent into this 
province, which was reserved for the last, inas- 
much as it contained only seven thousand 
families of the Reformed religion. I gave direc- 
tions, in the neighborhood of my home, that I 
should be apprised of their coming ; and on the 
eighteenth day of October, 1685, about noon, I 
learned that some had entered by way of Taras- 
con. Accordingly I started, about midnight, _ 

& J => ' Conver- 

with three horses and two servants. I presumed sions 
that I should have time enough to reach Mar- 
seilles before the troops could advance ; for I 
knew that there were in that vicinity five or six 
large boroughs, of several hundred inhabitants 
each, among whom there was scarcely a single 
Papist ; and I knew of several persons in those 
places who were worth as much as a hundred 
thousand ecus, and who were ardently attached 
to 'the Religion.' I judged, therefore, m that 
there was not one of these localities where the 
regiment would not be detained for a month 
before the inhabitants could be induced to suc- 
cumb. Great, then, was my surprise, when on 
the morrow, late in the afternoon, I saw a quan- 
tity of yellow cloaks descending a hill in the 
distance. I could not doubt that these were the 
dragoons. Concealing my party in a hollow 
near by, I waited on the roadside, putting on 


Chap. viii the best face I could, while twelve companies of 
l68 dragoons passed by. 

" So soon as they were out of sight, I hastened 
forward, and journeyed all night, in order to go 
out of the bishopric (of Die). Meeting some 
soldiers, I asked them the news. They told 
me, with evident dissatisfaction, and interlarding 
their statement with oaths, that they had that 
Disap- ^ a y P asse d through two or three large boroughs, 
pointment filled with Huguenots, who displayed so little 

of the ... 

troopers, attachment to their relioion, that no sooner did 
they hear the beating of their drums than they 
rushed en masse to the churches, to make their 
abjurations. It was true, my informants con- 
tinued, that the first towns they visited upon 
entering the province made resistance for three 
days, and they had settled up well with them in 
consequence ; but as for the rest, they had not 
been suffered to unbridle their horses in one 
of them, or take so much as a fowl from the 

" I was astonished at the rapidity of these 
conquests, and finding myself now beyond the 
limits of the bishopric, and learning moreover 
that there were no troops coming in that direc- 
tion, I resolved to stop at a place called 
Merindol, 1 and rest for a short time. I found 
the poor people of this town in a lamentable 
state. Their consciences had begun to reproach 

1 A village six miles south of Nyons, now in the depart- 
ment of Drome, with a population of three hundred and 
seventy-six inhabitants ; to be distinguished from Merindol 
on the Durance, mentioned further on. 


them with the crime they had committed so 
precipitately in abjuring. I lodged afterwards l6g[ . 
in other places where there were no Protestants 
at all. Here the dragoons had been quartered, 
in consequence of the easy conversion of the 
Huguenot villages, and so accustomed had they 
become to license and extortion, that with the 
exception of personal maltreatment, they prac- 
ticed upon these Roman Catholics the very 
same outrages as upon Protestants ; a course 
that called forth from the unfortunate people 
the most dreadful imprecations upon that 
infernal enterprise of the dragonnades." ' 

From Dauphiny came also Jacques de Bour- 
deaux 2 and Paul Pepin, 3 of Grenoble ; and 
Andre Rembert, 4 of the neighboring town of Le 
Pont en Royans. These emigrants went to 
South Carolina. The Bard family, of New 
Jersey, 5 and the Bessonets of Pennsyl- 

1 Voyage d'un Francois exile pour la religion, avec une 
description de la Virgine et le Marilan, dans l'Amerique. A 
la Haye, imprime pour l'auteur, 1687. 

2 "Jacques de Bourdeaux, ne a Grenoble, fils de Evre- 
mond de Bourdeaux et de Catherine Fresne. Madeleine 
Garillond, sa femme. Madeleine, Judith, leurs filles, nez a 
Grenoble. Anthoine, Jacques, Israel, leurs enfans nez en 
Caroline." — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caro- 
line ) 

3 " Paul Pepin, ne a Grenoble, fils d'Alexandre Pepin, et 
de Madeleine Garillon." — (Ibid.) 

4 " Andre Rembert, fils de Francois Rembert et de 
Judith Rembert, de Pont en Royan, en Dauphine. Anne, 
sa femme, fille de Jean et Louise Bressan, du dit lieu. Anne, 
Andre, Gerosme, Pierre, Susanne, Jeanne, enfans, nez en 
Caroline." — (Ibid.) 

5 Several of this name are mentioned in lists of the per- 
secuted Protestants in Dauphiny. — Archives Nationales, 


chap. viii vania, ' originated probably in the same 
1686 province. From the Vauclois village of Me- 
rindol, on the Durance, came Jean Andrivet, 2 
whose name appears among the names of the fu- 
gitive Protestants condemned by the parliament 
of Grenoble in 1686. At a later day, Jean Henri 
la Motte, " a Huguenot, supposed to have been 
from Provence, and to have resided for some 
time in Holland," came to Charleston. 3 

Tt. — La France Protestante, s. v. — Jacques Barde and 
Marie his wife had a daughter baptized in the French 
Church, Les Grecs, London, August 15, 1706. Peter Bard, 
a native of France, was naturalized in New Jersey, June 12, 
1713. John and Samuel Bard were prominent physicians 
of New York in the last century. 

1 A Protestant family of Dauphiny. Claude de Bessonet, 
sieur de Gatuzieres, is mentioned, 159S to 1614. — (La France 
Protestante.) A century later, another Claude Bessonet was 
naturalized in England, March 11, 1700. He settled in 
Waterford, Ireland, where the family occupied a high social 
position. (Agnew's Prot. Exiles from France, vol. II., p. 272.) 
Francis Bessonet was minister of the French Church in 
Dublin, 1765. — (Ibid, vol. I., p. 210.) Daniel Goudon Bes- 
sonet, fils de Bessonet, was baptized in the French 

Church, New York, July 30, 17 jo. The family settled about 
the year 1720 in Bristol, Pennsylvania, where Charles Bes- 
sonett was deputy postmaster during the Revolution. 

'Jean Andrivet, banni du royaume pour dix ans," is 
mentioned among the " religion naires fugitifs emprisonnes 
et juges par le parlement de Grenoble en 1686." — (Bulletin 
de la soc. de l'hist. du prot. franc., VIII., p. 308.) Jean 
Andrivet and Antoinette Buvier his wife were in New York, 
May 14, 1693, when pastor Daille baptized their son Pierre. 
Three other sons of the first wife were baptized in the 
French Church; and "Jean Andrivet de Merindol en 
Provence " was married to a second wife, Jeanne de 
Loumeau, October 18, 1699. Denization was granted him, 
April iS, 1695, and April 24, "John Androuet, Victualler," 
was made free of the city. 

3 He arrived in South Carolina about the year 1727. Some 
years after, he removed to Hagerstown, Maryland, but was 

i68 5 . 


In no other part of France had Protestantism 
flourished more remarkably than in the import- 
ant province of Languedoc. Its adherents, 
shortly before the Revocation, exceeded two 
hundred thousand ; and in many of the towns, 
they still outnumbered the Roman Catholics. 
Yet, half a century of repression, and of not un- 
frequent persecution, had greatly weakened a 
cause which, in the early days of the French 
Reformation, bade fair to gain over almost the 
entire province. Montpellier, its principal city, 
welcomed the Reform with unexampled alacrity. 
Within a single year from the time of its intro- 
duction into the place, the Protestants were in 
the majority. In an outburst of misguided zeal, 
they seized the churches, destroyed some of 
them, and abolished the mass, which was not 
said for many years after. 1 As in La Rochelle, 

driven from the place at the time of Braddock's defeat. He 
went to the neighborhood of Hanover, Pennsylvania, and 
died in York, in that State, in 1794, aged eighty-nine years. 
Upon his arrival in America, he married a widow Bollinger, 
from Switzerland, and had five sons, John, Daniel, Henry, 
Francis, and Abram. " He was a very reticent man, and his 
own family did not know that he could speak French until 
the time of La Fayette's first visit to America, when a Cap- 
tain Nicolas de la Motte, who claimed to be his cousin, 
called upon him, with other French officers ; and from the 
profound deference with which they treated him, and the 
little that he said of himself, it is believed that he was of 
high rank." The descendants of Jean Henri de la Motte 
are to be found at present in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and North 
Carolina. — (Information received from William John Potts, 
Esq., of Camden, New Jersey.") 

1 Histoire de l'Eglise Reformee de Montpellier depuis son 
origine jusqu'a nos jours; par Philippe Corbiere. Mont- 
pellier : 1 86 1, p. 53. — Sixty years later, when at the close of 


chap, viii some members of the monastic orders embraced 
l68 - the new faith, and the bishop himself was 
thought to favor it. 

Montpellier was one of the strongholds of the 
Huguenots during the civil wars, and one of 
their cautionary towns under the Edict of 
Nantes. Since the breaking- up of the political 
party, Protestantism had waned, under the sys- 
tematic oppression which was to culminate in 
the abrogation of the edict. The two " temples " 
of the Huguenots were destroved, the one in 
1670, the other in 1682; and in the autumn of 
the year 1685, sixteen companies of troops en- 
tered the city, to commence the " dragooning " 
mission which had been so fruitful of "conver- 
sions " elsewhere. xAs elsewhere, the terror 
produced by this apparition proved irresistible. 
That very day, six thousand of the Protestants 
of Montpellier abjured, and obtained the certifi- 
cates 1 which exempted them from the visits of 
the "booted missionaries" of Rome. 

the siege of that city, Louis XIII. entered it, he found not 
a church left standing, in which mass could be said. De- 
clining to follow the suggestion of some who urged him to 
seize the "grand temple" of the Protestants, he ordered a 
public hall to be fitted up for the purpose. — (Ibid., p. 162.) 

1 These certificates were printed forms, duly filled up. 
We translate a specimen given by Corbiere. — (Histoire de 
I'Eglise Reformee de Montpellier, p. 261.) The words in 
italics were supplied with the pen. 

" Extract from the registers of new converts of Lhe diocese of 


' The year 1685 and the 29//; day of the month of Septem- 
ber, Sieur Pierre Restouble, fish-monger, aged 45 years or 
thereabouts, residing in this town of Montpellier, after having 
been sufficiently instructed, made abjuration of the heresy 


Abjuration, in multitudes of cases, was fol- 
lowed as speedily as possible by flight. Many jggc. 
persons, however, had avoided the snare of a 
forced conversion, by a timely escape, and were 
now beyond the reach of persecution. It is not 
always easy to say to which of these two classes 
our American refugees belonged. In the list of 
religionists and new converts, whose goods were 
seized, upon their departure from France, we 
find the name of Pierre Monteils, an iron mer- 
chant of Montpellier, born in Canet, in the diocese 
of Lodeve, in Lano-uedoc. Before leaving his 
home, with his wife Jeanne de Bosson, and one 
of their daughters, Monteils made over his 
property to his son-in-law, Noe Cazalet, also a 
merchant, who remained in that city, professedly 
a " nouveau converti." His sincerity however 
was suspected. Questioned by the priests with 
reference to his conformity to the rules of the 
Church, Cazalet answered that he had directed 
his children to attend mass, but as for him- 
self, " it must come from God." He eives 
no evidence of Catholicity, adds his examiner. 1 

of Calvin, and public profession of the Catholic, Apostolic 
and Roman religion, in the chapel of the seminary, at the 
hand of Pierre Fressinaurf, priest of the oratory, in the 
presence of Brothers Andre Per and and Claude. Gilles, who 
have signed the original. Compared with the original by 
me, secretary of my lord the bishop. 

Sauvaire, of the oratory." 
1 " Fugitifs : Pierre Monteils, marchand de fer, sa femme 
et une de ses filles. — Possesseur des biens : Le sieur Caza- 
let, pres la croix des Sevenols, paroisse Notre-Dame. — 
Premiere note : " II m'a repondu qu'il avail bailie ses en- 
fants, qu'ils allaient a l'eglise, mais que pour lui il fallait 



chap. viii Monteils had taken refuge in London, where he 
l68 - resided for a number of years. He came to New 
York early in the eighteenth century, 1 and was 
accompanied or followed by Cazalet. 2 

Toulouse, the capital of the province, had been 
noted since the early days of the Reformation in 
France, for its bitter hostility to Protestantism. 
Twice, in the course of the sixteenth century, the 
streets of the city were stained with the blood 
of many of the inhabitants, massacred as here- 
tics. In spite of its well-established character, 

que cela vint de Dieu." — Deuxieme note : " II ne donne au- 
cune marque de catholicite." (Etat des biens des religion- 
naires et nouveaux convertis sortis du royaume, situes dans 
le diocese de Montpellier, qui doivent estre saisis. — Corbiere. 
Histoire de l'eglise reformee de Montpellier, pp. 290, 525.) 

1 Pierre Montels, a native of Canet, diocese de Lodeve, 
married demoiselle Jeanne de Montels et de Bosson. He 
had two daughters, Marie, who married Noe Cazalet, and 
Marguerite, who married Francois Besart, merchant, of 
London. Montels fled to England, where he was naturalized, 
January 5, 1688, and was living in the parish of St. Martin, 
London, July 4, 1699, when he made the will which men- 
tions several of the foregoing particulars. Pierre and Mar- 
guerite Montels were sponsors at the baptism of Pierre, son 
of Gabriel Montels, in the French Church, Swallow Street, 
London, July 18, 1695. He came to New York and was 
made free of that city, May 27, 1702, as "Peter Montels, 
Gent." He and his wife were members of the French 
Church, New York, of which he was one of the " chefs de 
famille," in 1704. By his will, proved January 20, 1707, 
Montels left all his property, in France or elsewhere, to his 
wife.— (Wills, New York, VII. 334.) 

2 N06 Cazalel was made free of the city of New York, 
\ugust 22, 1709, and was chosen constable in 1710. Five 

children of Nor Cazalet and Elizabeth Ony his wife — ap- 
parently by a second marriage — were baptized in the French 
Church, New York, 1711-1717. Both were deceased in 
1743-4, when letters of administration were granted to John 
Cazalet.— (Wills, New York,-XII. no, 147.) 


however, Toulouse was still the abode of a chap.vm 
number of Huguenots at the period of the Rev- T 68 I _ 
ocation. Among those who took refuge in i6g6 
America, was Vincent de Laymerie, son of Noe 
de Laymerie, and Marie Elisabeth his wife. 1 

A few emigrants from Montpellier, with their 
families, reached South Carolina. Joachim 
Gaillard, 2 Francois de Rousserie, 3 and a " Mon- 
sieur Brie," are mentioned. 4 The Garrigues 
family of Pennsylvania are descended, it is be- 
lieved, from a brother of David Garric, who fled 
like him from Montpellier, at the time of the 
Revocation, and came to this country, where he 
joined the Society of Friends. 5 

Castres, in Languedoc, one of the most im- 
portant of the towns of that province, had been 
among- the first to welcome the Reformed doc- 
trines. Its Protestant inhabitants were sub- 
jected for half a century to numberless vexatious 

1 Naturalized in England, April 15, 1693, as de Lainerie ; 
and in New York, 1705, as de Laymerie. — (Book of Deeds, 
Albany, New York, X., 151.) 

2 " Joachim Gaillard, fils de Jean Gaillard, de Montpel- 
lier en Languedoc. Ester Gaillard, sa femme, fille de 
Andre Paparel et Caterine Paparel, de Bouin en Foret. 
Jean, Pierre, enfans du susdits." — (Liste des Francois et 
Suisses refugiez en Caroline.) The French refugee in Bos- 
ton, 1687, wrote, " M. Gaillard, que mon pere connoit, est 
arrive avec toute sa fainille en Caroline." — (Relation d' un 
Francois refugie a Boston.) 

3 " Francois de Rousserie, ne a Montpellier, fils d' Alex- 
andre De Rousserye, et de Marie Suranne." — (Liste, etc.) 

4 Relation d' un Francois refugie a Boston. 

5 Another brother, it is said, fled to Germany, where the 
name still exists, slightly modified, as Garrigue. This family 
is represented by William H. and Samuel B. Garrigues, of 
Philadelphia, Penn. 


Chap. vm restrictions; yet, as late as the year 1670, they 
16S1- f° rme d a majority of the population. Near 
Castres was the birth-place of John Paul Masca- 
rene, lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia from 
1 740 to 1749. He was descended from one of 
the most ancient families of Langruedoc. 1 His 


1 The family of Mascarene, or Mascarenc, as the name 
seems then to have been written, attained considerable im- 
portance at Castres in the latter part of the sixteenth cen- 
tury. Jacques and Antoine Mascarenc, brothers, were 
among the bravest Huguenots of that brave little city. 
Jacques Mascarenc was one of three Protestant soldiers 
who, when Castres had fallen into the hands of the Roman 
Catholics, undertook the perilous venture of endeavoring to 
ascertain whether an entrance could be effected through the 
grated vault of a mill adjoining the walls, and who brought 
word back to their brethren that the project was practicable. 
— (Memoires de Jacques Gaches, p. 146.) This occurred on 
Sunday, July 5, 1573. The plan was discovered by the 
enemy, and failed ; but about a year later (Monday, August 
2 3> 3 574)? a band of thirteen Huguenots succeeded in a still 
more daring enterprise which resulted in the recovery of 
Castres by the Protestants. " It would be gross ingratitude 
to these brave men," says Gaches, p. 178, "were their names 
to be concealed from posterity ; and I shall therefore com- 
mit them to paper that I may be the herald of their valour." 
Jacques and Antoine Mascarenc figure among the immor- 
tal thirteen, and seem to have fully equaled, if they did not 
surpass, their associates in intrepidity. Raised to the dig- 
nity of captains, both of the brothers distinguished them- 
selves for the effective help they gave to the Protestant 
cause. In 1581, Antoine was murdered in a time of peace ; 
but his elder brother continued for many years to be a 
trusted leader. 

Beside Jacques and Antoine, there was another Masca- 
renc, a Huguenot, who, in 15S0, was one of the consuls of 
Angles (Memoires de Jacques Gaches, p. 271). He may 
have been an ancestor of Paul Mascarene, who, as we learn 
from his narrative, had some lands near that place. 

The pedigree preserved by the descendants of Jean Mas- 
carene, in Massachusetts, is as follows : 

Martin Mascarene, born 1535, married Elisabeth de Siton. 
They had three sons, of -whom Jean, born 1550, died 



father, Jean Mascarene, a devoted and an intel- chap.vm 
ligent member of the Reformed Church of j6g x _ 
Castres, and a man of high legal attainments, 
was councilor in the Chamber of the Edict, 
which still existed, though now united to the 
parliament of Toulouse. Upon the approach of 
the dragoons, in the summer of the year 1685, 
Jean Mascarene removed with his wife, Mar- 
guerite de Salavy, who was then pregnant, to 
his country house at Carrelle, near Angles, 
six leagues from Castres. But hearing that 
Angles was also to be given up to the soldiery, 
he sought refuge in a peasant's cottage on one 
of the neighboring mountains. Here Jean Paul 
was born, in October, 1685. So soon as the 
child was weaned, he was carried to his grand- 
mother in Castres, with whom he lived until the 

1660, married Guilste Dimbert. Their son Jean married, 
April 26, 1649, Louise de Balarand, born August 8, 1642, 
died December 13, 1 731. Jean died in 1682. Jean Mas- 
carene and Louise de Balarand had eleven children, eight of 
whom died young. Jean, the eldest, born April 20, 1660, 
died April 6, 1698. He married, August 4, 1684, Marguerite 
de Salavy, and had one son, Jean Paul, born October, 1685, 
died January 15, 1760. Jacques, eighth child of Jean and 
Marguerite, died in 1718. Cesar, youngest child of Jean 
and Marguerite, married, in 1702, Elisabeth Termangen, 
and died in 1730. They had two children, Henri, born in 
1703, and Anne. Henri married Baudecour, and had two 
daughters, Elisabeth and Anne. — New England Historical 
and Genealogical Register, vol. IX., p. 239 : where the date 
of Jean Paul's birth is given incorrectly : compare vol. 
XXXV., p. 223. 

Arms of the Mascarene family: — "Argent, a Lion, 
Rampant, Gules, with a chief azure charged with three 
Mullets, and a Mullet of the same for crest." — N. E. Hist, 
and Gen. Register, vol. IX., p. 247. 


chap. viii age of eleven. His parents remained concealed 
l686> in their mountain retreat, until the following 
February, when they made their way to Tou- 
louse, and embarked on the Garonne, for Agen, 
hoping to remain there unnoticed for a while. 
But the officer in command of the troops quar- 
tered upon the Protestants at Agen, was a 
native of Castres ; and the fugitives, fearing 
discovery, again took passage on the Garonne, 
this time for Bordeaux. Scarcely had they gone 
on board the boat, however, when a lieutenant 
accosted them, and asked them if they did not 
profess the " religion called Reformed." Upon 
receiving an affirmative answer, he ordered 
them to follow him. They were conducted to 
prison, and in due time were brought before the 
criminal judge, at Castres, charged with a viola- 
tion of the king's edict, that forbade his subjects 
to depart from the kingdom. Mascarene made 
his defense, modestly, but with great firmness. 
Asked if it were not true that he had intended to 
depart the kingdom, he replied that he ll loved 
his country too well to leave it, unless forced to 
do so." Asked what was his object in going to 
Bordeaux, he replied that he went because he 
could not safely remain in Agen, and was in 
hope that he might pass a few days there un- 
noticed and in quiet. Asked whether it were 
true that when questioned by a gentleman as to 
his willingness to change his religion, he had an- 
swered that he was convinced of the truth of his 
religion, and hoped to be faithful to it all 
his life, he not only admitted the fact, but told 


the judge that if h^ would take the trouble to Chap.vm 
put the same question to him, he would ever j^T 6 
make the same reply. This courageous confes- 
sion did not avail him. In April, 16S6, with a 
fellow-prisoner, Dupuy of Caraman, he was sen- 
tenced to the galleys for life. His property was 
confiscated, and a fine of three thousand livres 
was imposed upon him. He calmly made his 
appeal to the Parliament of Toulouse, and as he 
left the court, said, " My God abandoned every- 
thing for my sake, and expired upon the cross. 
It is right that I should make for Him the small 
sacrifice to which I am condemned. I am per- 
suaded that He will never forsake me, so loner 
as I remain faithful to Him." 

Mascarene's imprisonment lasted for upwards 
of two years. On the 7th of May, 1687, ne 
had a hearing before the Chamber of Parliament 
in which he had himself been councilor. " The 
humiliating posture in which he was placed — the 
chains on his legs, the presence of fourteen 
judges — did not in the least dismay him. He 
maintained an admirable firmness and composure 
of mind, heard all his judges, answered each 
of them without the slightest discomposure : de- 
fended himself with singular ability, and even 
obtained from the court permission to interro- 
gate one of the judges who had put a question 
to him — a thing quite unprecedented." At the 
close of the trial, he was asked whether he still 
persisted in his belief. He replied, "Yes, I am 
ready to follow my God whithersoever He may 
please to call me. He gave up everything for 


chap. viii me ; it is but just that I should give up every- 
1686- thing for Him." He was remanded to the prison 
688 of the " Conciergerie," and a few days later, was 
removed to that of the Hotel de Ville. This 
was usually done in the case of criminals 
destined for execution, and Mascarene con- 
cluded that the end of all his troubles was at 
hand. But as time passed on, and no notice 
to this effect reached him, he took courage, 
and made every effort to secure a vindication 
of his rights, but all in vain. At length, 
early one morning in April, 1688, an officer 
came into his cell, and ordered him to rise 
immediately. Not doubting that his last mo- 
ment had come, he answered, " Give me time 
to say my prayers, and I shall be ready to go 
where God may call me." Half an hour later, 
the officer returned, and having blindfolded him, 
led him out, and placed him in a sedan chair, 
seating himself at his side. He was then car- 
ried to the frontier, set at liberty, and com- 
manded in the king's name never to re-enter the 
kingdom. He thanked the officer for the care 
he had taken of him, but told him it was 
scarcely worth while to detain him two years, 
and finally to carry him whither he desired to 
go ; adding, that he took comfort under all his 
sufferings, as he looked upon them as nothing 
in comparison with the glory which was to be re- 
vealed, and which he firmly believed that he would 
enjoy. He reached Geneva on the 10th day of 
April, " having nothing but what he carried on 
his back." His mother sent him from time to 


time such assistance as she could. He lived for Chap.viii 
ten years after his release, and died in Utrecht l6 8 
on the 6th of April, 1698, aged thirty-eight 

Jean Mascarene was a heroic confessor of the 
Reformed faith. Several interesting memorials 
of him have been preserved by his descendants. 
They will be found in the appendix to this 
volume. Some of the sentences which he ad- 
dressed while in prison to the lawyer whom he 
requested to plead his cause, show us the man. 

" Although my religion passes for a crime, 
and I well know that but for my religion I 
should not be in my present position, I make 
bold to justify this so-called crime, and choose 
rather to be the criminal that I am, than to 
recover all I have lost. 

" All discussion apart, I am persuaded of the 
truth of my religion ; my conscience refuses 
that which is offered me, and I have an uncon- 
trollable aversion to hypocrisy. 

" It is my opinion that all that can bring us to 
embrace any religion is the knowledge we have 
of God and of what He has done for us, the 
love and gratitude we feel toward Him, our 
recognition of the truth, and our love of it, our 
fear of infinite and eternal misery, and our hope 
of perfect and eternal happiness. 

" I am resolved to use all the influence of my 
friends and connections, all that I can claim of 
them, and all that is left to me, to make good 
my defense, leaving the issue to the will of God. 
If I must suffer, I shall suffer more patiently, 


chap. viii knowing that I have not to blame myself for 

7~- neglect in any respect. To my thinking, it is as 

much a man's duty to sacrifice his possessions in 

order to save his life, as it is to sacrifice both 

life and possessions to save his soul." 

Meanwhile, the son, Jean Paul, had been 
brought up in Castres, under the care of his 
grandmother, Louise de Balarand, and of his 
uncle Cesar Mascarene. When he had entered 
his twelfth year, it was decided, at his father's 
urgent request, to send him to Geneva. Accord- 
ingly, in the latter part of November, 1696, the 
uncle set forth, accompanied by a trusty servant, 
and by Jean Paul, disguised as a page in green 
livery. The three took the road to Lyons, de- 
signing to cross the Rhone at a village named 
Seiffel, instead of passing over the bridge at St. 
Esprit. They found a boatman just about to 
loose from the shore, carrying a load of hay to 
the other side of the river. The boatman con- 
sented to take Paul and his portmanteau on 
board ; but the uncle and groom were obliged 
to remain behind. Paul, " with all the resolu- 
tion of a man of twenty-four," took off his green 
livery and donned a sailor's costume. His 
portmanteau was stowed away in the hay ; and 
after parting with his friends, he took the oar. 
and crossed the Rhone in safety. He reached 
Geneva on the 14th of December, 1696. He 
was there placed under the care of M. de Rapin, 
who superintended his education. After some 
years he went to England, where he was nat- 
uralized in 1706. He-entered the army, obtain- 


ing a lieutenant's commission, and after a long chap.vm 
career of efficient and distinguished military ^Si- 
service, retired to private life, spending- his last 
years in Boston, Massachusetts. 1 

Among the Protestants of Castres, imprisoned 
in 1687 on account of their religion, and subse- 
quently transported to the French West Indies, 
was Susanne de la Vabre. This was the name 
of the wife of Paul Droilhet, one of the first 
Elders of the French Church in New York. 

Nismes, in Languedoc, long a Protestant city, 
was still the abode of a large Protestant popu- 
lation, at the time of the Revocation. About 
two hundred persons succeeded in making their 
escape, before the coming of the dragoons. Many 
more, when they learned that the troops had 
actually arrived, prepared at once for flight. 
Hastily removing their furniture from their 
houses, they piled it up in the streets, and offered 
it for sale to any who would purchase. But the 
authorities of the town instantly published a de- 
cree, forbidding all persons to buy the goods of 
the heretics, upon pain of fine and imprison- 
ment. Learning this, the unfortunate Hueue- 
nots abandoned their property, and rushed to 
the city gates, intent upon flight, though utterly 
destitute, and not knowing whither to turn their 
steps. Here, however, they were met by dra- 
goons, who sternly forced them back. Com- 

1 Some of the particulars in the above account have been 
gathered from statements made by a relative, in a letter 
written in 1763 to the grandson of Jean Mascarene. 


chap. viii pelled to return to their dwellings, and there 
1686 await the coming of their merciless tormentors, 
they yielded at last. Within a week, four 
thousand were led into one of the largest 
churches, to make their public abjuration ; and 
the Duke of Noailles, who conducted the drag- 
onnade, wrote to Louvois, the King's prime 
minister, " The persons of chief importance in 
Nismes made their abjuration, the day after 
my arrival ; subsequently, there came a slacken- 
ing ; but by means of the quartering which I 
ordered in the case of the most obstinate ones, 
matters have got well under way again. The 
number of religionists in this province is two 
hundred and forty thousand. I think that by 
the end of the month all will be expedited." 

Louis Bongrand, merchant, "born at Nismes 
in the lower Languedoc within y e Realm of 
France," was one of the first settlers of New 
Rochelle, Westchester county, New York. 1 
Louis Liron, another fugitive from the same 
city, established himself in trade at Milford, 
Connecticut. 2 Jean Aunant, of Nismes, fled to 

'He was naturalized in New York, September 27, 1687, 
and bought lands in New Rochelle of Jacob Leisler, May 
2i, 1690, but sold them three years later, reserving a plot 
which he gave to the inhabitants for a church-yard. He 
married Mary Van Bursum, by license dated November 8, 
1695. Appointed constable of the North Ward in the city 
of New York, October 14, 1696, he prayed to be excused 
from serving, " being above 60 years of age, and not under- 
standing the language." He was one of the "chefs de fam- 
ille " of the French Church in 1704, and at his death in 
1709 left j£\o to the poor of that Church. 

2 Denization was granted'in New York, October 28, 1696, 



South Carolina. 1 The family of Says 2 came at chap.viii 
an early day to Delaware; that of Imbert, 3 to I 68~ 1 _ 
Pennsylvania and Virginia. Jean Courdil, a 
native of Nismes, was a Protestant minister, 
officiatinor in the house of the sieur La Cassaeme, 
near that city. In 1683, he went to London, 
took orders in the Established Church, and was 
appointed to a charge in St. Paul's Cathedral. 
Three years later, he came to New York, where 
he remained until the summer of 1689. On his 
way back to England in a British ship, he was 
taken prisoner, with three other French Prot- 
estants, and carried into the harbor of Nantes. 
After lying two months in prison, Courdil was 

to ' Leuwis Lyron, a French Protestant." He was natu- 
ralized, September 9, 1698. He was associated in business 
with Bongrand. His tombstone in Milford, Connecticut, 
bears the inscription, " Mr. Louis Liron Merchant Departed 
this life ye 18, Sept. 173S In ye 88 year of his Age." By 
his will, dated October 9, 1736, he left ,£200 to the French 
Church in Boston, and /100 to the French Church in New 
Rochelle, " whereof Mons. Mulinor is or lately was the 
pastor or minister." Liron left no children. He married, 
late in life, the widow of Alexander Bryan, but she is not 
named in his will, and doubtless died before him. 

1 " Jean Aunant, natif de Nisme, fils de Jean Aunant et 
de Sibelle Dumas ; et sa famine Marie Soyer." — (Liste des 
Francois et Suisses Refugiez en Caroline.) " Jean Aunan, 
marchand de soye, et famille." — (Liste de refugies nimois en 
1686. Bulletin de la soc. de l'hist. du prot. franc, XIV., p. 

2 Richard Seays, a Huguenot settler of Delaware. — (Early 
History of Delaware, and of the Drawyers Congregation, 
by Rev. George Foot.) Louis Says, marchand. — (Liste de 
refugies nimois.) 

3 Andrew Imbert promised obedience to the government 
of Pennsylvania, July to, 1683. Imbert, one of the set- 
tlers of Manakintown, Virginia, 1699. Jean Imbert, refu- 
gie nimois. — (Ibid.) 


chap, viii placed on board a vessel bound for Copenhagen. 
1681- One of his companions, who like himself had 
6s6 left France before the Revocation, was permitted 
to return to his home, on condition of becoming 
converted. The other two, having fled since 
the Revocation, were condemned to the galleys. 1 
There were other emigrants, from smaller 
places in Languedoc. Jacques Du Bosc was a 
native of Saint Ambroix ; 2 Jean Guibal, of Saint 
Andre de Valborgne ; 3 Moi'se Carion, of 
Faugeres. These refugees settled in South 
Carolina. Jean Balaguier, of New Jer- 
sey, was probably from Puylaurens. 4 Guil- 
laume Barbut, of Boston, and subsequently 
of Rhode Island, was a native of this province. 5 

1 Essai sur l'histoire des eglises reformees de Bretagne, 
1535-1808. Par B. Vaurigaud. T. III., pp. 152-154. — 
" Courdil Ministre " officiated at the baptism of a child in 
the French Church, New York, April 25, 1689. — (Records.) 
He had come to NevvYorh ''pour y voir des Francois de 
ses amis." — (Vaurigaud.) The consistory of the French 
Church in Threadneedle Street ordered the treasurer, June 
24, 1694, to give twenty shillings to supply the necessities 
of M. Courdil, Ministre. 

! " Jacques Du Bosc, ne a St. Ambroise en Languedoc, fils 
d'Andre DuBosc, et Marie Le Stoade. Marie Dugue, sa 
femme, Marie, leur fille, nee en Caroline." — (Listedes Fran- 
cois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline.) 

1 " Jean Guibal, fils de' Henry Guibal et de Claude Guibal 
de St. Andre de Val [borgne] en Languedoc. Ester Guibal, 
sa femme, fille d'Andre Paparel et Caterine Paparel, de 
Bouin en Forest." — (Liste, etc.) 

4 Jean Ballagtrier, a French settler of New Jersey, lived in 
1 7 16, "within one mile of Burlington." — (Memoirs of a 
Huguenot Family : Journal of John Fontaine. P. 301.) 
" Jean, fils de Barthelemy Balaguiers, ministre de cette 
eglise," was baptized in the French "temple," Soho, London, 
January 30, 1692. 

5 Several of this name— all from Languedoc — are men- 


Jacques Gautier, "supposed to have descended Chap. vm 
from a noble family of that name, formerly of I 6g I _ 
Languedoc, emigrated to this country shortly 
after the Revocation," and settled in the city of 
New York. 1 Jean Pierre Richard, and Marthe 
Pont, his wife, both of Languedoc, were mem- 
bers of the French Church in New York in 
1692. 2 

Guyenne, the camping-ground of the Hugue- 
not armies, the stronghold of Henry of Navarre, 
had witnessed many scenes of bloodshed during 
the civil wars of the sixteenth century, and after 
the close of the last war of religion, in the reign 
of Louis XIII. But never before had military 
force been employed to inflict so cruel a blow 
upon the unfortunate Protestants of this province 
as now befell them, after sixty years of peace, 
when the soldiery of Louis XIV. came into 
their towns and villages to drive them into the 
Roman fold. It was true that in Guyenne, as in 
other provinces, this blow had been preceded by 

tioned in La France Pi'otestante s. v. William Barbut, natu- 
ralized in England, January 31, 1690, was admitted into the 
Colony of Massachusetts, February 1, 1691. He joined the 
settlement in Narragansett, but went to Boston after its dis- 
solution, and was an Elder of the French Church in that 
city in 1696. He returned to Rhode Island about the year 

1 New York Gen. and Biog. Record. III. Pp. 1-9. 

2 Records of the French Church, New York. 

Jacques Jerauld was of this province. His parents were 
silk weavers, but the son — one of twenty-one children — had 
begun the study of medicine, when the Revocation occurred. 
On his voyage to America, he formed the acquaintance of a 
family of refugees, the youngest daughter of which, Martha 


chap. viii many significant measures aimed at the destruc- 
1661- tlon °f tne Reformed religion. " Long muttered 

, , the thunder, before the lightning struck." It 
1686. ... & & 

was in this province that the quartering of 
troops upon Protestant families in a time of 
peace, was first resorted to, in the year 1661, at 
Montauban, when, upon some slight pretext, that 
Protestant town was occupied during four 
months by a force of five thousand men, distrib- 
uted in the homes of the inhabitants, for the 
purpose of compelling their conversion. Already, 
the Calvinistic worship had been suppressed in 
many places of the province, where not a single 
Roman Catholic was known to exist. One by 
one, the churches were closed. The Protestant 
academy of Montauban, founded in 1599, was 
first weakened, by transfer to another town, and 
finally abolished, in March, 1685. Under multi- 
plying vexations and injuries, the Huguenots 
continued pacific and loyal. With their prover- 
bial patience, they submitted, and waited, praying 
and hoping for better times. No province had 
proved itself more true to the government of 
France. When, upon the accession of Louis 
XIV. to the throne, the prince of Conde raised- 
the standard of rebellion, the Protestants of 
Guyenne, his own province, refused to join him, 
and sent reinforcements to the royal army. 

Dupee (Du Tay ?), he afterwards married. Jerauld settled 
in Medfield, Massachusetts, as a physician, and died at an 
advanced age in the year 1760. His son, Doctor Dutee 
(l)u Tay) Jerauld, practiced medicine in East Greenwich, 
Rhode Island, where he died. in 1813, aged ninety-one. 


" The crown was tottering upon the king's chap.vm 
head," said the royal minister in 165 1, to the 77 
deputies of Montauban. " It is you that have 
steadied it." Loyal still, with the same sub- 
missiveness, and the same wonderful patience, 
the persecuted Huguenots now bore the ex- 
tremest severities. Forced to see their " tem- 
ples" destroyed, the homeless congregations 
gathered around the ministers, who continued 
to preach amidst the ruins of these sanctuaries, 
until arrested and imprisoned for this offense ; 
and then, quietly, in their dwellings, or in some 
secret place of assembly in the forests or the 
mountains, they endeavored to maintain the 
worship of God according to the dictates of their 

Yet the dragonnades were not less effective in 
Guyenne than in the provinces of the west and 
the north. " Sixty thousand conversions ! " wrote 
Louvois, the royal minister. " Sixty thousand 
in the district of Bordeaux, and twenty thousand 
in that of Montauban! Such is the rapidity of 
the work, that by the end of this month there 
will not remain ten thousand religionists in the 
district of Bordeaux, where in the middle of last 
month there were a hundred and fifty thousand." 
These wholesale conversions were procured, as 
usual, through the terror that was inspired by 
the very approach and appearance of the 
dreaded troops ; or under the brutalities that 
they were licensed to commit, in the homes of 
those who did not yield at once to the command 
to abjure their faith. 




chap. viii We have no account of the circumstances in 
1681- which the refugees from Guyenne who reached 
America made their escape. The names that 
have come down to us represent, we may be 
confident, but a small portion of the emigration 
from this province. Several of the settlers 
in South Carolina were of this number. Jean 
Boyd fled with his family from Bordeaux. 1 
Pierre La Salle was of the same city. 2 Jean 
Pecontal was a native of Caussade. 3 Among 
those who came to New York, were Henri de 
Money, 4 Jean Bouyer, 5 and Josue Lasseur, 6 of 
Bordeaux ; Denis Lambert, 7 of Bergerac ; Jean 

1 His three sons, Jacques, Jean, and Gabriel, were born 
in that city. Three other children, Jeanne Elizabeth, 
Jacques and Jean Auguste, were born in Carolina, where 
the father died before 1696. His widow was Jeanne Ber- 
chaud, a native of La Rochelle. — (Liste des Francois et 
Suisses refugiez en Caroline.) 

2 " Pierre La Salle, ne a Bordeaux, fils de Charles La 
Salle, et de Suzanne Hugla. Elizabeth Messett, sa femme, 
Pierre et Elizabeth, leurs enfans nez en Caroline." — (Ibid.) 

' Jean Pecontal, ne a Cossade en Languedoc, fils de Jean 
Pecontal, et d'Anne Nonnelle." — (Ibid). Caussade is, how- 
ever, within the limits of Guyenne. 

4 " Henry Monye, van Bordeaux," was married in the 
Dutch Church, New York, April 25, 1701, to Marianne 
Grasset. Four children of Henry and Marianne de Money 
were baptized in the French Church, 1702-1719. In 1721, 
he was engaged in business in Elizabethtown, New Jersey. 

'" "Jean Bouyer, de Bourdeaux," was married, November 
12, 1693, in the French Church, New York, to Madeleine 
Sauzeau, de Marennes. 

c Letters of administration on the property of Josue Las- 
seur, of Bordeaux, France, were granted in New York, in 
1684, to Gabriel Minvielle. 

7 " Denis Lambert, natif de Bergerac en France, decede 
Mardy 29 Septembre, entenre" 1 Octobre, 1691." — (Records 



Jacques Fouchard, 1 of Duras ; Isaac de la Garde, 2 chap.vm 
of La Roche Chalais, in Perigord, and Jeremie jgg",. 
Latouche, of Villeneuve. 3 

Jean Barbarie, one of the principal refugees in 
New York, was also, it is believed, a native of 
Guyenne. 4 

of the French Church, New York.) His widow, Francoise 
Brinqueman, married Jean Barbarie. 

1 " Jean Jacques Fouchart, natif de Duras en Agenois, fils 
de feu Simon Fouchart, et feue Suzanne Roche," was mar- 
ried, October 31, 1688, in the French Church, Threadneedle 
Street, London, to Suzanne Noger, also a native of Duras. 
John James Fouchard, victualer, was made free of the city 
of New York, May 2, 1704, and was elected constable, Octo- 
ber 15, 1705. His will, signed June 14, 1723, proved 
August 25, 1724, mentions his son Jacob, and two daughters, 
Marie, wife of " one Mr. Williams, Deptford, Great Britain," 
and another Marie in New York. — (Wills, N. Y., IX., 488.) 

2 " Isaac de Lagarde, son of Abraham Delagarde by Mary, 
his wife, born at Laroche Chaylay in Perigord," petitioned 
for denization in New York, and was naturalized by act 
passed in the twelfth year of King William III. — (Book of 
Deeds, Albany, N. Y.) 

" Jeremie, fils de Isaac Latouche, fils de deffunt Pierre 
Latouche, demeurant a Villeneuve de puichegru en Agenois 
du Guyenne," was baptized in the French Church, Bristol, 
England, June 9, 1694. Jeremie Latouche, merchant of 
New York, and Jeanne Soumain his wife, had three children 
baptized in the French Church in that city, 1724-1738. He 
was chosen " ancien et diacre ' ' for one year in 1740. 

4 Jean Barbarie, naturalized in England, January 5, 1688, 
with his two sons Pierre and Jean Pierre, came to New 
York_ in the spring of that year, and from the first took a 
prominent place in the community. He was an enterprising 
merchant, and at the same time was active in political affairs. 
He was apparently the principal founder of the French 
Church in New York, which dates from the year of his 
arrival, and of which he was Elder and Treasurer. He 
married Marie Brinqueman, widow of Denis Lambert and 
niece of Gabriel Minvielle. His son Pierre married Susanne 
Lambert, and connected himself with Trinity Church, New 
York, of which he was a vestryman and a warden. He 



chap. viii Gabriel Minvielle, of Bordeaux, had preceded 
1681- these emigrants by several years. At the time 
of the Revocation, he was one of the most pros- 
perous merchants of the city. His term of 
office as mayor of New York had just expired, 
and he was succeeded in that office by another 
Huguenot, Nicholas Bayard. 1 

Of the settlers of New Rochelle, several 
were natives of Guyenne. Jean Magnon 2 

owned valuable lands, both in the city of New York and 
elsewhere in the province. The name of '" Barbarie's Gar- 
den " was long familiar to the inhabitants of New York. 

1 Gabriel Minvielle, of Bordeaux, went to Amsterdam as 
early as the year i66g, and came to New York in 1673, or 
before. He was chosen alderman in 1675, and mayor in 
1684. He held many important trusts, and was one of the 
representative men of the province. He was a member of 
the council under four of the governors. He married Judith 
Van Beeck, August 5, 1674, in the Dutch Church, New 
York. The wife named in his will, was Susanna. Minvielle 
lived " in the broad way next to Balthus Bayard." He left 
no children. His will mentions four children of his deceased 
brother, Pierre Minvielle: — Isabeau, Jean Jacques, Jane, and 
David : — and the children of a daughter of his sister, Marie 
Minvielle, who had married one Brinqueman. Jean Jacques 
Minvielle, made free of the city of New York, May 27, 1702, 
married Susanne Papin, December 28, 1702, and had two 
children baptized in the French Church, New York — Jacques, 
born November 1, 1705, and David, born August 16, 1707. 

" Jean Magnon, tailleur d'habits, demeurant cy devant 
a Tonneins en Guyenne, fils de feu Jacques Magnon et 
Judith Herbe," was married, February 4, 1695, in the French 
Church, Bristol, England, to Claude, daughter of Elie 
Badeau. Their son Jean was baptized in that Church, July 
25, 1697. John Magnon, " taylor," came to New York that 
year or the following year, and was made free of the city, 
May 15, 1705. He had two children baptized in the French 
Church : Elie, October 23, 1698, and Marie, February 4, 
1700. He was one of the "chefs de famille " in 1704. In 
1707 he had removed to New Rochelle, N. Y., where the 
name became " Mannion." - 



came from Tonneins ; and Pierre Villeponteux chap.vm 
and Jeanne Rivasson his wife, from the neigh- jS6i- 
borhood of Bergerac. 1 Abraham Tourtellot, a 
native of Bordeaux, came to this country with 
Gabriel Bernon, and settled in Rhode Island. 2 
Philip Salue, of Bordeaux, had been educated 
for the Protestant ministry ; but forced to flee 
from France at the time of the Revocation, 
came to America, and settled first in Edgar- 

1 Pierre Villeponteux was naturalized in England, March 
5, 169 1. He bought the lands of David de Bonnefoy in 
New Rochelle. He had trouble in 1701 and 1702 with the 
sheriffs of Westchester county, and was for some reason 
deposed from the Eldership of the French Church, New 
Rochelle, by pasteur Bondet, against whom he made com- 
plaint to the governor. After this, he disappears from 
view. Rivasson and Villemonteix — perhaps a clerical 
mistake for Villeponteix — were both names of Protestants 
persecuted in Bergerac and its vicinity. 

2 Abraham Tourtellot came to Boston in the autumn of 
the year 1687, on the ship Friendship, of Boston, John Ware, 
commander. Benjamin Tourtellot, probably his brother, 
embarked with him, but died at sea, September 25, 1687. 
Abraham was a widower, with three children, Jacques 
Thomas, Jacques Moise, and Jean. — (Act of naturalization.) 
He married Marie, daughter of Gabriel Bernon. (So stated 
in deed executed June r, 1699. Suffolk Deeds, Boston, lib. 
XIX., fol. 179.) He joined the Narragansett colony, and 
after its dissolution removed to Roxbury, Massachusetts, 
where two of his children were born : Gabriel, September 24, 
1694, and Esther, June 12, 1696. He removed with Bernon, 
his father-in-law, to Newport, Rhode Island. It is said that 
he sailed from that place as master of a vessel, with his 
eldest son, and that both were lost at sea. — (Memoir con- 
cerning the French Settlements in the Colony of Rhode 
Island, by Elisha R. Potter, pp. 118-121.) The descendants 
of Abraham Tourtellot and Marie Bernon are numerous. 
The family tradition that the emigrant's name was Gabriel 
is erroneous. 


chap, vin town, and afterwards in Harwich, Massachusetts. 1 
1681- J ean Chabot, one of the members of the French 


Church in Boston, before the year 1 700, was 
probably of Bergerac. 2 From Montauban came 
Antoine Trabue, one of the French settlers on 
the James river, in Virginia ; 3 Francois Benech, 4 

1 Information from T. G. Sellew, Esq., New York. 

2 " Chabot ; famille infiuente de Languedoc, qui embrassa 
les doctrines de la Reforme aussitot qu'elles s'introduisirent 
dans cette province." — (La France Protestante.) Bernard 
Chabot, de Bergerac, married Anne Ouradour, in the French 
Church, London, May 16, 1690. 

3 Antoine Trabue died in Manakintown, Virginia, in 
January, 1724, aged fifty-six or fifty-seven years. A family 
of this name still exists in Montauban. 

Daniel Trabue, a grandson of the refugee, (born March 
31, 1760, died in r i84o,) has left a "memorandum " of his 
family history, in which the following statement occurs : 
" My grandfather, Anthony Trabue, fled from France in 
the year of our Lord, 1687, at the time of a bloody persecu- 
tion against the dissenters by the Roman Catholics. The law 
against the dissenters was very rigid at that time. Whoever 
was known to be one, or even suspected, if he would not 
swear to suit the priest, his life and estate were forfeited, 
and [he was] put to the most shameful and cruel torture and 
death. And worse than all, they would not let any move 
from the kingdom. Guards and troops were stationed all 
over the kingdom, to stop and catch any that might run 
away. At every place where they would expect those per- 
sons might pass, there were guards fixed, and companies of 
inquisitors, and patrols going on every road and every other 
place, hunting for these heretics, as they called them ; and 
where there was one who made his escape, perhaps there 
were hundreds put to the most shameful torture and death. 

" When the decree was first passed, a number of the peo- 
ple thought it would not be put in execution so very hast- 
ily ; but the priests, friars and inquisitors were very intent 
for their estates, and they rushed quick. 

" I understood that my grandfather, Anthony Trabue, 
had an estate, but concluded he would leave it if he could 
possibly make his escape. He was a very young man, and 
he and another young man took a cart, and loaded it with 



Isaac Garrison, 2 and David Minvielle, nephew Chap.vm 
of Gabriel. 3 Thomas Lanier, "a Huguenot," xosi- 
of Bordeaux, France, who was driven out of that 
country by religious persecution, went to Vir- 
ginia, some years before the Revocation. 4 The 
Aydelott family, of Delaware, originated like- 
wise in Guyenne. 5 

wine, and went on to sell it to the furthermost guard : and 
when night came, they left their horses and cart, and made 
their escape to an English ship, which took them on board, 
and they went over to England, leaving their estates, native 
country, relations, and every thing, for the sake of Jesus 
who died for them." — (Communicated to the Richmond 
Standard, May 10, 1879, by R. A. Brock, Esq., Secretary of 
the Virginia Historical Society.) 

1 Francois Benech, a member of the French Church, New 
York, in 1698. Antoine Benech, fugitif de Montauban. 
— (Archives Nationales, Tt. N°. 445.) 

2 Isaac Garrison, son of Isaac Garrison and Catharine de 
Romagnac. His wife was Jeanne. Naturalized in New 
York, 1705. — (Book of Deeds, Albany, N. Y., X., 151.) 

3 David Minvielle, son of Peter Minvielle and Paul his 
wife, born at Montauban, was naturalized in New York, 
1705. — (Book of Deeds, u. s.) He came to America after 
the death of his uncle Gabriel, (see above,) and married 
Susanne Boudinot. Six children of David and Susanne 
Minvielle were baptized in the French Church, 1711-1721. 

4 Sketch of the Life of J. F. D. Lanier. New York : 

6 " It is the tradition of the family that the Aydelotts are 
all of Huguenot origin. They settled in what is now the 
State of Delaware, at Indian River, Sussex county. They 
are still numerous there, but many years since, they spread 
south and west, into Maryland, Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, 
Illinois and Kentucky." — Letter from the late Reverend B. 
P. Aydelott, D.D., Cincinnati, Ohio. — The name is that of 
a Huguenot family that fled to England after the Revoca- 
tion. " Isaac Aydelot, de Mauvoisin en haute Guiesnes," 
married Martha Bonnefous, October 30. 1688, in the French 
Chapel of the Savoy, London. 



chap. viii Several of the pastors, who at an early day 
1681- accompanied the refugees to America, or fol- 
lowed them, were from this province, and from 
the adjoining Comte de Foix. William Gilet, 
the ancestor of the Gillette family in America, 
is believed to have come from the town of Ber- 
gerac, whence " in consequence of his contin- 
uing to preach the Gospel, he was banished ; his 
property was confiscated, and his life exposed 
to imminent danger." He settled in Milford, Con- 
necticut. 1 Louis Latane went in the year 1701 to 
Virginia, and was for more than thirty years min- 
ister of South Farnham parish in that province. 2 

1 Gilet was a Bergerac name. " Jacques Gilet, de Ber- 
geraq, ministre," was married to Jeanne Mestre, October 
n, i7or, in the French Church, Crispin Street, Spitalfields, 
London. " Elie Gillet, de Bergerac," living in Ireland, re- 
ceived aid from the Royal Bounty in 1705. — In America, 
the family has been noted for the large number of min- 
isters, of different religious bodies, that it has produced. 
William, mentioned above, was married, November 14, 1722, 
in Milford, Connecticut, to Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas 
Welch. He early commenced the practice of medicine ; 
and after acquiring sufficient knowledge of the language, re- 
sumed his labors as a minister also. He lived to the age of 
ninety -two. He was distinguished for his zeal and self- 
denial, and for his eccentricity also. Elisha, his son, a de- 
voted minister, born in Milford, August 17, 1733, spent the 
greater part of his career on Long Island. He died near 
Patchogue, in 1820. — (Annals of the American Pulpit, by 
Win. B. Sprague, D.D. Vol. VI., p. 719.) 

2 " Petrus Lataneus Neracensis," was matriculated at the 
Academie de Geneve, November 22, 1605. Isaac Latane, 
pastor of sundry churches in l'Agenais, asked permission to 
leave France upon the Revocation. The reply was, " Comme 
c'est un homme fort consideVe" et de beaucoup d'esprit, il 
vaiit mieux le laisser en prison, que de permettre son expatri- 
ation." — (Bulletin de la soc. -de l'hist. du prot. franc., III., 



Jean Cairon, a native of Figeac, in Guyenne, chap.viii 
escaped to Switzerland at the time of the Revo- j^_ 
cation. After spending some years in the Pays 
de Vaud, he came to America, and in 1714 was 
pastor of the French colony of Manakintown. 1 

Jacques Laborie, of Cardaillac, pursued the 
study of theology in the academy of Geneva. 
Upon completing it he went to Zurich, where 
he was ordained to the holy ministry. He "ar- 
rived in England at the time of King William's 
Coronation," and ten years later removed to 
Massachusetts. 2 His wife was Jeanne de Res- 

p. 499.) He escaped, however, to Holland. Daniel Latane 
fled to England. 

Louis Latane, the refugee in America, took Episcopal 
orders while in England, and came in 1701 to Virginia. He 
became the minister of South Farnham parish, Essex county, 
and continued in office until his death in 1732. He was a 
man of blameless life and devoted to the work of the minis- 
try. — (The Huguenots ; or, Reformed French Church. By 
W. H. Foote, D.D. Pp. 572-574.) A number of Mr. Latane's 
descendants are now living in Essex county. 

1 " Jean Cairon, ne a. Figeac, ci-devant ministre de Cajarc 
dans la Haute Guyenne," was one of the French pastors 
who in 1688 had taken refuge in Zurich. In 17 14 he was 
minister of the French settlement on the James river, 
Virginia. He was then a widower, with three sons. — (Liste 
generalle de tous les Francois Protestants Refugies, Etablys 
dans la Paroisse du Roy Guillaume, Comte d' Henrico.) 

" Jacobus Laborie Cardailhacensis apud Cadurcos," 
completed the study of theology in the Academy of Geneva, 
March 12, 1688. — (Livre du Recteur.) He was ordained in 
Zurich, October 30, 1688, and went to England, where he 
obtained a license from the Bishop of London, for teaching 
grammar and catechising in the parish of Stepney. He 
officiated in several of the French churches of London for 
nine or ten years, and then, in 1698, came to America. 
After ministering for some time to the French colony in 
New Oxford, Massachusetts, and laboring as a missionary 



chap. viii Siguier. About the same time with Laborie, 
16S1- came Alexandre de Ressiguier — perhaps a rela- 
tive — from the little village of Trescleoux, in 
Dauphiny. His name appears in 1696, in the 
list of the principal silk manufacturers employed 
by the " compagnie royale cles lustrez" in 
London. His son Alexander settled in the town 
of Norwalk, Connecticut. 1 

From the small county of Foix, in the ex- 
treme south of the kingdom, bordering on the 
Pyrenees, came one of the most devoted Hugue- 
not pastors in America. Pierre Peyret was the 
grandson and the namesake of a Protestant 

among the savages in the vicinity, he went to New York and 
took charge of the French Church in that city, as Peiret's 
successor, for two years, October 15, 1704, to August 25, 
1706. After this, he engaged in the practice of medicine and 
surgery, and as early as the year 17 16 settled in Fairfield 
county, Connecticut, as a physician, occasionally assisting 
the Church of England missionary. He married a second 
wife, Abigail Blacklach, August 29, 1716, and died in or 
before i73r, leaving two sons, James and John, both of 
whom embraced the medical profession. 

1 "Alexander Resseguie and his wife, Huguenot refugees, 
had two sons. The elder was educated with a view to his 
return to France to claim the family possessions, the titles 
to which had been preserved by Alexander : but as he was 
about to sail from New York, he was seized with the small- 
pox, and died. The younger son, Alexander, purchased 
land in the town of Norwalk, Connecticut, in 1709, and in 
the same year married Sara, daughter of Peter Bontecou, of 
New York. The family flourished for many years in Nor- 
walk and the adjoining towns, but is now represented in 
that region only by Mr. Abijah Ressiguie and his daughter, 
of Ridgefield. Mr. Ressiguie is ninety-two years old, a 
warden of the Episcopal Church, and held in high esteem. 
Many of the name are to be found in the interior of the 
State of New York." — (Communicated by John E. Morris, 
Esq., Hartford, Connecticut.) 


officer, who distinguished himself by his bravery Chap.vm 
in the siege of Mas d'Azil. He married Mar- T 6gi- 
oaierite de Grenier la Tour, des Verriers de , Qr 

c> _ loot). 

Gabre. " Driven from France on account of 
religion," Peiret " preached the Word of God 
for seventeen years" in the French Church of 
the city of New York, "living as he preached," 
until his death, on the first day of September, 
in the year 1 704. 1 

The accounts of the London committee for 
the distribution of a sum of twelve thousand 
pounds sterling, granted by the queen to poor 
French Refugees, mention anions extraordi- 
nary cases relieved in the year 1705, that of 
" Marguerite Peyret, of Beam, widow of a 
minister deceased in New York, where she now 
is, with two children : twelve pounds." 2 

1 The remains of this excellent minister lie in Trinity 
church-yard, in the city of New York. His tomb bears the 
following French and Latin inscription : 

Hic-jacet-reverd-Dom- Petrus- Per- 
rieterus-V-D-M-qui-ex - Gallia - religi - 
onis - causa - expulsus - verbum-Dei-in- 

cationibus - suis - conformem - duxeret- 
dem-in-manus- Domini-spiritum - hu- 
militer-deposuit - I - mens - Sept - ann- 

Ci-git-le-reverent-Mr Pierre-Peirete- 
M :D-St.Ev-qui-chasse-de- France pour 
la-relis;ion-a preche-la-parole-de-Dieu- 
pendant-environ-17-ans-avec- 1 appro- 
bation - generale - et -qui -apres- avoir 
vescu-comme-il-avoit-preche- jusques- 
a-1 as;e-de-6o - ans-il - remit - avec une- 
proffonde-humilite-son-esprit-entre - 
les-mains-de - Dieu - le - i- Septembre- 

2 Another refugee from Beam joined the French colony 
in the city of New York. This was Jean la Tourette, 
" natif d'Osse en Ream," who married Marie Mercereau, 
July 16, 1693, and had three children, Marie, Jean, and 
David, baptized in the French Church. Pierre Latourette, 
perhaps a brother of Jean, married Marie Mercereau. David 
married Catharine, daughter of Jacques Poillon. David and 
Pierre were members of the French congregation on Staten 
Island in 1735. 


The Refuge. 


chap. ix. A standing invitation had gone forth to the 
1684- persecuted Huguenots, from the Protestant 
6 o fi powers of Europe, to take refuge among their 
fellow-religionists in foreign parts. Multitudes 
had already accepted that invitation, and were 
now enjoying a generous hospitality in England, 
Holland, Germany and Switzerland. For those 
who remained behind, the thought of the kind- 
ness and the proffered protection of the " Prot- 
estant Princes " was a strong consolation. At 
length the moment came, when the hope thus 
set before them was all that was left to the vic- 
tims of the dragonnades : and they hastened to 
avail themselves of it. Three hundred thou- 
sand persons made their escape from France. 
The largest numbers fled to Holland. But En- 
gland was the "city of refuge" for very many 
of those who ultimately reached America ; and 
in the following pages we shall attempt to trace 
the fortunes of our refugees in that country 

The flight was, in most cases, precipitate and 
blind. It is true that -there were those among 


the wealthier classes of the French Protestants, Chap.ix. 
whose knowledge of foreign lands, and whose 1686. 
relations with their exiled countrymen abroad, 
enabled them to select the localities for their 
refuge, and to make some arrangement for 
reaching them. Not so, however, with the 
majority. Ignorant of the land, as of the lan- 
guage ; trusting themselves to the winds and 
waves, or to the guidance of strange captains 
and pilots ; the fugitives had little choice, gen- 
erally, as to the port they would make. Often, 
the place whither a favoring providence brought 
them, became the place of their permanent resi- 
dence ; and little colonies of French Protestants 
were formed in many of the towns along the 
English and Irish coasts. London, however, was 
the destination of the greater number of the 
refugees ; and from Plymouth, and Barnstaple, 
and Southampton, and other harbors, they soon 
made their way to the capital, where many of 
their countrymen were already settled, and 
where a French Protestant Church had long 

Arrived in London, our refugees found them- 
selves in a newly built city. The streets, 
indeed, were crooked and narrow, and wretch- 
edly paved ; but the houses, for the most part, 
were fresh and substantial. In fact, London „ 

• 1 1 Septem- 

might almost be called a new city. Scarcely t>er, 1666. 
twenty years had passed since the "great 
fire " swept away nearly the whole of the city 
within the walls ; and the old buildines of wood 
and plaster, with stories projecting over each 


ciiap.ix. other, and " so nearly approaching together, on 
77 6 opposite sides, that people could hold a tSte-a- 
tete in a low whisper from the windows across the 
street," had given place to buildings of brick — 
buildings " without magnificence, or anything 
like it," but suggestive of comfort and security. 
Twenty churches had been erected, or were now 
in process of erection; and new Saint Paul's, 
commenced ten years before, was now suffi- 
ciently advanced to display something of the 
grandeur of its proportions. 1 The emigrants, 
few of whom probably had ever visited their 
own capital, saw much to amaze and delight 
them in this populous town. They greatly ad- 
mired the shipping, especially ; the forest of 
masts rising in the midst of the metropolis ; the 
beauty of the Thames, above and below the 
town ; and the facilities of travel which the 
river afforded, by means of the boats that were 
continually plying along its banks. The free- 
dom and heartiness of English manners sur- 
prised them much. Lords and commoners alike 
availed themselves of the hackney-coaches in 
the streets, and the barges on the river. The 
coffee-houses and cook-shops were " extremely 

' The workmen were engaged (16S5-16S6) in pulling 
down the old western gable ; in removing the partition wall 
between S. Gregory's and the Cathedral ; in taking down 
the old Lanthorn on Lollard's tower ; and in erecting scaf- 
foldings about the works. The choir walls seem to have 
been complete up to the cornice ; the " legs of the dome," 
to the capitals from which the arches spring ; the nave, 
carried about two bays west of the dome. — (Information 
kindly communicated by the Rev. Dr. Sparrow Simpson, 
through the Very Rev. the Dean of St. Paul's.) 


convenient." It was a novel but not a displeas- chap.ix. 
ing sight, to behold the English mode of salu- ^ 6 
tation, by shaking hands, instead of the more 
formal uncovering of the head. But the con- 
sideration of transcendent interest to every ref- 
ugee, was the fact, that he had now reached the 
city which had been the asylum of his exiled 
countrymen for more than a hundred years, and 
where, like them, he might enjoy the priceless 
boon of liberty of conscience, denied him in his 
own land. 

One of our American Huguenots has left on 
record his first impressions of London. So few 
accounts of this kind have come down to us, 
that we are tempted to give the homely story, 
very much as he relates it. 

Durand, of Dauphiny, had escaped from 
Marseilles to Leghorn, where he embraced the 
first opportunity to embark for England. After 
a long and dangerous voyage, he landed at 
Gravesend, on the last day of March, 1686. 
Leaving his family there, he took boat for Lon- 
don. " Not aware of the great extent of the 
town, I went ashore," he says, " where I saw the 
first houses, and asked for a room to let ; but I 
could not make myself understood. I kept on 
for a considerable distance, until at length, by 
signs and otherwise, I acquainted a man with 
my desire to be conducted to a place where 
there were Frenchmen, accompanying the re- 
quest with a promise of some money, which I 
showed him. He led^ me finally to the Ex- 
change, and left me, having put me in the care 


chap. ix. of one of my countrymen. To excite this per- 
son's compassion, I related to him what had 
happened to me ; but he told me that he 
no longer belonged to 'the Religion;' assur- 
ing me, however, that I need not give myself 
any uneasiness on that account, for though he 
lived at a distance of a league and a half from 
there, he would not leave me until he should see 
me safe in lodgings. We inquired, but without 
success, for a room in that quarter ; and I found 
myself obliged to have recourse to the letter 
which had been given me at Leghorn for one 
Mr. John Brokin. We ascertained his address, 
and had no trouble in reaching the house, but 
he was not at home. However, I begged his 
wife to open the letter, and to direct me to 
some place where I might lodge ; and she at 
once sent her maid, who engaged a room for me 
in a house across the way, and ordered food for 
me. This did not come amiss, for it was now six 
in the evening, and I was worn out with fatigue 
after my long walk, the pavements of London 
being the very worst that I had seen as yet. 

"The following day being Saturday, I re- 
turned early to Gravesend, and brought my 
family to London. The custom-house officers 
allowed us to take none of our effects with 
us, except our beds. It was fortunate that 
my lodgings were quite near the river ; for 
I was compelled to carry my little boy almost 
the whole way in my arms. On the morrow. 
which was Sunday, I made particular in- 
quiries, and after being directed to several of 


the English churches, was finally conducted to chap.ix. 
the French "temple" of London, where I l68 6 
arrived a good while before the first "preche" 
began. It was with inexpressible joy that I 
again beheld the precious torch of the Gospel, 
which had been transported out of our kingdom 
to this place. I rendered my most humble 
thanks to the Almighty for my escape from 
Babylon, and for my happy arrival in this 
favored land, where the truth is preached with- 
out let or hindrance." 

Durand gives us his impressions of the capital 
and of the kingdom. " The Savoy," he writes, 
" is the largest suburb {faubourg) of London. 
It is the part that contains the palace of the 
king, and that of the queen dowager, and the resi- 
dences of nearly all the great lords of the court. 
There are two French churches in this suburb, 
and there is one in the city proper. The greater 
number of the French lodge here, and in the 
district of Spitalfields, {faubourg Despcdlcfil,) 
which is on the other side, and where rents are 
lower than in London. 1 

" England," he continues, " is a fine country, 
very rich, and abounding in all sorts of grains 
and vegetables, and especially in pasture lands. 
Quantities of cattle are raised ; and the only 

1 " The peopling of the waste Spital Fields was entirely 
due to the French : in a generation nine churches had 
arisen there : and the workmen were so many and so busy 
that the silk manufacture of London was multiplied 
twenty fold." — (A History of the Huguenots of the Disper- 
sion at the recall of the Edict of Nantes. By Reginald 
Lane Poole. Pp. 82, 83.) 


chap. ix. fault to be found with the butchers' meat is, that 
l686 it is too fat. The productions of the country- 
being subject only to the tithes for the support 
of the bishops and ministers, and imposts being 
levied only upon merchandise and the tin ex- 
tracted from the mines : this, together with the 
vast commerce of the nation, makes it the 
wealthiest in Europe. Scarcely any poor are 
seen in the streets and at the doors of the 
churches. But what contributes most, doubt- 
less, to the fertility of the soil, is that through- 
out winter and the spring it rains nearly every 
day ; or else a species of fog broods over the 
land ; and one seldom sees a very clear and 
serene sky. This renders the air very damp and 
thick, and persons unaccustomed to it become 

Finding himself inconvenienced by the deten- 
tion of his effects in the custom-house at Graves- 
end, and not knowing where to seek relief, Du- 
rand went on the following Wednesday to the 
weekly " preche " in the French Church, and 
after that service sought an interview with the 
Consistory. " These gentlemen requested Mr. 
Herman Olmy, a worthy English merchant, to 
assist me in this matter. He did so with the 
utmost kindness ; nor was it the only service I 
received from him. He spoke French very well ; 
and so obliging was he, that as often as I had 
occasion to resort to him — as I did daily, on 
account of the language — he would leave every- 
thing to attend to me — though he had much 
business— and would never suffer me to leave 



his house without making me take a glass of cnap.ix. 
Spanish wine. Meanwhile Mr. Brokin returned l686 
from the country, and immediately sent for me. 
He offered me a thousand services, and often 
had me at his table ; indeed, I might have taken 
a meal with him every day, had I so chosen." 

The refugees were not always left to chance 
acquaintance for guidance and relief. Many of 
them, like Durand, had brought some property 
with them, and could live with economy in Lon- 
don or elsewhere. But many more had arrived 
empty-handed and utterly destitute. For these, 
provision already existed, in the balance that 
remained of a fund that had been raised five 
years before, by collections throughout the king- 
dom, for the relief of French Protestant refu- 
gees. That amount was now swollen by similar 
collections, made on the twenty-third of April, 
1686, and after. The fund thus created, eventu- 
ally reached the sum of a quarter of a million 
pounds sterling. It was known as the Royal 
Bounty. But never was there a greater mis- 
nomer. For neither of the kings under whose The 
auspices it originated — Charles II. and James f^ 1 ^ 
II. — had any sympathy with the movement, or Bounty, 
compassion for the persons to be helped. The 
fund was The English People's Bounty; the 
magnificent testimonial of a nation's pity, and of 
a nation's hospitality. A royal brief or letter, 
however, enjoining these collections, was neces- 
sary in order to their legality, and this brief, 
James the Second, like Charles, was induced, 
though most reluctantly, to order. 



Chap. IX. 




The attitude of the king and of his govern- 
ment toward the refugees, was indeed anoma- 
lous. James was an avowed Roman Catholic, 
and was believed to be bent upon bringing back 
his people to the allegiance of Rome. The 
Huguenots had escaped from the rule of Louis 
the Fourteenth, to put themselves under the 
protection of an English monarch, who in big- 
otry and intolerance was not a whit behind Louis, 
and who had made himself the servile tool of 
the French king. It was no secret that he 
looked with an evil eye upon the fugitives from 
France. And of this fact they soon had start- 
ling evidence. One of the banished Huguenot 
pastors, Jean Claude, the famous preacher of 
Charenton, had published an account of the suf- 
ferings of the French Protestants. A transla- 
tion of that book appeared in England. Upon 
complaint of the French ambassador, James or- 
dered both the translation and the original to 
be publicly burned in London by the hangman. 
This was done on the fifth day of May, 1686 — one 
month after Durand's arrival ; — and the enthu- 
siastic Frenchman, with others of his fellow- 
refugees, happening to pass the Exchange, may 
have seen their great countryman's book com- 
mitted to the flames, in this opprobrious man- 

The king was their enemy ; but an enemy 
shorn of his power to molest them. England 
was their friend. The sufferings of the Protest- 
ants of France had stirred the heart of the 
English people to its 'very depths ; and the 



Protestant feeling of the nation, aroused as Cnap.ix. 
never before by the arbitrary conduct of the l686 
king, and his undisguised purpose to reinstate 
the Romish religion, went out in kindliness and 
helpfulness to these strangers who had fled to 
them for protection. 1 The Church of England 
extended to them a generous welcome. The 
non-conformists greeted them as brethren. The 
refugee pastors were aided from the " Royal 
Bounty." Worshipers who could not find room 
in the "temple" already existing in Thread- 
needle Street, were assisted in obtaining new 

1 An interesting memorial of that kindliness still exists in 
London. It is the " Hospital for poor French Protestants 
and their descendants residing in Great Britain." This 
hospital — long known among the refugees themselves by the 
name of " La Providence " — was founded in the year 1708 
by M. de Gastigny, who bequeathed the sum of one thousand 
pounds sterling, to be applied by the distributors of the 
royal bounty, toward the building and maintenance of such 
an institution. Other donations and bequests were soon 
added, and in 17 16 a site for the projected hospital was 
purchased in Bath Street, St. Luke's, near the City Road. 
From time to time, the fund created for this charity was 
increased by gifts and legacies, from Englishmen as well as 
from Frenchmen ; and by the year 1736, the directors were 
able so to enlarge the hospital as to provide for as many as 
two hundred and thirty persons. In 1862, it was thought 
expedient to remove the institution from its ancient site, to 
a locality north of Victoria Park, and not far from the dis- 
tricts of Spitalfields and Bethnal Green, whence a large 
majority of the inmates of the hospital are drawn. Here a 
stately and spacious building, surrounded by attractive 
grounds, affords a peaceful asylum for some of the poor and 
aged descendants of the French refugees. The directors of 
the institution are chiefly representatives of French Protest- 
ant refugee families. The present governor is the Right 
Hon. the Earl of Radnor. The secretary is Arthur Giraud 
Browning, Esq. 



chap. ix. sanctuaries; and in the single year 1687, fifteen 
1686 French churches were built with the aid of 
moneys drawn from this charitable fund ; three 
in London, and twelve in provincial towns. 

Plymouth, on the south coast of England, and 
Bristol in the west, were the chief among these 
provincial towns. At Plymouth, there were said 
to be about three hundred French Protestants 
in January, 1686. It was here that Pierre Jay 
rejoined his family upon escaping from La Ro- 
chelle. The greater number of the French in 
Plymouth, however, removed very soon to other 
towns. Bristol, at that time second only to 
London in commercial importance, was a more 
permanent home. Of all the refugee colonies in 
Great Britain, this one possesses the greatest 
interest for Americans. The register of the 
Huguenot congregation of Bristol, from its 
formation in 1687 to the close of the century, 
abounds in names that have become naturalized 
with us. Here were the Badeaus, the Bonnets, 
the Morins, the Ouintards, and others, whose 
flight from the towns and villages of western 
France we have already traced, and whose hap- 
piness it now was to be gathered in a harmoni- 
ous brotherhood in the hospitable city of Bristol. 
The marriages and baptisms that occurred 
among these friendly exiles, were occasions of 
special interest. It was a Huguenot fashion, 
very characteristic of that warm-hearted and 
cheery race, to honor such domestic solemnities 
by a large attendance ; and even during their 
persecutions in France, the danger of detection 




Tin-. Mayor's Chapel, Bristol, England. 
[Occupied ai a French Protestant Church, from 16S7 to 1721-) 


and punishment did not prevent them from chap.ix. 
assembling at such times in companies far l686 
beyond the limit set by the law, which restricted 
the number of "assistants" to twelve, and those 
only the nearest of kin. The sober citizens of 
Bristol often saw the lively and social foreigners 
trooping to their " temple," on week-days as 
well as Sundays, accompanying to the altar 
some happy pair, who perchance were soon to 
seek a home beyond the seas ; or following the 
proud father and the demure " marraine," as 
they bore to the font some future emigrant to 
Massachusetts or Carolina. 

This little colony of refugees composed a 
select and favored group. They enjoyed the 
patronage of the Bishop of Bristol, Sir Jonathan 
Trelawney — that Trelawney who a few months 
later became the hero of popular song in En- 
gland, as one of the seven prelates whose re- 
sistance to James the Second precipitated the 
Revolution of 1688. x It was this good bishop's 
influence, doubtless, that procured for the refu- 
gees of Bristol the privilege of usine as their c ^, pel 

*> . . of the 

house of worship the beautiful church known Gaunt, 
as St. Mark's, or the Gaunt's Chapel. An- 
ciently attached to the Hospital of St. Mark, 
founded in the thirteenth century, this building 
had been granted by the crown in 1540 to the 
mayor and burgesses of Bristol for public uses ; 
and it was with their consent that the French 

1 The History of England from the Accession of James 
II. By Thomas Babington Macauley. Vol. II., p. 341. 


Chap. ix. Protectants worshiped here, from the year 1687 
l68 __ to the year 1721. The first ministers were 
Alexandre Descairac and Teremie Tinel. The 
excellent Descairac, who had been pastor in 
Bergerac before the Revocation, was stricken 
with apoplexy while preaching to his flock in 
Bristol, on Sunday, the fourteenth day of June, 
1 703 ; and on the following Tuesday he was 
buried in the Chapel of the Gaunt, the bier be- 
ing carried from the house to the church by the 
clergy of the city, followed by the entire con- 

The French colony in Bristol was strength- 
ened from time to time by fresh arrivals from 
the land of persecution. In the early part of 
the eighteenth century, it had grown to be 
considerable. " The chapel was full to excess, 
the aisle filled with benches as well as the altar, 
The so that there must have been several hundreds." 

Peioquin3. The leading family among the Bristol Hugue- 
nots was that of Etienne Peloquin, a native of 
La Rochelle, and a merchant of high standing. 
It was a son of this refugee whom the citizens 
of Bristol in 1751 elected to the office of mayor. 
The elder Peloquin married the sister of Pierre 
Jay ; and it is more than probable that Jay him- 
self, after removing from Plymouth, took up his 
abode in Bristol. The families were intimate ; 
and the intimacy was continued in succeeding 
generations. 1 

1 Jay Papers. (MSS.) — The four children of Etienne 
Peloquin, the refugee, remained unmarried, and the family 
became extinct. The name,, however, has been preserved in 





The French congregation of Bristol, like that Cha M x - 
of Plymouth, was a " Conformist" congregation. 1687. 
Its ministers, Descairac and Tinel, had taken 
orders in the Church of England, and had adopted 
the Book of Common Prayer. Upon th,is subject 
of conformity, the refugees of England, as well 
as their pastors were greatly divided. Equally 
attached, doubtless, when they left France, to 
the Presbyterian discipline and to the Calvinistic 
worship of their own Reformed Church, they 
differed in their views of duty and expediency 
when they found themselves on British soil. 
Many of them clung to the ecclesiastical system 
that had been maintained by the Protestants of 
France, so long as they were allowed by the 
government to keep it up : and these were in 
favor of establishing, for the Huguenot con- 
gregations in England, " colloques" and synods, 
such as they had maintained at home, and such 
as the refugees in England who preceded them 
had continued to maintain. Others were willing to 
surrender their preferences, and fall in with the 

honorable remembrance in the city of Bristol, through a 
well known charity trust, known as " Mrs. Mary Anne 
Peloquin's Gift." This maiden lady died on the twenty- 
third day of July, 1778, leaving to the mayor and aldermen 
of Bristol the sum of nineteen thousand pounds sterling, 
upon the condition that they and their successors in office 
should yearly, upon St. Stephen's day, apply the interest of 
three hundred pounds of that sum to the rector, curate, clerk 
and sexton of St. Stephen's Church, Bristol, for reading 
prayers and preaching a sermon on the afternoon of that 
day in the said parish Church : and also the revenue from 
fifteen thousand two hundred pounds for distribution among 
thirty-eight poor men and thirty-eight poor women, on the 
same day. — (Communicated by John Taylor, Esq., Bristol. ; 



chap. ix, methods of the Episcopal Church, by law estab- 
1686- lish e d- Acknowledging the Scriptural sound- 
ness of its creeds, and finding little to object to 
in its ritual, they were not disposed to remain 
aloof from it upon grounds of church order. 1 

Meanwhile, a certain degree of pressure was 
used, to lead them to conform. It was urged— 
and the argument had weight with sensitive and 
grateful souls — that those who had received so 

1 The cordial understanding that existed between the Re- 
formed Churches of France and the Church of England, 
dated from the times of Calvin. That great reformer, clear 
Calvin's m ms own convictions as to the Scriptural and primitive 
position, warrant for the mode of ecclesiastical government which he 
advocated, had no word of condemnation to utter with 
reference to the forms of polity preferred by other Protest- 
ant Churches, sound in doctrine. His relations with the 
English Reformers and Bishops, were most friendly ; and he 
deprecated any disposition to break the unity of the national 
body on account either of ceremonies or of modes of dis- 
cipline. " Touchant des ceremonies," he wrote, " pource 
que cesont choses indifferentes, les Eglises en peuvent user 
diversement en liberte. Et quant on seroit bien advise, il 
seroit quelque fois utile de n'avoir point une conformite 
tant exquise, pour monstrer que la foy et chrestiente ne con- 
siste pas en cela." — (Lettres de Jean Calvin, recueillies par 
Jules Bonnet. Lettres francaises, Vol. II., pp. 29-30.). And 
upon the subject of polity he expresses himself not less for- 
cibly : ' Talem nobis hierarchiam si exhibeant, in qua sic 
emineant episcopi, ut Christo subesse non recusent ; ut ab 
illo tanquam unico capite pendeant, et ad ipsum referantur ; 
in qua. sic inter se fraternam societatem colant, ut non alio 
nodo quam ejus veritate sint colligati : turn vero nullo non 
anathemate dignos fatear si qui erunt qui non earn reveren- 
ter summaque obedientia. observent." — (De Necessitate Re- 
formanda3 Ecclesire.) 

On their part, the English Reformers showed no less cor- 
diality toward Calvin and other continental Divines ; freely 
acknowledging the validity of their orders, and inviting 
their counsel and concurrence in the most important meas- 



much kindness from the State and from the chap - IXi 
State Church, might with a good grace accept 1686- 
the invitation to identify themselves with the ^gg 
laity and clergy of that Church. No such argu- 
ment in behalf of conformity would have been 
necessary in the Protestant lands of continental 
Europe. The Huguenots who lied to Holland 
found there a Walloon Church, which formed 
part and parcel of the Reformed Church of the 
nation, and with which they became incorporated 
at once. In Switzerland, there was a ready 
fusion of religious as of social life. In Germany, 
the French Protestants either maintained their 
own church organizations, which in many cases 
received State support, or else blended them at C onti- 
will with those which they found already estab- C hu?ch<L 
lished. Nowhere, on the continent, was the 
ministerial standing of the pastors questioned. 
And nowhere did the refugees on their part find 
occasion to mistrust the Protestant character of 
the National Churches. It was otherwise in 
England. The Church of England now made 
ordination by the hands of bishops a rigid con- 
dition for the exercise of the ministry within its 
pale. It could not be easy for men who had 
preached the Gospel for years under the cross of 
persecution, to submit to this condition. At the 
same time, the refugees met with some things 
that tended to repel them from the Establish- 
ment. Some, like Bostaquet, took exception to 
the ceremonial of the Anglican worship, which 
seemed to them " very much opposed to the sim- 
plicity of our Reformed religion." Others, like 


chap. ix. Fontaine, were thrown among those who 

1686- regarded the Establishment with no friendly 

feeline. The recollections of the Act of Uni- 

t o Sa 

formity, and of St. Bartholomew's day, were still 
living in the minds of English Non-conformists; 
and their resentment had been sharpened by the 
more recent atrocities inflicted upon their breth- 
ren by Lord Jeffries. It is not surprising that 
many of the French imbibed this feeling, and 
were strengthened in their determination to 
cling to their " ancient discipline." 

But just at this time, the Church of England 
became immensely popular. Forced by the 
encroachments of James II. to take a stand for 
their Protestant principles, the clergy, headed 
by the bishops, refused to sanction a royal 
measure designed to strengthen the Papal inter- 
est. " Never had the Church been so dear to 
the nation as on the afternoon of that day. The 
May spirit of dissent seemed to be extinct. Baxter 
1 1^ from his pulpit pronounced a eulogium on the 
bishops and parochial clergy. The Dutch min- 
ister, a few hours later, wrote to inform the 
States-General that the Anglican priesthood had 
risen in the estimation of the public to an in- 
credible degree. The universal cry of the Non- 
conformists, he said, was that they would rather 
continue to be under the penal statutes, than 
separate their cause from that of the prelates." 1 
This tide of popularity, doubtless, helped to 
float the newly-arrived French Calvinists into 

1 Macaulay, History of England, II., 327. 



the haven of the Established Church. Indeed, chap.ix. 
not a few of the refugee clergy had already en- ^86- 
tered, despite the bar of reordination. It is 
difficult to determine the proportion which these 
bore to the numbers of the French who re- 
mained Huguenots in church polity and worship, 
during the first generation. But it seems prob- 
able, from the facts before us, that whilst more 
than, half of the congregations of French Protest- 
ants existinoin London and elsewhere in En- 
gland maintained their original constitution, 1 at 
least until the close of the seventeenth century, 
the greater portion of the body of the Hugue- 
not "pasteurs" conformed to the Established 
Church. This accession was an enrichment. 
Many are the distinguished names that occur in 
the list of the French Conformist ministers ; and 
many more have been the useful and illustrious 
men among the Anglican clergy, who have 
traced their descent from the pious exiles for 
conscience' sake that fled to England after the 

Those, however, who were now meditating a 
speedy removal to America, had little occasion 
to concern themselves at present about conform- 

1 Of twenty-two French churches in London that were 
founded before the close of the seventeenth century, thir- 
teen or fourteen continued to be non-conformist churches 
until 1700 at least ; while the remaining seven or eight were 
either founded as conformist churches, or became such. Of 
twenty churches founded elsewhere in England before the 
close of that century — some of them at a much earlier date 
— fully one-half appear to have continued non-conformist 
until 1700. 




chap.ix. ity. Their stay in England was brief. The Hu- 

guenots who came by way of England to Mas- 
[686- & J J & 

sachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, and Caro- 
lina, reached these colonies, for the most part, 
very soon after their flight from France. 

The subject of emigration to America was occu- 
pying many minds, in the French quarters of Lon- 
don. Frequent and lively were the discussions in 
the coffee-houses resorted to by the refugees in 
Soho and St. Giles, and in the weavers' shops of 
Spitalfields, over the relative advantages of the 
northern, the middle, and the southern colonies, 
and the ways of reaching them. It was not a 
new subject, by any means. The thoughts of 
the suffering Huguenots of France had long 
turned towards the New World. Those who 
came from the maritime provinces possessed 
some knowledge of it, through the commercial 
relations of these coasts with Canada, Boston, 
and New York ; and even in the central and 
eastern parts of France, much interest had been 
awakened in the matter of emigration, through 
printed broadsides and pamphlets that had been 
stealthily circulated among the Protestants, 
already before the Revocation. Some came to 
England, "having nothing but Carolina in their 
minds," all eagerness to reach that land of fruits 
and flowers. Others were intent upon joining 
their countrymen who had already become do- 
mesticated and prospered in the more northerly 
settlements, particularly New York and Boston. 

The Dauphinese emigrant Durand, whose 
" relation " we have already quoted, was much 



inclined towards Carolina. But before deciding chap.ix. 
upon his course, he went to see the " famous 
Monsieur Du Bourdieu," formerly minister in 
Montpellier, and now pastor of the French 
Church in the Savoy, with his son Jean Armand 
as colleague. He was received with open arms 
by the warm-hearted old " pasteur." Du Bour- 
dieu, however, strongly advised him to relin- 
quish his design. In common with many of the 
refugees, he still cherished the hope that the 
persecutions in France would soon abate, and 
that the government of Louis XIV. might be in- 
duced to alter its policy toward the Protestants. 
He counseled Durand not to leave England, 
and promised to use his influence for the purpose 
of procuring him a comfortable subsistence there, 
for two or three years. " After that," he added, 
" as we belong to neighboring provinces, we 
must return to France together ; " for though 
now seventy years old, he did not expect to 
die without preaching once more in Montpellier. 
" This shook my resolution somewhat," says 
Durand ; " but on leaving him I met an acquaint- 
ance, who informed me that Monsieur Pyoset, 
pastor of the Church of London, had received a 
letter from America, addressed to him by a 
merchant from his own place, who had lately 
gone thither. Accordingly, I went to see him. 
He told me that his correspondent wrote only in 
favorable terms of Carolina, and he advised me 
to co thither, caution inc me at the same time to 
be careful as to the vessel in which I should em- 
bark ; inasmuch as his friend complained that he 


chap. ix. had been very badly treated by the captain with 

1686- whom he had come over." 

1688 Gabriel Bernon, formerly of La Rochelle, was 

now in London, meditating a settlement in Mas- 
sachusetts. He had been engaged for years, as 
we have seen, in trade with Canada; and upon 
leaving France at the period of the Revocation, 
his thoughts naturally turned to the northern 
colonies of America. Bernon arrived in London 
from Amsterdam early in the year 1687. Here 
he chanced to meet a fellow-refugee, who intro- 
duced him to the president of the Society for 
Promoting and Propagating the Gospel in New 
England. That society had been formed in 
Cromwell's day, nearly forty years before, in 
consequence of the interest awakened in Great 
Britain by the news of Eliot's successful labors 
among the savages. The president of the cor- 
poration, Robert Thompson, was a London 
merchant of h i Qfh standing. Business consider- 
ations mingled with his philanthropic designs 
respecting the wilds of America : for the Gen- 
eral Court of Massachusetts, in recognition of 
valuable services rendered to the colony, had 
given him five hundred acres of land in the 
Nipmuck country, a territory as yet unoccupied, 
in the interior of the province. At the same time, 
the General Court had granted to a company, 
organized in London, with Robert Thompson 
at its head, a larger tract of land — eight miles 
square — for the site of a settlement. The terms 
of this grant required that thirty families should 
occupy the land, within four years from the date 


of the grant ; and that they should be accompa- chap.ix. 

nied by an able orthodox minister. When Ber- 
non made his appearance, the four years had 
nearly elapsed ; the company had not yet suc- 
ceeded in effecting the settlement ; and at their 
request the General Court of Massachusetts had 
extended the term for three years more. To the 
associates, the intelligent and enterprising 
Frenchman was a godsend indeed; while to Ber- 
non himself, the vision of a " seigneurie," or at 
least a " gentilhommiere," to be set up in the 
new and free country whither he proposed to re- 
move, must have been a tempting one. He was 
immediately chosen a member of the Society for 
Propagating the Gospel among the Indians, and 
was offered a share in the company's Massachu- 
setts lands. A further inducement to eneaee in 
the scheme of colonization soon presented itself. 
Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau, a refugee from Poi- 
tou, 1 hearing of Bernon's plans, offered to cross 
over at once to New England, obtain a grant of 
land, and begin a plantation. Bernon was per- 
suaded to acquiesce in this arrangement. He 
advanced the money required for the settle- 
ment ; and in the spring of the following year, 
stimulated by the letters that he received from 
Bertrand, decided, as we shall see in a subse- 
quent chapter, to remove to Boston. 

Other colonies besides Massachusetts and 
South Carolina had their advocates in London, 
eager to secure the French refugees for settlers. 


See above, page 51. 



chap. ix. Chief among these was Pennsylvania. There 
1686- were no emigrants whom William Penn desired 
more ardently for his plantations on the Dela- 
ware and Susquehanna, than the persecuted 
Huguenots ; and many of them, even before 
reaching England, had heard of the advantages 
possessed by Pennsylvania, through the state- 
ments which his agents circulated in all Europe. 
The proprietors also of certain lands in Virginia, 
bordering upon Occoquan Creek, were busily 
distributing their proposals, and offering either 
to sell in fee simple, or to rent upon easy terms, 
the eligible lots laid out in the neighborhood of 
the town of Brenton, then building. 

Disinterested benevolence had perhaps little 
to do with any of the schemes that were pressed 
upon the attention of our refugees during their 
stay in England. Yet it is probable that the 
inducements held out were in most cases sincere, 
and the transactions were genuine. There was, 
however, one notable exception. The unscrup- 
ulous Atherton Company had its agents in 
London, and they succeeded but too well in se- 
curing purchasers among the French Protestants. 
A party of forty-five families, designing to settle 
in the Narragansett country, within the territory 
claimed by Rhode Island, sailed for New En- 
gland in the autumn of the year 1686. The 
emigrants had with them a minister and a phy- 
sician. The minister was Ezechiel Carre, for- 
merly pastor of Mirambeau and of La Roche 
Chalais, in France. The physician was Pierre 
Ayrault, a native of Angers, in the province of 


Anjou. At the head of the expedition was cnap.ix. 
Pierre Berthon de Marigny, the representative 
of a prominent family of Chatellerault, in the 
province of Poitou. No other band of French 
emigrants bound for America, left England bet- 
ter equipped, and with fairer prospects ; and no 
other was doomed to suffer greater hardships, 
and experience more bitter disappointment. 

Much thought was given by the refugee to 
his outfit for emigration. Materials to build 
with, could indeed be found in abundance in the 
American forest ; but iron tools, and iron fasten- 
ings, must be carried with him. More import- 
ant than these, however, in the Frenchman's 
esteem, were the plants that might be domesti- 
cated in a foreign soil, and made to give a touch 
of home to his rude dwelling in the wilderness. 
New emigrants were strongly recommended by 
friends who had crossed the ocean before them, plants, 
to bring with them a supply of the best varieties 
of the vine. A bill of lading that describes the 
worldly goods of one of the Huguenot families 
that removed to Massachusetts, mentions, in 
curious juxtaposition, a " bundle of wrought 
yron," and " two chests of vine plants." Other 
provisions were laid in, according to the taste 
and the means of the purchaser. The poorer 
refugees were assisted in their preparations by 
the committee that dispensed the Royal Bounty, 
or by the Consistory of the French Church in 
London. Those in better circumstances, like 
Durand of Dauphiny, were at no loss for 
advisers in the expenditure of their funds. " My 

I 72 


chap. ix. mind having now been made up to emigrate," 
l6 5 7 writes the garrulous refugee, " I began to buy 
articles of furniture, implements of labor, and 
hardware for building purposes ; but as money 
has no flukes wherewith to anchor itself to its 
possessor, I no sooner bought one article, than 
I was counseled to buy another, because those 
who had preceded me to America provided them- 
selves with the like ; and thus by the end of my six 
weeks' stay in London, I had spent in these pur- 
chases some forty /ozn's-d'or." 

Many refugees before leaving England applied 
to the British Government for letters of natural- 
ization. It was not always without a struggle 
that the French Protestant resigned himself to 
the necessity of renouncing forever the country 
that had refused him the exercise of his religious 
and civil rights, and declaring himself the subject 
of a foreign prince. Often, the emigrant delayed 
this action for a number of years, or even spent 
the rest of his days in the land of exile as an 
alien, without resorting to it. But more generally, 
those who were about to seek a refuge in some 
distant dependency of Great Britain, saw the 
wisdom of securing her protection, and obtaining 
the privileges of trade, as naturalized subjects. 
To such, letters-patent of denization were readily 
granted, upon individual application. Hopes 
had indeed been held out to the persecuted 
French, when invited by Charles II. to take 
refuge in England, that a general act for their 
naturalization would be passed by Parliament. 
The promise was not .fulfilled until long after the 




l 73 

Revocation. Meanwhile, the refugee could ob- 
tain from the government a grant, under the 
royal seal, securing to him and to his family, 
"all rights, privileges and immunities" enjoyed 
by free denizens of the realm. No fees or other 
charges were to be required, and no condition 
binding upon the applicant was attached to the 
earliest of these grants, except that of actual 
residence in England, or elsewhere within the 
king's dominions. At a later day, some addi- 
tional requirements were made. The applicant 
for naturalization was expected to present a cer- 
tificate, showing that he had received the Holy 
Communion. Later, a promise was exacted, that 
he would take the oaths of allegiance and 
supremacy, within a year from the date of his 
denization. Some of the letters-patent issued 
by James II. were conditioned upon participation 
in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper " accord- 
ing to the usage of the Church of England." 
But both of these clauses were soon afterwards 

The British Patent Rolls, or lists of persons 
of foreign birth, naturalized by royal letters- 
patent, contain the names of a large number of 
the French Protestants who actually removed to 
America. Not a few, however, waited until their 
arrival in the New World, before seeking natural- 
ization. This was particularly true of the settlers 
in New York, Virginia and South Carolina — 
provinces that received the greater portion of 
the refugees. Scarcely any more interesting 
memorials of the Huguenot immigration exist 

Chap. IX. 






ation in 


chap. ix. than the petitions, in which the applicants for 
naturalization sometimes recite the sufferings 
through which they have passed on account of 
their religious faith. The colonial legislatures 
encouraged such applications, and granted them. 
Virginia was foremost in taking this course. As 
early as the year 1671, the General Assembly of 
that province passed an act, admitting all strangers 
desirous of making it the place of their permanent 
home, to the liberties, privileges and immunities 
of natural born Englishmen, upon their petition 
to the Assembly, and upon taking the oaths of 
allegiance and supremacy. New York adopted 
a similar measure in the year 1683. 1 Fourteen 
years later, the Assembly of South Carolina 
passed an act " for making aliens being Protest- 
ants free " of that province. Many hundreds of 
French and other foreign Protestants were 
admitted under these acts to naturalization. 

But all this was done without the sanction of 
the home government. For England held per- 
sistently, that no provincial legislature, or pro- 
vincial governor, had power to grant letters of 
denization. It was a prerogative of Parliament, 
or of the Crown, to do this. It is true that in 
the year 1740, a statute was passed, for the 
special benefit of the British colonies in America, 
providing for the admission of all Protestant 

1 " Where I met with a merchant among the French, and 
known to be a good Protestant, to such I grant letters of 
Denization." Lord Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, New 
York, Sept. 21, 1698. — Documents relative to the Colonial 
History of the State of New. York. Yol. IV., p. 379. 


foreigners to the privileges of natural-born sub- Chap.ix. 
jects, upon a residence of seven years, and upon l6g 
taking the required oaths, and receiving the 
sacrament. Yet as late as the year 1773, the 
king in council disallowed certain laws, passed 
in some of the colonies in America for conferring- 
the privileges of naturalization on aliens; and 
the governors of the colonies were forbidden to 
give their assent to any bills that might have been 
or that might thereafter be passed by the colonial 
assemblies for such naturalization. But at best, 
the advantages conferred could be enjoyed only 
within the limits of the colony conferring them. 
Frequently, the refugee, after obtaining letters of 
denization from the provincial government under 
which he was living, made application in England 
for letters-patent from the Crown. 

The expenses of transportation to America 
were usually borne by the Relief Committee in „ T } 1 . e , 

J J Relief 

London. In fact, no small part of the Royal Committee. 
Bounty — the English People's Bounty — went to 
pay for the passage of the refugees across the 
ocean. " An account of Monies received to- 
wards the Reliefe of Poore Protestants Lately 
come over from the Kingdom of France," be- 
ginning on the second day of the year 1681, 
contains the following items: — 

"January 29th, 1682, Paid Mr Peter Du Gua, 
Elder of y e french at y e Savoy, toward the charge 
of twelve persons in their voyage to Jamaica, 
sixty pounds sterling. May 3rd, 1683, Paid M r 
David Dushaise, Elder of the French Church of 
London, for fifty-five french Protestants to goe 






chap. ix. to Virginia, seventy pounds sterling. June 15th, 
1683- ! 6S3, Paid M r Daniel Duthais, for transportation 
of several french protestants to the West Indies, 
twenty-six pounds sterling. October 12th, 1684, 
Paid M r Peter Delaforetre, being allowed to 
him and two others with their famillys to go to 
America, twelve pounds sterling." r In the single 
year 1687, six hundred French Protestant refu- 
gees were sent to America at the Committee's 

Some years later — just as the seventeenth cen- 
tury was closing — a yet larger body of foreign 
Protestants, one thousand in number, received 
aid from the same source, for their removal to 
America. A few of these emigrants went to 
Florida, more settled in South Carolina ; but the 
greater part, seven hundred at least, were bound 
for Virginia, where many of them formed a set- 
tlement known as Manakintown, on the lames 
river. I shall anticipate the order of events, for 
the purpose of presenting here the facts con- 
cerning this later emigration, in connection with 
the work of the Committee for the distribution 
of the Royal Bounty, from which the expenses 
of transportation to America continued to be 

It was in the spring of the year 1700, that a 
fleet of four vessels set sail from Gravesend, 
having on board two hundred French Protest- 
ant refugees. They were followed within two 

1 Documents preserved in the Library of Guildhall, Lon- 


months by a second company, of one hundred Chap - IX - 
and seventy. A third detachment sailed not 1700. 
long after, and a fourth, with one hundred and 
ninety-seven emigrants. In all, the colonists 
numbered over seven hundred. 1 At their head 
was the brave and devoted Marquis de la Muce, of 
whom an account has been given in a preceding 
chapter. 2 Associated with him was another 
Huguenot of position, Charles de Sailly. Three DeLa 
ministers of the Gospel, and two physicians, ac- *£™ e 
companied the expedition. The ministers were DeSaiiiy. 
Claude Philippe de Richebourg, Benjamin De 
Joux, and Louis Latane. The physicians were 
Castaino- and La Sosee. 

Preparations for this important movement 
had long been on foot, and more than once its 
destination had been changed. Two years before 
the date of the embarkation, negotiations were 
opened by the leaders of the body, with Doctor 
Daniel Coxe, " proprietary of Carolana and 
Florida," for the purchase of half a million 
acres of land in the latter territory. The tract 
in question was situated near Appalachee Bay, 
and the purchasers were to have the privilege of 
an additional half-million acres, at the nominal 
rent of "a ripe Ear of Indian Corne in the sea- 
son," for the first seven years. At another time, 
Carolina was the objective point of the expedi- 
tion. A third site suggested for the settlement 

1 I have not found the number of the third detachment. 
If it approached that of the first, the second, or the fourth, 
the aggregate must have exceeded seven hundred. 

2 Pages 87-90. 


chap. ix. was in Norfolk county, Virginia, on the Nanse- 
j ~ mond river, in the neighborhood of the Dismal 
Swamp. Eventually, the emigrants upon their 
arrival in Virginia were directed to a spot some 
twenty miles above Richmond, on the James 
river, where ten thousand acres were given them, 
on the lands of the extinct Manakin tribe of 

It may be safely said that no more interesting 
body of colonists than that conducted by Oliver 
de la Muce, had crossed the ocean within 
the last half of the century then coming to a 
close. Many of them belonged to the perse- 
1686. cuted Waldensian race. Several thousands of 
these people had taken refuge in Switzerland, 
Refugees when driven from their valleys in Piedmont by 
Piedmont tne troops °f Louis XIV. In 1 698, the number 
of the exiles was increased by new arrivals, and 
the Swiss cantons, finding themselves unable to 
support so many strangers, took steps for their 
removal to other and wealthier Protestant coun- 
tries. In England, the appeal for aid to accom- 
plish this end, met a liberal response. A refugee 
pastor was sent over to the continent for the 
purpose of enlisting the Vaudois in the scheme 
of emigration to Virginia. Printed proposals 
and maps were circulated in several of the cities 
of Switzerland. Germany and Holland. How 
many actually joined the expedition, cannot be 
stated. An account of moneys received for the 
transport and supply of the French Refugees, 
mentions a party of seventy-five who had come 
from Switzerland by .way of Rotterdam. It 


seems probable that a large proportion of the Chap.ix. 
emigrants may have been Waldenses. Certain I7GO 
of the names of the Virginia colonists indicate 
this; while the prominent mention made of the 
Vaudois in the accounts of the Committee for 
the distribution of the Royal Bounty, would 
lead us to believe that they may have formed 
the larger portion of the emigrating body. 

A brief for a collection in behalf of the Prot- 
estant refugees was issued by King William III., 
in the year 1699. The proceeds, amounting to 
nearly twelve thousand pounds, were intrusted 
as usual to the Chamber of the city of London 
for safe-keeping. From this fund, disbursements 
were made by the Chamberlain, upon the order 
of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Sir William 
Ashurst, and others composing the Committee. 
On the twenty-fourth of April, 1700, the Cham- 
berlain was desired to pay to Sir William 
Ashurst the sum of eighteen hundred pounds 
sterling. This was the remainder of a sum of 
three thousand pounds, appropriated, at the rate 
of six pounds per head, " for the transportation 
of five hundred Vaudois and French refugies 
designed for some of his Majesties plantations ; 
to be paid to Sir William Ashurst upon an ac- 
count given by him for so many of them as from 
Tyme to Tyme shall bee on shipboard in order 
to their transportation." In the following June, 
the sum of thirty-eight pounds was given, " out 
of the collection," "to Mons r Benjamin De Joux, 
Minister, appointed to goe to Virginia ; besides 
twenty-four pounds for the providing of himself 


chap. ix. with necessarys for the voyage."' In August, 
I?00 the Bishop of London writes to the city Cham- 
berlain, " Sir': the bearer, Monsieur Castayne, is 
going out Surgeon to y e French now departing 
for Virginia. He wants twenty pounds to make 
up his Chest of Drugs and instruments. It is a 
very small matter for such a voyage ; but if you 
have in yo r hands to supply that summe, I will 
answer for my Lord of Canterbury, that he shall 
allow of yo r so doing." In November, the 
Chamberlain is requested to pay to Sir William 
Ashurst, Knight, and Alderman of London, two 
thousand pounds for the use of such Vaudois & 
French refugies as design to settle in Virginia, 
to be distributed among them at the rate of six 
pounds p r head when on shipboard, in order to 
their transportation. And in December, an 
additional sum of one thousand pounds was 
ordered to be paid to the same person, in behalf 
of other " Vaudois and French Refuoies design- 
inof to settle in Virginia or some other of his 
Majesties Plantations." ' 

1 Documents preserved in the Library of Guildhall, 


The Emigration, 
on the high seas. 

Two hundred years ago, a transatlantic voyage chap.x. 
was necessarily attended with inconveniences 
and perils, of which we have little conception at 
the present day. Almost inevitably it was a 
long voyage, for the pathway of commerce and 
emigration across the deep was as yet but im- 
perfectly defined ; and the small, unwieldy ships 
that pursued it doubtfully could make but poor 
progress, save with the most favorable winds. 
A passage of three or four months was not un- 
common. The uncertainties of navigation were 
very great. The shipmaster had indeed his 
compass to guide him ; but he was unprovided 
with either quadrant or chronometer. His charts 
were exceedingly imperfect, and often utterly 
untrustworthy. Measuring the ship's headway 
by dead reckoning, he would not unfrequently Dangers 
mistake his position by a whole degree, and was passage, 
tolerably satisfied if not more than a hundred 
miles out of his true longitude. Dangers 
thickened as the vessel approached the coast. 
There, no pilot was waiting to conduct her into 
port ; and no light-house sent its beams across 
the waters, warning the sailor of hidden rocks. 


chap.x. Many a ship was foundered on some treacherous 
reef, when the long cruise had nearly come to its 
desired end. Such was the fate of one of the 
vessels that bore Huguenot refugees bound for 
Massachusetts. The French Protestant pastor 
Sautreau, with his wife Elisabeth Fontaine, and 
their five children, "were wrecked, and all 
drowned, within sight of the harbor of Boston." 
Piracy greatly increased the voyager's appre- 
hensions, and added much to his actual discom- 

Piracy. forts. For fear of the corsair and the privateer, 
even the smallest craft crossing the sea must 
needs carry ordnance and ammunition. Happy 
was it if these preparations proved unnecessary, 
and no report of an unfriendly ship, sighted in 
the distance, spread consternation through the 
crowded company of refugees. 

The liability to contagious disease was yet 
more to be dreaded. Many of the accounts 

Disease, that have come down to us mention the terrible 
ravages of fever during those weary months 
spent on the ocean. A company of Huguenots 
that reached Boston in the summer of 1686, lost 
" their Doctor and twelve Men " during their 
" long passage at sea ;" and the survivors were 
greatly reduced by sickness. " We were three 
months in London," wrote Judith Manigault, 
" waiting for a vessel ready to sail for Carolina. 
Once embarked, we were miserably off indeed. 
The scarlet fever broke out in our ship, and 
many died, among them our aged mother. We 
touched at two ports, the one Portuguese, and 
the other an island called Bermuda, belonging 



to the English. Here our vessel put in for chap. x. 
repairs, having been badly injured in a -severe I( ^ 6 
storm. Our captain having committed some 
dishonesty was thrown into prison, and the ship 
was seized. It was with the greatest difficulty 
that we secured our passage in another ship, for 
our money had all been spent. After our 
arrival in Carolina, we suffered all sorts of 
evils. Our eldest brother died of a fever, 
eighteen months after coming here, being un- 
accustomed to the hard work we were subjected 
to. We ourselves have been exposed, since 
leaving France, to all kinds of afflictions, in the 

r c • i -i r Judith 

torms or sickness, pesMence, famine, poverty, Mani- 
and the roughest labor. I have been for six account. 
months at a time in this country without tasting 
bread, laboring meanwhile like a slave in tilling 
the ground. Indeed, I have spent three or four 
years without knowing what it was to eat bread 
whenever I wanted it. God has been very good 
to us in enabling us to bear up under trials of 
every kind. I believe that if I should under- 
take to give you the particulars of all our ad- 
ventures, I should never get through. Suffice 
it to say that God has had pity on me, and has 
changed my lot to a happier one, glory be to 
His name." 

We must take these various inconveniences 
into view, thoroughly to appreciate the jubilant 
and grateful tone of a letter written by one of 
the French Protestants shortly after landing in 
Boston in the autumn of the year 1687. ''By 
the goodness of God," says he, " I arrived in 


chap^x. p er f ec t health in this fav r ored land on the seven- 
1687. teenth day of last month, after a passage of 
fifty-three days — counting from the time we left 
the Downs, sixty miles from London, to the 
time we reached Boston — and I have to say 
that few ships make the trip in so short a time. 
Our voyage was a very happy one, and with the 
exception of three days and three nights, during 
which we experienced a heavy storm, the time 
passed agreeably and delightfully, enjoyed by 
every person on board. The women, the young 
girls and the children, gathered on the forward 
deck, almost every day, diverting themselves. 

FisMn ^ e ^^ not: nave ^ ie pleasure of fishing on the 
on the Banks, for we sailed fifty leagues to the south 


of them, our course being almost uniformly from 
east to west. 

" Whoever wishes to come to this country 
should embark at London, from which place a 
ship sails about once a month. The most suit- 
able time for embarking is the latter part of 
March, or the end of August and the beginning 
of September. Then, the weather is neither 
too hot nor too cold ; and besides, one avoids 
the dead calms that occur frequently in summer, 
and on account of which some vessels are four 
months in making the trip. It is well to have 
a physician on board, as we had in our ship. 
With regard to danger, one must be particular 
to take passage on a good vessel, well equipped 
with men and with cannon, ami Well supplied 
with victuals, especially with plenty of bread 
and water. As to the route, there is risk only 


in approaching land, and on the sand-banks, chap. x. 
We took soundings twice, off Cape Sable, and 77 
on St. George's Bank. After that, we took no 
more soundings ; for three days later we sighted 
Cape Cod, which is sixty miles from Boston, 
toward the south ; and on the next day we 
reached Boston, after passing a multitude of 
exceedingly pretty islands, most of which are 
cultivated, and present a very pleasing appear- 


Very different were the fortunes of another 
refugee, bound for South Carolina. His voy- 
age lasted over four months. The captain, 
inexperienced and headstrong, instead of hold- 
ing on in a southwesterly direction, sailed to 
the north-west, hoping to meet northerly winds 
when off the coast of America. " In due time, 
we found ourselves several degrees north of the 
latitude of New England, where we saw mon- 
strous whales." During a violent storm en- 
countered at a distance of six hundred miles 
from Charleston, the ship's stores were damaged, 
and the passengers were reduced to short rations ; 
three pounds of mouldy biscuit, per week, being 
allowed to each person. The water gave out, 
and several died of exhaustion and privation. 
Fortunately, as the vessel approached the shore, 
the sailors succeeded in catching a quantity of 
fish, to eke out the supply of food. At length, 
land was seen, and the emigrants, "greatly de- 
lighted, began to prepare to go on shore, expect- 
ing to sleep that night in Charleston." They 
were charmed by the sight of innumerable birds, 


Chap. X. 



of all varieties, that perched upon the masts and 
rigging. But their joy was short-lived. By 
noon, although the wind had not increased, the 
violence of the waves became such as to shatter 
the bow of the vessel. The foremast was swept 
away, and in its fall broke two of the mainyards. 
The disabled ship was forced to seek the open 
sea, and eventually cast anchor at the mouth of 
York river, four hundred miles from the place of 
its original destination. 

Descendants of the Huguenots may be curious 
to compare the accommodations provided for 
their ancestors on the long voyage to America, 
with the luxuries enjoyed in the floating palaces 
that now accomplish the same trip in a single 
week. A contract for carrying two hundred 
French emigrants, in the year 1 700, from Lon- 
don to Jamestown in Virginia, gives us an in- 
sight into the arrangements for the comfort of 
passengers, on a vessel of the better class. The 
Nassau was a ship of five hundred tons burden. 
Her owner engaged to supply the emigrants 
"with the same sort of provisions as those for 
the ship's company." Their daily allowance was 
to be furnished to them in messes, of eight 
passengers to a mess ; and on every Monday 
morning the weekly allowance of bread, butter 
and cheese was to be distributed. The bill of 
fare ran as follows : " Every passenger above 
the age of six yeares to have seven pounds of 
Bread every weeke, and to a mess eight passen- 
gers ; and to have two pieces of Porke, at two 
pounds each peece, five days in a weeke, with 


pease; and two days in a week, to have two chap.x. 
four-pound peeces of Beefe a day, and peese, or I700 
one four-pound peece of Beefe with a Pud- 
ding with Peese ; and at any time if it shall 
happen, that they are not willing the Kettle 
should be boyled, or by bad weather cannot, in 
such case every passenger shall have one pound 
of cheese every such day ; and such children as 
are under six yeares of age, to have such allow- 
ances in flower, oat-meal, Fruit, Sugar and But- 
ter, as the overseers of them shall judge con- 
venient." The ship was to be fitted out with 
" Lodgings or Cabbins for the said passengers 
with two in an apartment, and with hammocks " 
for beds. One-fourth part of the hold was 
reserved for the emigrants. The price agreed 
upon for the passage was five pounds sterling 
for each person, and one hundred pounds in ad- 
dition for the use of the part of the ship reserved 
to the emigrants. Stores of " Brandy, sugar, 
figgs, raisons, and sugar-biscuit for the sick," 
were laid in, besides abundant supplies of garden 
seeds and tools, fire-arms, nets, and other articles 
for the projected settlement. There was a 
special provision for the accommodation of the 
passengers in case the ship should put into port 
or other place, in the course of the voyage. " If 
any of the said passengers shall be on shore, then 
the said ship shall stay for their returning on 
board twenty-four hours in the whole after the 
wind shall be fair, and send the ship's boats on 
shore to bring them off — after which four-and- 
twenty hours, the ship to have liberty to pro- 


The Settlement, 

Chap.xi. No facts concerning the various emigrations 
to America that took place in the course of the 
seventeenth century, are better understood, than 
those that account for the coming of the Protest- 
ant refugees from France. The persecutions 
to which they were subjected in that country 
because of their conscientious belief, stand out 
distinctly to our view as the. procuring cause of 
this expatriation. 

Little attention, however, has been given to 
the particular reasons for the settlement of the 
Huguenots in the several colonies to which they 
came. Originating- in a forced flight, the move- 
ment continues to present to the imagination 
the appearance of a dispersion, hasty and inco- 
herent ; and we think of the fugitives as cross- 
ing the ocean, very much as many of them 
crossed the British Channel, panic-stricken, and 
nearly desperate, abandoning themselves in 
utter ignorance to a guiding power in which they 
religiously trusted. It will be found, on further 
inquiry, that the emigration was an intelligent 
one. Providentially directed, its course was 
shaped by the mature judgment of well-informed 


men, who were enterprising and practical as chap.xi. 
well as devout. 

Thus the Huguenots who came to Boston, had 
their reasons for so doing. That city had long 
been known in the seaports of western France, 
and especially in La Rochelle. The trade with 
Canada, and still more that with Nova Scotia, 
chiefly controlled by the Protestant merchants and 
conducted by the Protestant shipmasters of La 
Rochelle, had brought the French in frequent 
contact with the coastwise commerce of New 
England.. More than once, also, in the course 
of the quarrels and intrigues of those rival 
Acadian chieftains, La Tour and Charnise, who 
were always eager to drag Massachusetts into 
their dispute, a ship from La Rochelle had 
looked in upon Boston harbor; and her crew, 
whether Protestant or Romanist, had received 
the hospitality of the town. In these ways, and 
in others besides, the Huguenots of western 
France had o-ained a more distinct and more favor- 
able impression of the Puritan capital, than of any 
other American locality ; and though it seemed 
almost impossible for them to write its name 
correctly, the geographical position, and the 
social and commercial advantages of " Baston" 1 
were widely understood among them. 

1 So the word constantly appears, not only in private 
letters, but also in government reports, in charts, and in the 
Mercure historique. Possibly an orthoepic reason may be 
assigned. The broad French sound of the letter A, in the 
dialect of Saintonge especially, would best represent the 
anomalous English sound of the letter O, in "Boston." I 
may add that I am sustained in this opinion by the judg- 


Chap. xi. It was doubtless on this account that, as we 
1660. have seen, a body of French Protestants ex- 
1680 pelled from the city of La Rochelle petitioned 
the Governor and magistrates of the Massachu- 
setts colony, in the year 1662, for liberty to set- 
tle among the English in their jurisdiction. 1 For 
the next twenty years, no considerable number 
of refugees came to Boston. But meanwhile 
Salem, the population of the neighboring town of Salem 
received some valuable accessions from the 
Channel Islands of Jersey and Guernsey. These 
islands, lying off the coast of France, originally 
belonged to the dukes of Normandy, and re- 
mained subject to the English crown after the 
Norman conquest. The inhabitants were for 
the most part of French descent, and spoke a 
French dialect. At the time of the Reformation 
they embraced the Protestant faith ; and from 
the reign of Elizabeth, these islands became a 
place of refuge for many of the persecuted 
Huguenots. They brought with them their own 
ecclesiastical customs, and organized churches 
"after the model of Geneva." 2 

ment of the learned Rochellese historian, M. Louis Meschi- 
net de Richemond. 

1 See volume I., p. 270. 

2 Among these refugees were nearly fifty ministers, some 
of them men of distinction for rank and learning. " So 
effectually did they beat down every superstition remaining, 
that in a little while not a Papist was left in the island (of 
Jersey), nor has there been one ever since." (Caesarea : 
or an account of Jersey, the greatest of the islands remain- 
ing to the Crown of England of the ancient Dutchy of Nor- 
mandy. Second edition. By Philip Falle, some time Rec- 
tor of St. Saviour's and Deputy from the States of the 



Enjoying special opportunities and privileges Chap.xi. 
of trade, these islands furnished many bold and ^60- 
enterprising mariners, to whom the coasts and 
seaports of New England were well known. 
Salem, in particular, sustained commercial rela- 
tions with the island of Jersey, as early as the 
year 1660; and subsequently, a number of per- 
sons from that island came to establish them- 
selves there. Philip English, John Touzell, 
John Browne, Nicolas Chevalier, Peter Morrall, 
John Vouden, Edward Feveryear, Mary But- 
ler, Rachel Dellaclose, the Valpys, Lefavors, 
Beadles, Cabots, and other inhabitants of Salem, 
were natives of Jersey. Most of these names . 
suffered some change in the transplanting-. John aQ d 

l o j Guernsey. 

Island to their Majesties William and Mary. London : 
1734. First published in 1681.) These ministers intro- 
duced the discipline and liturgy of the French Reformed 
Churches, in place of the English service-book, which had 
been translated into French under Edward VI., and used in 
all the churches of the island. They ordained elders and 
deacons, in the church of St. Helier, the chief town, and pre- 
vailed with the magistrates and many of the principal inhab- 
itants to petition the Queen for leave to have all the other 
churches modeled like unto that of St. Helier. This she 
refused to do, while permitting the order instituted in that 
church to be continued. By degrees, however, the example 
set them was followed ; and in June, 1576, a synod of min- 
isters and elders was called to meet in the town of St. Peter 
Port, Guernsey, and a form of ecclesiastical discipline was 
adopted for the Reformed Churches in the islands of Jersey, 
Guernsey, Selk and Oriny, with the approval of the govern- 
ors of the islands. The Queen took no notice of these 
changes, and James I., in 1603, confirmed the order thus 
established. Some modifications were subsequently intro- 
duced ; the office of dean was revived, and the English 
liturgy was recommended, but great liberty was allowed in 
its use. 


chap.xi. Browne was probably Jean Le Brim. Philip 
X6-JO. English was Philippe L'Anglois, son of Jean 
L'Anglois, as his baptismal certificate shows. 1 

Philip English came to Salem about the year 
1670, and soon rose to be a prosperous mer- 
chant. He carried on an extensive trade with 
France and Spain, and with the West Indies. 
At the height of his success, in 1692, he owned 
twenty-one vessels, fourteen buildings in the 
town, and a wharf and warehouse. His own 
dwelling was a stately mansion, long known as 
" English's great house," which remained stand- 
English, ing until 1833. His business accounts were 
chiefly kept in the French language, and he 
long maintained a correspondence in the same 
language with his relatives in the island of Jer- 
sey. From time to time, he brought over from 
that island a number of young men and young 
women ; the men, to be let out at sea-service for 
a term of four years, and the girls to serve as 
apprentices for seven years. He was a man of 
indomitable energy, high-spirited and impulsive, 
and intolerant of wronof. During the terrible 
reign of the witchcraft delusion in Massachu- 
setts, English was a prominent sufferer. His 
wife, a daughter of William Hollingworth, a 
21, wealthy merchant of Salem, was accused of 
witchcraft, and committed to prison. Her hus- 

1 Some Remarks on the Commerce of Salem from 1626 to 
1740 — with a sketch of Philip English — a Merchant in Salem 
from about 1670 to about 1733-4. By George F. Chever. 
(Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, vol. I., pp. 
67-91, 117-143, i57-i8i.) 


band was subsequently arrested, and with five chap.xi. 

others, they were removed some time after to T~ 
J . 1692. 

Boston. All were put to death, except English 
and his wife, who escaped from prison with the 
connivance of the authorities, and fled to New 
York. The following year, when the storm of 
fanaticism had abated, they returned to Salem, 
to find their home sacked by the mob, and their 
goods attached and confiscated by the sheriff. 
English manfully set himself to rebuild his for- 
tunes ; but his wife died not long after from the 
effects of the brutal treatment she had received. 
The husband lived to a good old age, and died 
in the year 1736. It is highly probable that the 
Huguenots who came to Massachusetts from 
time to time found a warm and generous friend 
in this Salem merchant. Bernon mentions him 
with great respect, as one who was cognizant of 
the affairs of the Oxford plantation. 

Other emigrants from the Channel islands 
came about the same time to Boston. Jeffrey Captain 
Foye and John Foye, "well known in London, F °y e - 
and in all Boston, as a pious, good and discreet 
man," were probably from Guernsey. John Au- 
gustine, a native of Jersey, settled in Reading, 
but removed in 1680 to Falmouth. Captain phmp 
Philip Dumaresq, at a later day, brought over a umaresq ' 
considerable number of Huguenots from the same 
island; and in 1716, Dumaresq himself settled 
in Boston. In 1711, Joseph Roy, of the parish 
of St. Aubin, in the island of Jersey, came to Joseph 
Boston with his infant son John. He remained 
eleven years in that town, and then removed to 

i 9 4 


Chap.xi. Woodbridge, New Jersey. His family finally 

1680 settled in Basking Ridge, where five generations 

have lived. The family tradition represents the 

emigrant as a Huguenot who had fled to Jersey 

from France. 1 

Early in the year 1680, a deputation from La 
Rochelle visited Boston, commissioned to ask 
permission in behalf of their brethren to settle 
within the bounds of the colony. 2 The request 
was granted; but either the project fell through, 
or the refugees were drawn to some other col- 
ony ; for no account of their arrival in Massa- 
chusetts appears. 

Soon after this, however, the increasing per- 
secutions in France gave a fresh impulse to 




1 " Francis Gerneaux escaped from (to ?) the island of 
Guernsey, during the bloody persecution that arose in con- 
sequence of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantz. One 
of his neighbours having been martyred, a faithful servant 
of his deceased friend informed him that he himself had 
been doomed to the same fate, and that he was to suffer 
that very night, at twelve o'clock. Being a gentleman of 
wealth, and having trustworthy and influential friends 
around him, he at once secured a vessel, and, having caused 
his family to be placed on board, he was himself conveyed 
in a hogshead to the same retreat, and before morning, the 
vessel was not to be seen from the harbor. Mindful of 
the condition of other persons, at other Protestant settle- 
ments, he so managed as to send his boat ashore at several 
of those places and by this means his company of emi- 
grants was much enlarged. They sailed for America, and 
arrived safely at New York. * * * Mr. Gerneau died 
at the extraordinary age of one hundred and three years." 
(Annals of the American Pulpit, by William B. Sprague, D.D., 
vol. VI., p. 62.) The name became corrupted to Gano. 
The Rev. John Gano, an eminent Baptist minister, (born 
1727, died 1804,) was a great-grandson of this refugee. 

a Voyage to New York, -by Dankers and Sluyter, p. 390. 


emigration ; and in 1682 a few fugitives found Chap.xi. 
their way over, in a state of destitution that l6g2 
appealed powerfully to the sympathies of the 
people. An order of the Governor and Council June 
informed the churches of Boston and the neieh- 15, 
boring towns that " Several French Protestants 
have fled hither for shelter by reason of the 
present sufferings in their own country." They 
came, recommended by known persons of emi- 
nent integrity in London. The Council, taking 
into consideration the distressed condition of 
the strangers, and how much it might be for the 
credit of religion that they should be suitably 
and seasonably relieved, recommended that col- 
lections be made for the benefit of " these Chris- in the 
tian sufferers." The next Thursday was to be hurc es ' 
a general fast; and the ministers were requested 
to publish to their congregations, in the morn- 
ing of that day, that such collections would be 
made in the afternoon. 1 

The refugees were twelve in number — four 
men, three women and five children. Few as 
they were, and far as they were from France, 
the persecuting government of that country had 
its eye upon them. An official list of the families 
of the Pretended Reformed Religion who went 
from Aunis and the coasts of Saintonee to 
foreign countries, between the year 1681 and the 
year 1685, contains the following names and 
annotations : — " Marie Tissau, widow of Jean 
Pare, parish of S. Sauveur, La Rochelle, with 

1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. XL, p. 22. 



chap. xi. her three daughters. Year of departure, 1681. 
l ( ) 2 >2 . Place of retreat, New England. Property left, 
an estate at Marsilly, and a house in town." 
" The widow Guerry, with her two sons, her 
son-in-law, and two small children. Year of 
departure, 1681. Place of retreat, Baston. 
Property left, none." " Elie Charron, seaman. 
Year of departure, 1682. Place of retreat, Bas- 
ton." " Francois Basset, seaman. Year of de- 
parture, 1682. Place of retreat, Baston." ' 
Judith, It is pleasant to know that the kindly welcome 
^anT extended to these strangers, upon their coming to 
S p s a a r° ne Boston, was, to some of them at least, the presage 
of happiness in after days. Marie Tissau's three 
daughters found homes in America, that made 
up, it is to be presumed, for the loss of the town 
house in La Rochelle, and the country-seat at 
Marsilly. Judith Pare married Stephen Robineau, 
a Huguenot refugee, who settled in Narragan- 
sett. Her sister Marie became the wife of 
Ezekiel Grazillier, one of the leading members 
of the Huguenot colony in New York ; and Sus- 
anne married the excellent Elias Neau, the first 


1 Archives Nationales, T T - N a 259. " Liste des families 
de la religion pretendiie reformee qui sont sorties des pays 
d'Aulnix, Isles et costes de Xaintonge pour aller dans les 
dits pays estrangers depuis l'annee 1681, jusques a la fin de 
May, 1685." 

The malevolent interest with which Louis XIV. traced 
the fortunes of his escaped subjects, has another illustration, 
in a map of the town, bay, and environs of " Baston," 
drawn in 1693 by Franquelin, "hydrographe du Roy." The 
locality of the Huguenot Church in Boston is indicated on 
this map by the words "renegats francois." — (Fac-simile in 
the Public Library of Boston.) 


catechist of Trinity Church in New York, and chap.xi, 

one of the most remarkable of all the French j686- 

Protestant refugees that came to this land. 

- -.,. . 1092. 

Boston was the first home of Elias Neau in 

America, and he resided there for six years. It 
was at this period that he became acquainted 
with the famous apostle to the Indians, John 
Eliot, and saw something of his work among the 
Christianized tribes in Massachusetts. That 
work, in Eliot's own words, was then under "a 
dark cloud ; " and Neau seems to have formed 
an unfavorable opinion of the sincerity and 
steadfastness of the " praying Indians ;" yet one 
cannot help thinking that the young Frenchman Eliot, 
must have caught something of the zeal and the 
pity that he displayed afterwards in his own 
unwearied labors among the Indians and negroes 
of New York, from the veteran missionary of 
the cross, whose career was nearly finished. 
But the blow designed to annihilate Protestant- 
ism in France, had now fallen. The Edict of 
Fontainebleau, revoking in form all those pro- 
visions of the Edict of Nantes which had already 
been annulled one by one, was signed by Louis 
XIV. in October, 1685. It was at this period, 
when hundreds of thousands fled the country, 
that Massachusetts received its largest accession 
of Huguenots. A letter from La Rochelle, 
written to some person in that colony, on the 
first day of the memorable month of the dragon- 
nadcs and the Revocation, announces in quaint 
English the coming of many of them. 1 

1 See volume I., page 314. 



chap. xi. " The country where you live (that is to say 
October 1 New England) is in great estime ; I and a great 
1685. m any others, Protestants, intend to go there. 
Tell us, if you please, what advantage we can have 
there, and particularly the boors who are accous- 
tumed to plough the ground. If some body of 
your country would hazard to come here with a 
ship to fetch in our French Protestants, he would 
make oreat grain." 

The ship did not come ; but fertile in expedi- 
ents, many of the persecuted Rochellese man- 
aged to escape from France, and in due time to 
reach New England. Meanwhile, the summer 
and autumn of the next year witnessed the arrival 
of several other companies of Huguenot refugees. 
In July, 1686, application was made by certain 
French Protestants " lately arrived from St. 
Christophers " for admission to the colony ; and 
i 2 f the Council passed an order, not only for the 
applicants, but also for such other French Prot- 
estants as might come into that territory, that 
they should be allowed to reside in his Majesty's 
said dominion, and to proceed from and return 
hither as freely as any other of his Majesty's 
subjects, upon taking the oath of allegiance be- 
fore the President of the Council. 1 In the fol- 

1 Massachusetts Archives. Council Records, 1686 &: 1687. 

P. 52. 

1 2th July, 1686. 

"Upon application of the French Protestants (lately arrived 
from St. Christophers) to the President for admission to 
reside and dwell in this his Maj tys Dominion and to bring 
their effects and concerns here. 

" Ordered, That upon the takeing the oath of Allegiance 


lowing month, a "brief was prepared and chap.xi. 
appointed to be read in all the meeting-houses x ^ 
of the colony, setting forth the necessities of a 
number of emigrants "lately arrived here in August 
great distress." The congregations of Boston 5 - 
and other towns were apprised, that " There are 
lately arrived fifteen French familyes with a Re- 
ligious Protestant Minister, who are in all, Men, 
Women and Children, more than fourscore 
soules, and are such as fled from France for 
Religions sake, and by their long passage 
at sea, their Doctor and twelve Men are 
Dead, and by other inconveniences, the living 
are reduced to great sickness and poverty 
and therefore objects of a true Christian 
Charity." They were told also that "many 
other poor French Protestants " were " daily 
expected, as letters inform," who would " bring 
further distress and charge with them." Two 
of the principal citizens of Boston, Captain 
Elisha Hutchinson and Captain Samuel Sewall, 
had consented to receive and distribute the 
moneys that might be collected, for the relief of 
these needy strangers ; and the ministers of the 
churches were desired, not only to publish this 
order from their pulpits, but also to " put for- 
ward the people in their charity." * 

before the President, and under his hand and seal of his 
Maj tys Territory and Dominion, they be allowed to reside 
and dwell in his M?j tys s d dominion, and to proceed from 
hence and return hither as freely as any other of his 
Maj tys subjects, and this to be an order for all such French 
Protestants that shall or may come into this his Maj tys Ter- 
ritory and Dominion." 

1 Mass. Archives, Council Records, 1686 & 1687. P. 67. 


chap. xi. Five weeks later, the expected visitors ar- 

1686 riVe< -l- A small ship entered the port of Salem, 

having- on board a third company of persons 

September, e flying for shelter from the great Persecution 
against the Protestants in France." " Neces- 
sitated to leave the said kingdom to seeke out a 
place where they might live in peace in the free 
exercise of their Religion according to a good 
conscience," they had been " encouraged by sev- 
erall of their Friends that they would be re- 
ceived and bid welcome in this Country." The 
good people of Salem were not slow to show 
their compassion toward these immigrants ; and 

August the 5th, 1686. 

"Ordered: That a Brief be drawn up &: printed, and 
read in all Meeting houses to supply the necessityes of the 
French lately arrived here in great distress ; a coppie whereof 
followeth : 

" There are lately arrived fifteen Familyes with a Relig- 
ious Protestant Minister, who are in all Men, Women and 
Children, more than fourscore soules, and are such as fled 
from France for Religions sake, and by their long passage at 
sea, their Doctor and twelve Men are Dead, and by other 
inconveniences, the living are reduced to great sickness and 
poverty & therefore objects of a true Christian Charity. 

" Alsoe fifty persons, Men, Women and Children, which 
were by the cruelty of the Spaniards beaten off from Elea- 
theria (an Island of the Bohemians) naked and in great 
distress, as also many other poor French Protestants are 
dayly expected (as letters inform) who will bring further 
distress and charge with them. The President and Councill 
have intreated Cap' 1 Elisha Hutchinson and Cap' 1 Samuell 
Sewall to receive & distribute the same among them accord- 
ing to the direction of the President and Councill from time 
to time for their respective necessityes, and to whom such as 
are Betrusted in the severall Townes are desired to return 
what shall be collected ; and the Ministers in the several] 
Townes are desired to publish this order and to put forward 
the people in their charity." - 


the Council ordered that "the money lately chap.xi. 
gathered at Salem by way of contribution for !6S6. 
the relief of the poor distressed French Protest- 
ants be returned thither for the necessary sup- 
port " of the new comers. 1 

Some fifty years ago, the " French house" in 
Salem was still pointed out, as the place where 
many of these immigrants were sheltered upon 
their arrival. 2 

But the Huguenots did not long continue to 
require commiseration or assistance. Habits of 
industry and thrift enabled them, in a new and 
free country, soon to provide for their own and "Men of 
for another's wants. Moreover, these destitute Estates -" 
fugitives were followed, in the two succeeding 
years, by many who had been more fortunate in 
carrying with them from France a portion at 
least of their property. The ships that sailed 
nearly every month from London for Boston, 
were now brinoqnsr over families whose names 
have become historic with us, and not a few of 
whom had inherited wealth and ancestral rank. 
Bernon, Baudouin, Cazneau, Sigourney, the 
Faneuils, the Allaires, were here by the autumn 

1 Mass. Archives, Council Records, 1686 & 1687. P. 79. 

Sept. the 27th, 1686. 

''Ordered : That the money lately gathered at Salem by 
way of contribution for the relief of the poor distressed 
French Protestants be returned thither for the necessary 
support of the French lately arrived there and to be dis- 
tributed according to discretion." 

2 Boston News-Letter and City Record, vol. I., p. 199. 
The house in question stood in a lane near High Street, at 
the head of the South river. 



chap.xi. of the year 1688. Mr. Palfrey has stated 1 that 

r 63 7 _ about a hundred and fifty families of French 

, 00 Huguenots came to Massachusetts after the 
168S. c ' 

Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. The 
estimate is probably too low. But if such an 
estimate were based only upon the names that 
can be gathered at this distance of time, the 
proportion of those that have been conspicuous 
and honored, would be found very considerable. 

The good ship John and Elizabeth, of Lon- 
don, Jonas Leech, master, sailed from the river 
Thames in March, 1688, with a number of 
French emigrants on board. Several families 
crossed in the same year on the ship Dolphin, 
John Foy, master. A third detachment came 
over about the same time on the Friendship, a 
vessel of one hundred tons, carrying fourteen 
guns, and commanded by captain John Ware. 

The first impressions of our Huguenots on 
approaching Boston, were very favorable. " We 
passed," wrote one of themj " a multitude of 
exceedingly pretty islands, most of them inhab- 
ited and cultivated by peasants, and presenting 
a very attractive appearance. Boston," he con- 
tinues, " is situated within a bay three or four 
leagues in circumference, and shut in by these 
islands. Here ships ride in safety, in all kinds 
of weather. The town is built upon the slope of 
a little hill, and is about as large as La Rochelle. 
With the suburbs, it nearly forms an island. It 
would only be necessary to cut through a sand- 



1 History of New England. Vol. 

I., Preface. 



bar, three hundred paces wide, and in less than ciiap.xi. 
forty-eight hours Boston would be an island, j^" 7 
with the sea beating upon it on all sides. The 
town is constructed almost entirely of wood ; but 
since the ravages made by fires, it is no longer 
allowed to build of wood, and several very hand- 
some houses of brick are at present going up." 
The strangers who now arrived did not all 
establish themselves in Boston. Some, whose 
circumstances permitted, purchased or leased 
small farms in the neighborhood. " Several of 
the French families," wrote the refugee whose 
letter we have just quoted, " have bought En- 
glish habitations already improved, and have 
obtained them on very reasonable terms. M. ^Eiiede 
de Bonrepos, 1 our minister's brother, has secured 

The following petition for naturalization, addressed by 
Elie de Bonrepos to the governor, is without date, but occurs 
in the Council Records for the years 1686 and 1687 : 

" To His Excellencie S r Edmund Andros, Governour & 
Cap' Generall of His Maj ties Territories of New England 
& in America. The humble Petition of Elias De Bonrepos, 
Frenchman, late of St. Christophers, m r chant, Humbly 
sheweth unto your Excellency that being forced by the Per- 
secution at France ag l all Protestants, hee retired to this 
Towne of Boston (by vertue of his Maj ties of Great Brittans 
Proclamacon in Favor to all French Protestants) Vnder 
your Excellencies protection together w th his Famillie, being 
Five in Number, whoe haveing a dessigne to Establish him- 
self & to finish the rest of his dayes in this Countrie, hath 
bargained with M r John Nelson for a House and about five 
Acres of Land scituate neere Salem w ch bargain he would 
not conclude w th out Leaue from your Execellencie that in 
case your humble Petitioner should suddainly depart this 
Life his Famillie might be disposest thereof being in hopes 
that his Maj tie will be soe bounteous as to send orders to 
your Excellencie in there favor for there Naturalizeing that 
soe his Children & there successors may not be troubled in 



chap. xi. one at a distance of fifteen miles from here, and 
l68 _ within three miles of Salem, a very pretty town, 
having a considerable trade ; for which he paid 
sixty-eight pistoles, or six hundred and eighty 
French livres. There are, connected with it, 
seventeen acres of land completely cleared, and 
a small orchard. Mr. Legare, a French mer- 
chant — a goldsmith — has purchased a property 
twelve miles to the south, 1 with ten acres and a 
half, which cost him eighty pistoles, or eight 
hundred livres. M. Mousset, being burdened 
with a family, has rented a farm, for which he 
pays eight pistoles a year. It has a good dwell- 
ing house, with twenty acres of cleared land." 

Among the French who arrived in the spring 
and early summer of the year 1688, was a com- 
pany of some forty persons, headed by Gabriel 
Bernon. The Greater number of these emigrants 
were destined for the plantation at Oxford ; but 
Bernon himself, with his nephews Allaire and 
Depont, and his connections Benjamin and Andre 
Faneuil, settled in Boston, 2 where they were soon 





there right possession. Wherefore your humble Petition 
humb * * * Excellencie to grant him Libertie to make 
the s d Purchasse & Negotiate as a M r chant in buying & s 
* * * * * * nance of his Famillie within the Extent 
of your Excellencies Territories and Governm 1 as if he were 
a * * * * ubject & he will ever be bound humbly to 
pray for your Excellencies Long Life and prbsperitie." 
1 At Braintree, Norfolk County, Massachusetts. 
Almost the first concern of the refugees — particularly of 
those among them who were " Men of Estates " — was the 
registration of their names as naturalized subjects of Great 
Britain. Thus Bernon — who, as we shall see in the next 
chapter, arrived in Boston on the fifth day of July, 16SS — is 



joined by another exile from La Rochelle, Pierre chap.xi. 

Pierre Baudouin was a native of La Rochelle, 
and sprang from one of the most ancient and 
important families of that town. The severities 
that were practiced in France toward the Prot- 
estants, compelled him to depart from that coun- 
try with his family, and to take refuge in the 
realm of Ireland, in the city of Dublin. There 
he obtained a position in the royal Customs, but 
a change of officers left him without employ- 
ment, and he was consequently induced to come 
to America, and settle in Casco — now Portland 
— in Maine. In the summer of the year 1687, 
Baudouin petitioned Governor Andros for one 
hundred acres of land. 1 His prayer was 

found on the twentieth of that month in the office of the 
registry of deeds for the county of Suffolk, where Thomas 
Dudley, clerk, " at the Desire of M r Gabriel Bernon one of 
the Partys therein mentioned," records the letters-patent of 
denization that have been issued in London on the fifth of 
January in the same year, in favor of some four hundred 
French Protestant exiles and their families. — (Liber XIV., 
folio 212.) Not one in ten of these families came to Amer- 
ica ; yet nothing short of the entire transcription of the 
patent would content the refugee, accustomed to the scru- 
pulous formality of all civil procedures in his native country. 
Similar instances of exactitude occur in the deed-books for 
the province of New York. The names of persons natural- 
ized by letters-patent issued in London, March 21, 1682, in 
behalf of Stephen Bouchet and thirty-five or forty other 
French Protestants with their families, are entered in Liber 
IX., folio 326, for the sole benefit of Francois Vincent, his 
wife Anne, his children Anne and Francois, and John Hain. 
A note appended states that the parties sailed from London 
for New England, March 2S, 1682. — (See also Liber X., 
folio 40.) 

1 "A Son Excellance, Monsieur le governeur en chef de 
la nouuelle Engleterre. 


chap.xi. granted ;* but the patent for the land was fraudu- 

1688 lently withheld from him by the surveyor ; and 

in the autumn of the next year he was forced to 

seek redress. His letter to the governor i s on 

" Supplie humblement Pierre Baudouin, disant que les 
rigeurs qui ce exzercere en France contre les protestans, lau- 
royent oblige den sortir auecq sa famille et ce seroyent refu- 
gies en le royaume dirlande en la ville de Dublin, auquel 
lieu il auroit pleu a messieurs les receueurs des droits de sa 
majeste dadmettre le suppliant a vn employ de garde des bu- 
reau mais comme da despuis il y a heu changement d'ofnciers 
il seroit demeure sans employ, ce quy auroit este cause que 
le supp ant et sa families quy sont aau nombre de six per- 
sonnes se sont retirez dans ces territtoire, dans la ville de 
Casco en la conte de Mayne, et d aultant quil y a plusieurs 
terres quy ni sont point occupee et principallement celles 
quy sont situee a la pointe dusus de Barbary Crike Ce con- 
sidere monsieur il plaize a vostre Excellance, ordonner quil 
en soit deliure au suppliant jusque an nombre de cent acre, 
aux fins que ce luy soit un moyen dentretenir sa famille et il 
continura a prier Dieu pour la sante et prosperite de vostre 

"Pierre Baudouin." 
(Endorsed 2d August, 1687.) 

The original of the above letter is in the possession of the 
Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, Boston. A fac-simile is given in 
a volume of Mr. Winthrop's occasional addresses, entitled 
"Washington, Bowdoin, and Franklin." 

1 A warrant dated October S, 1687, signed by Governor 
Andros, and directed to Mr. Richard Clements, deputy sur- 
veyor, authorizes and requires him to lay out one hundred 
acres of vacant land in Casco Bay for Pierre Baudouin, in 
such place as he shall be directed by Edward Tyng, Esq., 
one of his Majesty's Council. "Before the warrant was 
executed, however, Pierre Baudouin had obtained possession 
of a few acres of land on what is now the high road from 
Portland to Vaughan's Bridge, a few rods northerly of the 
house of the Hon. Nicholas Emery. A solitary apple-tree, 
and a few rocks which apparently formed the curbing of a 
well, were aU that remained about twenty years ago, to mark 
the site of this original dwelling-place of the Bowdoins in 
America." — (The Life and Services of James Bowdoin : by 
Robert C. Winthrop.) 


record in the archives of Massachusetts, and like Chap.xi. 
the writings of other refugees that have come j^ 
down to us, almost uniformly, its construction 
shows that the petitioner was a man of intelli- 
gence and cultivation. He represents that in 
his flioht from the kingdom of France, he has 
lost nearly the whole of the property which he 
possessed ; and what remained has been used in 
conveying himself and his family, consisting of 
six persons — four of whom are little children not 
yet old enough to earn their livelihood — to this 
country. He prays therefore to be exempted 
for a few years from taxation, having already 
been compelled to sell at a sacrifice some of his 
effects, in order to pay for the survey of his 
land. 1 

1 " A son Excellence monsieur le governeur en chef de la 
nouvelle Engleterre. 

" Supplie humblemeiit Pierre Baudouin, disant quil a pleu 
a Vostre Excellence de luy accorder cent acre de terre en la 
despan[dan]ce de Falmouth province de Mayne, et mesme 
ordonne au sieur Richard Clements harpanture [charpen- 
teur ?] en cette partie deputte d'en faire charpantement, apres 
quoy en faire son raport aux fins quil soit delivre patentes 
ou baillettes de la ditte terre. Et d'autant que par la fuitte 
du sup[pli]ant du royaume de France, pays de sa naissance, 
causee par les rigeurs quy cy exerce contre ceux de sa re- 
ligion, il a preque tout perdu le bien quil poceddoit et ce 
quy luy restoit a este employe a son transport et de sa 
famille en ces territoires estant au nombre de six personnes 
ayant quatre petits enfans quy ne sont encore en age de 
gaigner leur vie ce consider[ant], monsieur il plaist a votre 
Excellence en continuant vos faveurs envers le supliant de 
luy faire delivrer la ditte baillette pour dieu [?] et de lexan- 
tir pour quelques annee des taxes quy selevent sur les pro- 
priaitaires des terres et le supliant continuera a prier Dieu 
pour la prosperite de Vostre Excellence, ayant desia paye 
audit Clements trante quatre shillings et deux penny en 


chap.xi. Benjamin and Andre Faneuil J came, like Bau- 
,68- douin, from La Rochelle. Thoroughly trained 
to business, alert and self-reliant, they were pre- 
pared to enter at once upon trade in Boston ; 
and we soon find the firm of " Faneuil and Com- 
pany " well under way. Benjamin was the elder, 
and for the first few years his name is prominent. 
Of Andre we hear little, until the early part 
of the eighteenth century ; and it may be that 
within this period he visited Holland, where he 
was married. Meanwhile, Benjamin became one 
The of the solid men of Boston. Gabriel Bernon, 
aneuis. w j^ wnom he was interested in the settlement 
of New Oxford, mentions him foremost among 
the " several worthy Gentlemen " whose testi- 
mony he gives concerning the purchase. About 
the year 1699, however, Benjamin removed to 
New York, where he is shortly after heard of as 
"a person of considerable note" among the 
French inhabitants of that city, He married 
Anne, daughter of Francois Bureau. Andre 
now re-appears, as a man of rapidly rising for- 
tunes. He soon takes rank among the wealthi- 
est and most enterprising citizens. His ware- 

argeant tant pour charpantement de 90 acres de la ditte 
terre, que pour les certifficats comme il apert par son mes- 
moire ay ant este oblige de vandre quelque esfaits quy luy 
restoyent a moytye de juste pris pour avoir argeant pour le 
dit Clements. 

" Pierre Baudoin." 

Mass. Archives, vol. CXXTX., p. 237. 

(Dated in the index, October 7, 1688.) 

1 See volume I., page 281. - 

1 700. 


houses were on Butler square, near State street, chap.xi. 
His residence was on Tremont street. Erected T 68-_ 
in 171 1, this edifice must have presented an 
imposing appearance. It was built of brick, 
painted white ; and over the entrance-door was 
a semi-circular balcony. " The hall and apart- 
ments were spacious, and elegantly furnished. 
The terraces, which rose from the pavement be- 
hind the house, were supported by massy walls 
of hewn granite, and were ascended by flights 
of steps of the same material." 1 But the occu- 
pant of this palatial dwelling was childless. At 
his death, in 1737, it became the home of his 
nephew Peter Faneuil, the eldest son of his 
brother Benjamin ; whose name was destined to 
live in the history of his country, through its 
association with the " cradle of Liberty," Faneuil 

Francois Bureau, whose daughter became 
the wife of Benjamin Faneuil, was also of 
La Rochelle. He came to America in 1688, 
bringing with him his wife Anne, two daughters, 
and two sons. He was the brother of Thomas 
Bureau, one of the principal French merchants 
in London, " living near y e Savoy great gate in 
the Strand." Francois, who invariably signed 
himself " Bureau l'aine," joined the settlement 
in Oxford, and upon the breaking up of that 
colony, removed to New York. 

Within the last decade of the seventeenth 
century, the following Huguenot residents ap- 

1 Memorial History of Boston, vol. II., p. 259. 


chap. xi. pear in Boston : Louis Allaire. 1 William Barbut, 2 

77 Philip Barcrer, 3 David Basset 4 Peter Basset, 5 
1687— . 

Peter Baudouin, Jean Beauchamp, 6 Gabriel Ber- 
non, Isaac Biscon, 7 Louis Boucher, 8 Stephen 

1 Louis Allaire was a son of Antoine Allaire, of La Ro- 
chelle, and a nephew of Alexandre Allaire, one of the early 
settlers of New Rochelle, New York. He probably accom- 
panied Gabriel Bernon, whom he calls his cousin, to Bos- 
ton. — The connection was not very close. Jean Allaire, a 
brother of Antoine and Alexandre, had married Jeanne 
Bernon, Gabriel's sister. Louis joined the Narragansett 
colony upon his arrival, but soon left it, and became a resi- 
dent of Boston. The firm of " Louis Allaire and Company " 
was already established in 1692, and was carrying on a 
trade between Boston or Salem and southern ports. Louis 
removed some years later to New York, and died, appa- 
rently of a lingering illness, before April 30, 1731, when 
administration upon his estate was granted to his widow, 
Abijah. (Wills, N. Y., XL, 127.) M. Torterue Bonneau, of 
La Rochelle, wrote to his cousin Peter Jay, of New York, 
May 2i, 1726, " Ce que vous me dites du pauvre Allaire 
m'afflige beaucoup. Je prie le Seigneur qu'il l'ait soulage 
dans un mal aussy facheux que celuy la." — (Jay Papers.) 

s See page 134 of this volume. 
Philip Barger, a Huguenot exile, came about 1685 to 
Casco with Pierre Baudouin. He died in 1703, leaving a 
widow Margaret, and probably a son Philip, who died in 
1720. — (Savage. Genealogical Dictionary of the First Set- 
tlers of New England.) 

David Bassett, a French Protestant, had two children 
baptized in the Old South Church ; Mary, April 13, 16S4 ; 
and David, September 25, 16S7. — (Ibid.) 

6 See page 26. 

8 See page 103. John Beauchamp, leather-dresser, 
bought the house which pasteur Daille had occupied in 
Washington street. By his will, he left ten pounds to the 
French Church in Boston. 

7 See volume I., page 311. Isaac Biscon was admitted a 
resident of the colony, February 1, 1691. 

Louis Boucher was naturalized in England, March 20, 
16S6. ' Mr. Louis Boucher, marchant a. Boston," is men- 
tioned in Gabriel Bernon's accounts, March 23, 1703, to 
August 1 5, 1704. 


Boutineau, 1 Francis Bridon, 2 Francis Bureau, Cfcap.xi. 
Peter Canton, 3 Paix Cazneau, 4 John Chabot, 5 ]( 5g~_ 
Peter Chardon, 6 Deblois, 7 James and Gabriel 

1 See page 33. " Stephen Boutineau, a Huguenot mer- 
chant, came from La Rochelle to Casco, 1686 ; accompa- 
nied his friend Baudouin, 1690, to Boston, and married, 
August 22, 1708, Baudouin's daughter Alary. He had six 
sons and four daughters: — Anna, born April 24, 1709; 
James, January 27, 171 1 ; John, April 1, 17 13 ; Mary, Au- 
gust 5, 1715 ; Elizabeth, February 11, 17 17 ; Mary (2nd), 
January 18, 17 19 ; Stephen, May 22, 1721 ; Peter, Decem- 
ber 11. 1722 ; Thomas, October 11, 1724; and Isaac, June 
22, 1726." — (Savage, Gen. Diet.) Administration was 
granted, November 6, 1745, to James Boutineau, of Boston, 
merchant, upon the estate of his brother Peter, formerly of 
Boston, but late resident of St. Christopher's, merchant. 
. — (Probate Office, Suffolk Co., No. 8365.) 

" See page 14. 

n Peter Canton was engaged, in partnership with Gabriel 
Bernon, 169 2-1 694, in making rosin. 

4 Paix Cazneau, or Cazaniau, resided in Boston after the 
breaking up of the Oxford colony. Letters of administra- 
tion on the estate of Adam De Chezeau were granted in 
1738 to his brother-in-law Isaac Casno, of Boston, saddler. 
Bonds were given by Peace Casno, felt-maker, and others. 
(Probate Office, Suffolk Co., No. 7206.) 

"Seepage 142. Chabot is mentioned in t 700 among the 
leading members of the French Church, Boston, who were 
designing to leave it. Apparently, he removed to New 
York, where in 171 1 John Chabot subscribed 16 shillings 
toward the expense of building the steeple of Trinity Church. 

6 See page 63. The family became affluent and influen- 
tial. Peter Chardon, " a prominent merchant of the 
Huguenot stock," lived "on the corner of the street bearing 
his name." — (Memorial History of Boston, II., p. xlviii.) 
The last of the Chardons, Peter, of whom John Adams 
speaks in 1758 as among the young men of Boston " on the 
directest road to superiority," (ibid.,) died in the West In- 
dies in October, 1766. 

7 See page 25. Deblois went first to South Carolina, 
but soon left for the north. — (Relation d'un protestant refu- 
gie a Boston, 16S7.) Gilbert and Louis Deblois, braziers, 
convey property in Boston to Stephen Deblois, in 1754. 
— (Memorial History of Boston, II., xviii., xli.) 



Chap.xi. Depont, 1 Broussard Deschamps, 2 Benjamin and 

l68 Andre Faneuil, Bastian Gazeau, 3 Rene Grignon, 

Louis Guionneau, 4 Daniel Ic-honnot, 5 lames 
1700. J J 

1 They were the sons of Paul Depont and Suzanne Ber- 
non. James removed from Boston to Milford, Connecti- 
cut, and died in or before 1703. 

2 Isaac Deschamps, "likewise known by the name of Sa- 
viot (or Sceviot) Broussard," was in New York as early as 
the year 1674. In 1683, he bought a parcel of land in that 
city for Pierre Daille. He removed to Boston, but returned 
in 1686 or before, to New York, where he made trouble in 
the French Church. His wife, whose name he seems to have 
assumed, was Mary Broussard. Deschamps was one of the 
settlers in Narragansett. His last abode was in New Ro- 
chelle, where Marie Broussard in 1709 sold land formerly 
belonging to him. His daughter married first Benjamin 
D'Harriette, and after his death Andre Stuckey. 

3 Bastian Gazeau, whom Savage supposes to have been a 
Huguenot, was in Boston, 1686-1690. Several refugees of 
this name, from Saintonge and Poitou, are mentioned. 

4 See volume I., page 287. " Marchand a Boston," 1706, 
1707. — (Bernon Papers.) 

J Daniel Johonnot, "born in France about 1668, was [the 
head of] one of thirty families who arrived in Boston in 
t6S6, in company with his uncle Andre Sigourney, distiller, 
from La Rochelle. They went to Oxford, and remained till 
the Indian massacre of August 25, 1696. The victims were 
John Johnson and three children. Mrs. Susan Johnson was 
the daughter of Andre Sigourney, and was saved from the 
massacre, so the tradition runs, by her cousin Daniel Johon- 
not, to whom she was married by Rev. Samuel Willard of 
the Old South Church, 1700. Johonnot was a distiller, and 
was followed in his business successively, by his son Andre 
and his grandson Andre. He died in Boston, 1748, aged 
eighty years. The children of Daniel and Susan Johonnot 
were : Zacharie, born January 20, 1701 ; Suzanne, born 
April 18, 1702; Daniel, born March 19, 1704, died 1721 ; 
Andre, born June 21, 1705; Marianne, born August 17, 
1706; and Francois, horn November 30, 1709, died March 
8, 1775." — (Memoranda of the Johonnot family: in the 
New England Historic-Genealogical Register, October, 1852, 
and April, 1853.) 


and Anthony Le Blond, 1 Francis Legare, 2 Jean chap.xi. 
Maillet, 3 Francis Mariette, 4 Bartholomew Mer- l68? _ 
cier, 5 John Millet, 6 James Montier, 7 Thomas 
Mousset, 8 John Neau, 9 Anthony Olivier, 10 John 

1 See page. 83. " M r Jacques Le Blond," December 18, 
1702. " M r Anthoine Blond, chandellier, a Boston," Feb- 
ruary 6, 1703. — (Bernon papers.) " James Le Blond, 1689, 
probably a Huguenot, whose wife Ann united in 1690 with 
Mather's church." — (Savage, Gen. Diet.) Their children, 
baptized in that church, were, James, June 7, 1691 ; Peter, 
January 6, 1695 ; Gabriel, March 6, 169S ; Ann, December 
15, 1700; Philippa, April 23, 1704; Marian, March 10, 
1706: and Alexander, September 4, 1709. — (Ibid.) 

2 See page 1 1 1 . 

3 Jean Maillet, one of the inhabitants of Oxford, settled 
afterwards in Boston. The will of Jean Mallet, shopkeeper, 
of Boston, signed October 7, 1734, was offered for probate, 
January 27, 1741. 

4 See page 97. 

5 See volume I., page 292. Bartholomew Mercier made 
petition, October 29, 1684, in New York, for exemption 
from payment of duties, having come from Boston to settle 
in that city. He obtained denization for Catharine and 
Henry Mercier and himself, October 17, 1685. His wife, 
Catharine Laty, was a relative, probably a sister, of Marthe 
de Lasty, wife of Guillaume Le Conte. 

6 Jean Millet was an inhabitant of Oxford, and an "an- 
cien " of the French Church in that place. 

'See page 74. Jacques Montier was a resident of Bos- 
ton in 1696 and in 1703. — -(Bernon Papers.) 

8 " Thomas Moussett, Boston, by wife Catherine, had son 
Peter, born October 18, 1687. He owned land in Roxbury, 
1698, and had lived in Braintree." — (Savage.) Mousset 
was one of the Elders of the French Church, Boston, in 

9 Mentioned in the Bernon Papers, 1703. 

10 " M r Anthoyne Olivier, chandellier, de Boston, 1704, 5." 
(Bernon Papers.) " Olivier, en Angleterre," is named among 
the fugitives from Niort, in Poitou. John and Peter Olivier 
were naturalized in England, November 12, 16S1. "An- 
toine Olivier, the Huguenot" — probably in the second gen- 
eration — "had by wife Mary fifteen children born between 
1712 and 1731. Susanna married Andrew Johonnot. It 

1 700. 


Chap.xi. Pastre, 1 John Rawlings, 2 Stephen Robineau, 3 
1687- J ose P n R°y» Abraham Sauvage, 4 Peter Signac, 3 

I 7°°- has been found impossible to trace out this line satisfacto- 
rily, since the English name of Oliver is often found on our 
records ; but the family was represented here in 1850 by 
George Stuart Johonnot Oliver." — (W. H. Whitmore, in 
Memorial History of Boston, II., p. 554.) 

1 John Pastre was naturalized in England, October 10, 
1688. In 1689, he was a merchant in Boston, and one of 
the leading members of the French Church. Administra- 
tion was granted, December n, 1745, to Margaret Pastree, 
widow, on the estate of her grandson George Pastree, gla- 
zier, late of Boston. — (Probate Office, Suffolk Co., No. 8396.) 

2 Joshua Moody wrote from Portsmouth, March 20, 1683-4, 
to Increase Mather, " If one Mr. John Rawlings brings this 
himself, and you bee at leisure to admit any discourse with 
him, you will find him serious and pious. Hee hath been a 
Ruling Elder of the french church in South-Hampton. He 
is often with us, and you may hear from him more fully how 
matters are here. He is sober and credible." — (Collections 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. VIII., Fourth 
Series. P. 363.) Rawlings was one of the Elders of the 
French Church, Boston, 1696. 

3 Stephen Robineau, perhaps a native of Poitou, where 
the name was borne by several Protestants who went into 
exile, was naturalized in England, April 15, 1687, with his 
wife Tudith and his daughter Mary. Judith Pare, wife of 
Stephen Robineau, was a sister of Susanne Pare, wife of 
Klias Neau. (See the will of Mary [Pare] Grazillier, in 
Surrogate's Office, New York, VII., 465.) Mary, daughter 
of Stephen (deceased) and Judith Robineau, was married 
May 9, 1703, in the French Church, New York, to Daniel 
Ayrault. For an account of the descendants of Daniel Ay- 
rault, see Memoir concerning the French Settlements in the 
Colony of Rhode Island, by Elisha R. Potter, pp. 105-109. 
The statement made in that account, that Mary was the 
granddaughter of Elias Neau and Susanne his wife, is 

* See page 94. 

5 " Mr. Peter Signac, merchant, of Boston," is mentioned 
in the Bernon Papers, 1702-1705. Also, " Coysgame (?) et 
Signac et Compagnie." Administration was granted, March 
20, 1732, to Ann Signac, spinster, with others, upon the es- 
tate of her father, Peter Signac, formerly of Boston, but late 



Andrew Sigourney, 1 John Tartarien, 2 Abraham chap.xi. 
Tourtellot. 3 1687- 

Among these names, there is one that claims 
a special notice. Of Gabriel Bernon, we know 
indeed much more than of any other of the 
French Protestant emigrants to Massachusetts. 
He was a ready writer, and he carefully treas- 
ured up his family papers and correspondence. 
The Revocation, we have seen, found him a 
prosperous merchant in the city of La Rochelle. 
Leaving his affairs in the charge of a brother-in- 
law, he fled, in the month of Mayor June, 1686, 
to Amsterdam. A balance sheet drawn up with 
great precision, just before his departure, shows 
on the credit side the sum, considerable for 
those times, of fifty-one thousand seven hundred 
and sixty-two livres. But the amount which he 
succeeded in transmitting to his bankers in 
Amsterdam was scarcely a tenth of this sum. 
From Flolland he proceeded, in February of the 
following year, to London; and in the summer 
of 1688 he came to Massachusetts. 

While in England, Bernon was induced to 
associate himself with another French refugee, 
Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau, for the settlement of 
a plantation in the township of Oxford, in Wor- 
cester county, fifty miles from Boston. This 

of Newfoundland, merchant, deceased. — (Probate Office, 
Suffolk Co., No. 6398.) 

1 See volume I., pages 282, 324, 325. A "Genealogy of 
the Sigourney Family, by Henry H. W. Sigourney," was 
published in Boston in 1857. 

2 See page 41. 

3 See page 141. 


chap.xi. enterprise, which proved every way unfortunate, 
1688 swallowed up a great part of the means he had 
brought away from France ; but it did not ab- 
sorb his energies. Soon after his arrival in New 
England, we find him engraved in the manufac- 
ture of rosin, and other naval stores, for expor- 
tation to Great Britain. His success in this 
manufacture was such as to attract the attention 
of a eovernment a^ent, who had been sent over 
by the Earl of Portland, to ascertain what 
advantages existed in the American colonies for 
supplying the royal fleet with these articles. By 
the agent's advice, Bernon crossed the ocean, in 
1693, for the purpose of communicating his 
views, and the results of his experience, to the 
government, and of obtaining a patent for the 
manufacture of such naval stores. He was well 
received in London, by Lord Portland, and by 
Lord Carmarthen, president of the royal coun- 
cil ; and in spite of powerful opposition, headed 
by Sir Henry Ashurst, afterwards agent in En- 
gland for Massachusetts, he succeeded so far as 
to secure a contract with the frovernment for a 
certain term of years. 

Bernon made a second visit to London, upon 
the same errand, in December, 1696. He re- 
turned to Boston in the following spring, in 
company with Governor Bellomont, to whom he 
had been introduced and strongly recommended, 
while in England, by the Earl of Galway and 
other distinguished persons. Lord Bellomont 
entered heartily into his plans for the encour- 
agement of colonial products, and urged upon 


the royal council the expediency of appointing chap.xi. 

Bernon to superintend the manufacture of naval ~ 

-ri ■ i 1 l6 9 6 - 

stores. 1 he project seems to nave been favor- 
ably considered. It was brought again and 
again to the notice of the Lords of Trade. But 
nothing ever came of it. The government, it 
would seem, could not bring itself to depart, 
even in a matter that so nearly concerned the 
public interest, from the policy of discouraging 
all colonial industries. 

Meanwhile, Bernon's indomitable enereies 
were seeking new channels. We find him, as 
early as the year 1692, engaging with the 
Faneuils and Louis Allaire in trade with Penn- 
sylvania and Virginia ; exporting goods to 
England and the West Indies, in partnership 
with other Boston merchants ; and joining- 
Charles de la Tour in the peltry trade 
with Nova Scotia. He was interested in the 
manufacture of nails, in the making of salt, 1 
and in the building and purchasing of ships. 2 

1 " The L* Governor and near twenty of the most consid- 
erable merchants at Boston imployed a Frenchman to make 
salt work there. The Frenchman performed his part, and 
some hundred bushels of salt were made." — (Earl of Bello- 
mont to the Lords of Trade, November 28, 1700.) 

2 It is more than likely that Bernon, in common with 
other refugees who were "men of estates" in their own 
country, received remittances more or less regularly from 
correspondents in La Rochelle. Long after the Revocation, 
many representatives of Protestant families that remained 
in France — perhaps as " new Catholics " or professed con- 
verts — looked after the interests of relatives who had fled to 
foreign parts, and transmitted to them with scrupulous 
fidelity the revenues from funds left in their keeping, or the 
portion that fell to them upon a division of inherited prop- 


Cnap.xi. Nor was his activity confined to the furtherance 
1690. °f tne arts °^ P eac ^. In April, 1690, he enters 
upon an agreement with one Jean Barre, a fel- 
low-refugee, promising to furnish him with " one 
firelock muskett of three pounds valeu, one 
pistoll of twenty shillings price, one Carthuse 
Boxe of three shillings, one hatchet of two shil- 
lings," and other necessaries, besides three 
pounds in money, " for his now intended voyage 
on Board the Good shipp called the Porkepine, 
Cap 1 Ciprian Southack, Commander, now bound 
to sea in a warfareing voyage." 

Captain Southack was a Boston skipper, who 
became noted at a later day for his success in 
breaking up piracy. The " good ship Porcu- 
pine " belonged to the fleet that was then 
getting ready to sail from Boston harbor, under 
Sir William Phips ; and the " warfareing voy- 
age " in question, was the expedition for the 
capture of Port Royal, or Annapolis, in Nova 
Scotia, which Massachusetts sent forth in the 
spring of the year T690, preliminary to the 
enterprise then on foot for the conquest of 

The expedition for the capture of Annapolis 
was thoroughly successful, and it awakened eager 
hopes in Boston for the more important under- 
taking of which this was but the first step — the 
attack about to be made upon Quebec. None 

erty. — (Les Protestants rochelais depuis la Revocation de 
l'Edict de Nantes jusqu'au Concordat. Par M. L. Mesclii- 
net de Richemond. P. 4.) • 


were more keenly interested in these movements ch XI 
than the newly arrived Huguenots in Boston. 
" Our fleet," wrote Benjamin Faneuil, in great 
glee, on the twenty-second of May, to Thomas May 
Bureau in London, " our fleet which we sent out 
from here to take Port Royal, has sent back 
a ketch, which has arrived this day, with news 
of the taking of the place, on capitulation. 
They have seized six ketches, or brigantines, 
loaded with wine, brandy, and salt, together 
with the governor and seventy soldiers, and ^g y 
have demolished the fort. They have also taken 
twenty-four very fine pieces of cannon, and 
thirty barrels of powder. We expect them 
hourly. Our fleet which was composed of six 
vessels, one of which carried forty guns, will be 
reenforced with a number of strong ships, and 
will be sent with twelve hundred men and some 
Indians, to take Canada. I hope it will 
succeed." 1 

1 " Notre flotte que nous auions envoye dicy pour prandre 
Port Royal a envoye une Ketche qui est arrivee aujourdhuy 
avecq la nouveile de la preize de la place a compossission. 
lis ont pris six Ketche et brigantins chargez de vin o de vie 
[eau de vie] et sel avecq le gouverneur et 70 soldats et ont 
desmoly le fort. lis ont pris aussy 24 piece de tres baux 
cannon et 30 barils de poudre. Nousles attendons a toutte 
heure. Notre flotte etoit composee de six batimans dont il 
y en a vng de 40 piece de cannon. On va la ranforcer en- 
core de quelques navires de force et on envoye douze cents 
horaraes et des Indiens pour prandre Canada ce que jespere 
quy reussira." (Mass. Archives, French Collection, vol. IV., 
p. 13.) The letter is addressed "For M r Thomas Bureau, 
french merchant Liuing near y" Savoy great gatte in the 
Strand in London. P r Cap* Sampson, L D G [livrez de 
grace]." From the fact that this letter found its way into 


chap.xi. Massachusetts could ill afford to lose so active 
^71 and enterprising a merchant as Gabriel Bernon. 
There was scarcely a branch of colonial traffic 
to which the versatile Frenchman did not turn 
his hand. After a residence of nine years, how- 
ever, he left Boston in 1697, and made his home 
for the rest of a long life in Rhode Island. 
About the same time, a number of other Hu- 
guenot merchants removed from that city to 
other parts. A letter written by the Elders of 
the French Church in Boston, in June, 1700, 
states that Bernon, Tourtellot, Basset, Mariette 
and others, have already left, and that Bernard, 
Grignon, Bureau, Barbut and Chabot, are about 
to leave them. 

The French Church in Boston existed as 
early as the year 16S5. There are indeed indi- 
cations of an earlier origin ; and it seems highly 
probable that this congregation, like some 
others, may have been gathered by the excel- 
lent Pierre Daille, shortly after his coming to 
America in 1682 or 1683. 1 But we first hear of 

the archives of the French government, we infer that it was 
intercepted, and never reached its destination. Soon, how- 
ever, Faneuil's correspondent must have learned through 
other channels the ignominious failure of the expedition, 
which returned from Quebec, repulsed by Frontenac, dam- 
aged by tempestuous weather, and utterly demoralized. 

The precise date of Daille's arrival in America is not 
known. It has been believed heretofore that he came at 
the call of the Consistory of the Protestant Reformed Dutch 
Church of New York, to preach to the French in that city. 
— (Manual of the Reformed Church in America, by E. T. 
Convin, D.D., p. 229.) But from a letter addressed by the 
Rev. Christopher Bridge, of Boston, to the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel -in Foreign Parts, October 15, 


the Church at a later date, through a corres- c^* 1 - 
pondence between Daille himself, then in New 1686. 
York, and the Reverend Increase Mather, min- March 
ister of the North Church in Boston, and presi- Julyi 
dent of Harvard college. 1 This correspondence 
attests the kindness which the ministers of Bos- 
ton had shown to the little flock of strangers 
among them. The public authorities were 
not less kind. On the twenty-fourth day of 
November, 1687, the Council granted liberty November 
" to the French Congregation to meete in 168 ^ 
the Latine Schoolhouse att Boston as desired." 2 
The schoolhouse was situated on School street, 
between Tremont and Cornhill, now Washing- 
ton street. The schoolmaster, at the time, was 
the celebrated Ezekiel Cheever. Permission to 
meet in this building, and in the " new school- 
house" that succeeded it, was continued so long 
as it was needed ; and the French Protestants 
of Boston had no other place of worship for 
twenty-nine or thirty years. In 1704, the con- 
gregation sought leave to solicit money from 
" well-disposed persons," for the building of a 
church. 3 They represented to the Council, " that 

1706, it would appear that Daille was sent out by the Bishop 
of London. See below, page 236. 

1 See the appendix to this volume. 

2 Mass. Archives. Council Records. 1686 and 1687. 

I 3 - 155- 

3 Mass. Archives, vol. LXXXI., p. 472. (Minutes of 

Council, January 12, 1704.) ' Upon a Representation made 
by M r Daille Minister and the Elders of the French Prot- 
estant Church in Boston That his late Majesty, King Wil- 
liam, had bestowed on them Eighty-three pounds to be 
Imploy'd towards building them a House for the publick 



chap. xi. his late majesty, King William, had bestowed on 
them eighty-three pounds to be employ'd " 
toward this purpose ; and that they had " pur- 
July chased a piece of Land in Schoolhouse lane for 
12. that use." The petition was granted, but the 
selectmen of Boston refused their consent to 
the erection of the small wooden " temple " 
which the petitioners proposed to build, renew- 
ing, however, the " offer of the free liberty to 
meet in the new schoolhouse," which was "suffi- 
cient for a far larger number of persons " than 
that composing the congregation. Their plans 
for building were accordingly deferred, and it 
was not until after Dailies death, in 1715, that 
a house of worship was erected on the plot of 
ground purchased ten years before. 1 

Worship of God, setting forth, That they have purchased a 
piece of Land in Schoolhouse Lane in Boston for that use, 
Praying to be Licensed to aske and receive the Benevolence 
of well-disposed persons that shall be willing to encourage 
so pious a worke to assist them in the said Building : Ad- 
vised That License be accordingly granted and the moneys 
thereby collected to be put into the hands of Simeon Stod- 
dard Esq 1 ' and to be applyed for the use afores d and no 
other. And the House when built to be forever continued 
and improved for religious worship." 

1 The Huguenots of Boston were very sensible of the 
kindness shown them by the magistrates and by the people. 
At a later day, Andrew Le Mercier, Daille's successor in 
the pastorate of the French Church, expresses this feeling 
in the following terms : 

" When we consider the fiery Persecution of the Churches 
of God in our native Country, the destruction of his Sanc- 
tuarys, his Rod, resting so heavily and so long upon us, we 
cannot but be affected as Jeremiah the Prophet, when he 
foresaw and foretold the Ruin of Jerusalem and the Temple, 
Chap. 9. Our Eyes then must need be turned into Rivers 
of Waters to weep Night and Day the Desolation of the 


The friendly feelings of the ministers and the chap. xi. 
civil authorities of Boston, toward the little com- l68 - 

Daughter of our People. But when from that sad Spectacle 
we cast our Eyes towards the Mercys of God, when we con- 
sider how graciously he hath been pleased to give us Places 
of Refuge, and after a Flood of Miseries, preceeded by a 
Flood of Sins, he hath vouchsafed to afford us in Foreign 
Places, the comfort of serving Him, both according to his 
Word, and the Dictates of our Consciences, and to send us 
a Branch of Olive by the divine Dove, the Holy Spirit, the 
Comforter ; we may, nay, we should praise him, bless him 
and rejoice in him. That made me chuse for the Text of the 
first Sermon that I preach'd in this House of Prayer of ours, 
built soon after my arrival here, those Words of the same 
Ezra, in the 6th Chapter 16th Verse, And the Children of 
fsrae/, the Priests and the Levites, and the rest of the Children 
of the captivity, kept the Dedication of this House of God with 

" Let us never forget, I beseech you in the Name of the 
Lord, as Ambassador of Christ, as Messenger of Peace and 
good Tidings, his unspeakable, undeserved Favours : How 
we have happily fled from Persecution, found acceptance 
before the People of this Land ; how, when we were 
Strangers, they have taken us in ; how several have con- 
tributed towards the building of our Place of Worship ; how 
the pious and reverend Ministers have readily joined with 
us on our Fast Days, to implore for and with us, God's For- 
giveness and Peace for the remainders of the faithful in 
France ; how the honourable the General Court havechear- 
fully admitted us into the great and valuable Privileges 
which they enjoy themselves as Englishmen, by their Act 
of Naturalization of Protestant Foreigners, and their favour- 
able Answer to our Petition ; how God has not only fed and 
clothed you, but even granted to some of you considerable 
Estates, having after that manner really and literally fulfilled 
this Promise of Christ in the 19th Chapter of Matthew : 
Every one that hath forsaken Houses or Brethren, or Sisters, 
or father, or Mother, or Wife, or Children, or Lands for 
my names sake, shall receive an hundredfold, and inherit ever- 
lasting Life. In order to obtain the second and most valu- 
able part of the Promise, you are to make a holy use of the 
fulfilment of the first, by dedicating your Riches to the 
Glory of his Name, the relief of the Poor, the service of his 

i68 5 . 


Chap. xi, pany of Huguenots, were severely tried by the 
conduct of the first pastor, Laurentius Van den 
Bosch, or Laurent du Bois. This erratic person, 
a Frenchman by birth, or of French parentage, 
had sojourned in Holland, where like some 
others he adopted a Dutch patronymic. Re- 
moving to England, he conformed to the En- 
glish Church, and then came to America with a 
license from the Bishop of London. In Boston, 
he soon brought upon himself general displeas- 
ure by his disregard of ecclesiastical and 
civil rules, and by his haughty and stubborn 
demeanor when reproved ; and managed at the 
same time to embroil his little congre°ation. 
March I )aille wrote anxiously to Mather in their be- 
half. " I beg you, most honored sir, that the 
annoyance occasioned by Mr. Vandenbosk may 
not diminish your favor toward the French who 
are now in your city, and those who shall in 
future betake themselves thither. The fault of 
a single person ought neither to be imputed to 
others, nor to procure harm to them. I hope, 
therefore, that you will give proofs as formerly 
of your charity toward those faithful refugees, 
who have suffered the severest persecution. Nor 
can I doubt your willingness to lend a hand to 
the restoring- of the French Church in Boston. 


" Let us be thankful and ready to do any good Service to 
those that have so kindly entertained us. 

'' Let us take care not to give Offence by our bad Conduct 
and virions Lives. Let us on the contrary, set before them 
holy Examples, that they may have reason ^not to repent 
their Kindness towards us." 

( Le Mercier : A Treatise against Detraction. Dedica- 


In this matter I offer my own help, that the chap.xi. 
affairs that have been mismanaged may be ~ 
redressed. May there be occasion in future of 
merited gladness to you and your learned col- 
leagues, in place of unmerited sadness. We are 
brethren ; therefore brotherly friendship should 
be cherished between us." J 

Van den Bosch soon left Boston, making way 
for a man of a very different spirit. The French 
Protestants who came to Massachusetts from 
the island of St. Christopher, in June or July, 
1686, w r ere accompanied, or soon followed, by 
their minister, David de Bonrepos, 2 afterwards 
pastor of the Huguenot colonies of New Ro- 
chelle, Staten Island, and New Paltz, in the 

1 See the appendix to this volume. 

2 David was the brother of Elie de Bonrepos, one of the 
emigrants from St. Christopher's. (See volume I., page 231.) 
I think it probable that he may have been the pastor of the 
" French Protestant Church att St. Christopher's," men- 
tioned in 1680. (See volume I., page 206.) His subsequent 
connection with New Rochelle, where a number of these 
emigrants settled, favors this view. The refugee in Boston 
whose " relation " we have had frequent occasion to quote, 
alludes to him as minister of the French Church in that 
town, at the time when he wrote — the winter of 1687-8. 
("M. de Bonrepos, frere a nostre ministre.") A year earlier 
— September 20, 1686 — Domine Selyns, minister of the 
Protestant Reformed Dutch Church in New York, wrote to 

the Classis of Amsterdam, stating that " the Rev. 

instructs and comforts the French refugees at Boston." The 
name, in the transcript of the correspondence of the Classis, 
is undecipherable. 

The " Religious Protestant Minister," who arrived a few 

weeks later, with "fifteen French familyes fled from 

France for Religion's sake," (page 199) was doubtless Daniel 
Bondet, pastor of the Oxford colony. (See the next 




Chap. xi. province of New York. The arrival of this 
~ company contributed greatly to the strength of 
the little Church ; and David, aided by his good 
wife Blanche, succeeded in healino- the divisions 
caused by Van den Bosch. But the congrega- 
tion was a fluctuating one. " There are not 
more than twenty French families here," wrote 
the refugee, in the winter of 1687 ; "and their 
number is diminishing daily, as they remove into 
the country to buy or take up lands for cultiva- 
tion, with a view to permanent settlement, 
David Others however are expected in the spring." 
De Bonrepos himself left before the following 
October, for New Rochelle, and the Church 
remained without a pastor for the next eight 
years. Meanwhile, Ezechiel Carre, the minister 
of the French colony in Narragansett, and 
Daniel Bondet, the minister of New Oxford, 
frequently preached to the congregation in Bos- 
ton ; and the pulpit was also supplied occasion- 
ally by the Reverend Nehemiah Walter, Eliot's 
successor in the pastorate of the First Church 
in Roxbury, who was an accomplished French 

In 1696, Pierre Daille came to Massachusetts 
from New York, where he had been settled as 
minister of the French congregation in that city, 
ever since his arrival in America. His pastorate 
in Boston continued until his death, nineteen 
years later ; and this period was the meridian of 
the Church's prosperity. Daille's relations with 
the ministry of Boston, were already friendly, as 
we have seen ; and when he came to reside per- 







manently among them, he was received with the chap.xi 
utmost consideration. Something of this defer- 
ence may have been due to the distinguished name 
he bore — that of the famous minister of Charen- 
ton, Jean Daille, one of the most erudite schol- 
ars and theologians of his age. How Pierre 
stood related to his great namesake, we do not 
know. It is thought that he may have belonged 
to a branch of the same family with Jean ; — a 
family seated at Chatellerault, in the province of 
Poitou. But our Huguenot pastor brought 
other credentials. Before comino to America, 
he had been professor in the great Protestant 
Academy of Saumur, the most celebrated of the 
four Protestant colleges of France. Saumur 
was for eighty years " a torch that illuminated saumur. 
' all Europe." Its course of instruction was very 
complete. There were two professors of the- 
ology, two of philosophy, a professor of Hebrew, 
and one of Greek, and a principal having the 
oversight of the whole course of instruction. It 
is not known which one of these chairs Daille 
filled. But Saumur was noted for the care 
taken to admit only men of recognized capacity 
to its corps of instructors ; and the fact that 
Daille was connected with that academy, attests 
his reputation for learning. Like other scholars 
of his day, he wrote Latin fluently. His letters, 
several of which have been preserved, reveal the 
courtliness, the moderation, and the keen intelli- 
gence, of a Huguenot of the finest type. 1 But 

1 See the appendix to this volume. 


chap. xi. Daille's best qualification was his earnest and 
t6 6 unaffected piety. " He is full of fire, godliness, 
and learning," wrote Selyns, from New York. 
" Banished on account of his religion, he main- 
tains the cause of Jesus Christ with untiring- 
zeal." The congregations to whom he minis- 
tered, made up of men and women who had 
known the heat of persecution, listened to him 
as to one who had walked through the same 

In Boston, the English sometimes came to 

hear the Huguenot preacher. Highly as they 

English respected him, the stricter class of Puritans could 

hearers not; De altogether pleased with a liturgical wor- 

in the t> i e> 

"Temple." ship, and with the observance of Christmas and 
Easter. That admirable man, Samuel Sewall, 
was constrained to enter a gentle protest, as his 
diary tells us, against one of these practices. 
"This day I spake with Mr. Newman about his 
partaking with the French Church on the 25th 
of December on account of its beino- Christmas 
day, as they abusively call it." T But these differ- 
ences scarcely qualified the cordial regard felt 
for the French exiles by their Puritan neighbors. 
"'Tis my hope," said Cotton Mather, "that the 
English Churches will not fail in Respect to any 
that have endured hard things for their faithful- 
ness to the Son of God." 2 

1 Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. I., p. 491. 

2 Prefatory Recommendation to M. Carry's sermon, 
" The Charitable Samaritan." 

At the funeral of Cotton Mather's wife, November 11, 
1 7 13, " Mr. Dallie" was chosen to be one of the "bearers." 
— (Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. II., p. 407.) 


To the ministers of Boston, the Huguenots Chap.xi. 
were the objects not only of Christian commis- ^ 
eration, 1 but also of some theological specula- 

1 It is worthy of notice that a Boston minister published 
as early as the year 1689 a graphic account of the sufferings 
of the Protestants of France at the period of the Revoca- 
tion. This was several years before the appearance of the 
great work of Elie Benoist, (Histoire de l'edit de Nantes; 
Delft, 1693, 1695,) the last volume of which is occupied with 
a circumstantial recital of those sufferings. Cotton Mather 
doubtless obtained his information from the refugee pastors, 
particularly Daille and Carre, and from his correspondents 
in Europe, of whom he counted more than fifty. His ver- 
sion of the painful story agrees with that of Benoist, which 
it antedates, and furnishes another of the confirmations of 
that historian's accuracy that have been supplied of late by 
the publication of contemporaneous statements. We give 
it here, (in part,) as representing the current view of the sub- 
ject, at the time when our refugees came to Massachusetts. 

" After innumerable previous Abuses and Injuries at the 
year 1680, the poor Protestants in France found themselves 
losing all sorts of Offices, until at length not so much as a 
Midwife of that Religion might be allowed. 

" The new Converts were discharged from the payments 
of their debts ; and the Resolvd Confessors might not sell 
their own Estates, to assist their escape from the Storm now 
breaking on them ; but instead thereof, were forced to bear 
all the duties and charges of their Apostate Neighbors ; and 
Parents were compelled to bear the Expenses of a Popish 
Education for their own children, whom they had rather seen 
perishing in the Rivers of Egypt. 

" When the project was grown ripe for it, the French 
Tyrant employed a vast Army of Dragoons for the afflicting 
and Reducing of the many scores of thousands of Protest- 
ants whom the former Temptations had not yet overcome. 
The Leaders of these New Apostles first summoned the 
Inhabitants of the several Towns together, to let them 
know 'twas the Kings pleasure they should turn Roman 
Catholicks j and the poor people humbly Replying, That 
they would gladly sacrifice their Lives and Estates in the Ser- 
vice of the King, but their Consciences tvere to he disposed of 
by none but God alone, These Dragons then furiously pos- 
sessed themselves of the several Towns, and were every- 


chap. xi, tion. The opinion had been broached, in Prot- 
168" estant Europe, that the great persecution in 
France was the theme of Apocalyptic vision, 
and that the suffering Huguenots were symbol- 
ized in the book of Revelation by the Two Wit- 
nesses clothed in sackcloth, slain in the street 
of the great city. Those who held this view, 
with Jurieu, looked for the fulfillment of proph- 

Witnesses. ecy, in the restoration of this persecuted people 
to their country ; and the oracular divine, whom 
we have already quoted, and who, if not the most 
judicious, was doubtless the best informed man 
of his day in America, did not hesitate to pro- 
nounce himself on the subject, and to found 
upon his theory an argument for kindness and 


where quartered in the Houses of the Protestants, like 
Locusts devouring all before them. When these M 'ousters 
had wasted all the Goods of this distressed People, they then 
fell upon their Persons, ***** using therewithal 
ten thousand other Cruelties, which none but the wit of 
Devils could have invented for them. And if none of these 
things brought the Protestants to Renounce the Truth of 
the Lord Jesus, they were cast into horrible Dungeons, 
where they pined away to Death. If any were caught mak- 
ing an Essay to fly away, they were treated with Cruelties 
more intolerable (if any could be so) than those that have 
been related ; and never were wild Beasts pursued with 
such Eagerness and watchfulness, as these poor Lambs were 
by their Wolfish Persecutors. 

' Nevertheless, many thousands of the Protestants found 
a merciful Providence assisting their escape ; and some of 
them have arrived into New-England, where before they 
came, there were Fastings and Prayers employ 'd for them, 
and since they came, they have met with some further 
kindness, from such as know how to sympathize with their 

(Prefatory Recommendation of M. Carre's Sermon, " The 
Charitable Samaritan.") 


helpfulness toward the strangers. "We have chap.xi. 
cause to think," said Cotton Mather, " that the ~ 
Resurrection of the slain Witnesses in France, 
is now very near ; and if any of us have been 
Compassionate Samaritans towards this afflicted 
people, we shall rejoice with them in the Re- 
demption which draweth nigh." 

The liturgy observed by the refugees in their 
public religious services, was that which had 
been in use among the Reformed Churches of 
France for nearly a century and a half. Mod- 
eled by Calvin upon primitive offices, it was of 
rigid simplicity, yet it was orderly and impres- 
sive. The Sunday service was preceded by the 
reading of several chapters of Holy Scripture. 0r o * er 
The reading was performed, not by the clergy- worship, 
man, but by a "lecteur," who was also the 
" chantre " or precentor, and who frequently 
united with these functions those of the parish 
schoolmaster during the week. In Dailies day, 
the "lecteur" was probably "old M r John 
Rawlins," whom the pastor remembered affec- 
tionately in his will. The reading ended with 
the Decalogue ; and then came the service con- 
ducted by the minister. It began with a 
sentence of invocation, followed by an invitation 
to prayer, and a general confession of sins. 
The consfreeation rose with the words of invo- 
cation, and remained standing during prayer, 
but resumed their seats when the psalm was 
given out for singing. This was the people's 
part — the service of song — in a ritual without 
other audible response ; and all the Huguenot 



Chap. xi. fervor broke out in those strains that had for 

TT o-enerations expressed the faith and the religious 
. 1689. & L & 

joy of a persecuted race. 1 A brief extempore 
prayer preceded the sermon. The general sup- 
plications were offered after the sermon. They 
Tlie closed and culminated — except when the Holy 
French Communion was to be administered — with the 
Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' Creed ; and 
after the Benediction, the congregation was 
dismissed with the word of peace, and an injunc- 
tion to remember the poor, as they passed the 
alms' chests at the church door. 2 

A prominent seat was reserved in the Hugue- 
not " temple " for the " anciens " or Elders of 
the congregation. These, with the pastor, con- 
stituted the " Consistoire," or Church-session, 
having- the oversight of the flock, and the 
charge of its temporalities, as well as of its 
spiritual interests. The "anciens" were elected 
by the people, and held their place for a term 
of years. In the absence of the records, no 
complete list of the persons who filled this office 
in the French Church in Boston can be given ; 
but the following are the names of the " anciens " 

1 A touching practice that had been prescribed a short 
time before the Revocation, was probably observed by the 
Huguenots of Boston. The assembly held at Toulouse in 
1683, ordained that when the psalms that related to the con- 
dition of the Church were sung, the congregation should 
kneel, in token of humiliation before God under the afflic- 
tions of His people. 

" It appears that in 1689, the French congregation in 
Boston failed for some reason to observe this ancient cus- 
tom. The omission Avas noticed by pastor Carre, who made 
it the subject of a discourse which was afterwards printed. 
See below, chapter XIII. 


who served between the years 1696 and 1705 : — chap.xi, 

Pierre Chardon, lean Millet, lean Rawlings, 

J J . T700. 

Mousset, Guillaume Barbut, Rene Grignon, 
lean Tartarien, Francois Bridon, Jean Dupuis. 1 ^ay 

Strong testimony to the worth of the refugees 
and the excellence of their religious teachers 
was given by the Earl of Bellomont, while gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts. Addressing the General 
Court, upon his last visit to Boston, he said : " I 
recommend to your care the French Minister of 
this Town, who is destitute of a maintainance, 
because there are so very few families here. Bello . 
Let the Present raging Persecution of the mont's 
French Protestants in France stir up your Zeal es imony - 
and Compassion towards him. I wish for your 
sakes the French Protestants had been encour- 
aged among you. They are a good Sort of 
People, very ingenious, industrious, and would 
have been of great use for peopling this country, 
and enriching it by trade." 

Stimulated by the governor's advocacy, the 
" French Protestants in Boston," a few weeks 

1 In 1705, and again in 1729, John Dupuis or Dupee is 
mentioned as an Elder of the French Church in Boston. 
His will, dated January 4, 1734, and entered for probate, 
June 9, 1743, names his sons John, Daniel, Charles, Isaac, 
and Elias. Charles, who died before February 28, 1743 — 
when a letter of administration on his estate was granted — 
left a son Charles, born in Boston, October 18, 1734. He 
married in 1755, Hannah Smith, who died April 2, 1813. 
He died August 12, 1802. His eldest son, James, was born 
in Walpole, Massachusetts; in 1756. He married Esther 
Hawes, and died*in 1819, leaving a number of children, one 
of whom, James, was born in 1787, married Ursula Plimp- 
ton, and died in 1875. His only son is James A. Dupee, 
Esq., of Boston. 



chap.xi. later, presented their petition to him, and to the 
I?00 Council and Assembly of Representatives then in 
June, session in that city, for aid in the support of the 
Gospel ministry among them. They " take leave 
to signifie " to these gentlemen, " that many of 
their flock being already gone away who con- 
tributed much for the Subsistance of their Min- 
ister, the few that remain " are not " capable of 
furnishing the one-half that is necessary for his 
maintainance ; " and " they must undergo the 
unhappyness of being deprived of the consola- 

„ . . tions of the holy ministry of the word of God, 

Petition J J 

of the (whereof the unheard of cruelty of the perse- 
Elders. cutors f the Church had depriv'd them in their 
own Countrey) unless they may obtain your 
Christian Assistance. And seeing,'' they add, 
" our great King William, with all England as 
also the Dutch, the Duke of Brandenburg, and 
all other protestant States, have always main- 
tained a great multitude of the French Protest- 
ants and their Ministers, they hope that you will 
likewise shew the same spirit of holy charity." 
In support of their request, the petitioners state 
that they "have borne great charges in paying 
Taxes for the Poor of the countrey, and in main- 
taining their own poor of this Town and those 
of New Oxford, who by occasion of the War 
withdrew themselves, and since that they have 
Assisted many who returned to Oxford in order 
their resettlement." For these reasons, they 
now " have recourse to this honourable Assem- 
bly, which God has established for the succour 
of the afflicted, especially the faithfull that are 


strangers, that we may obtain your reliefs for chap.xi. 
the Subsisting of our Ministers, whereof there is 1700. 
so much need." 1 

This prayer of the Elders was referred to a J ™ e 
committee, who gave their opinion " that for their 
Encouragement as Strangers and for the Carry- 
ing on the Publick Worship of God amongst 
them there be paid unto their Minister Twelve 
pounds out of the Publick Treasury." The 
report was read and passed, and concurred in by 
the Council without delay. The relief was wel- 
come, but there is no trace of further aid from 
the public funds. Daille's support was meager 
and precarious, and it seemed to him doubtful 
whether he could remain with his beloved people. 
But "a Minister must use every expedient," he 
was wont to say, " before deserting his flock." 
In 1706, he wrote to the English Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Se P t ° mber 
stating his necessities. 2 The application was 1706. 
supported by the recommendation of Governor 
Dudley, and by that of the Church of England 
ministers in Boston. Dudley speaks of him as 
" an Honest man and good Preacher," who " has October 
long showed his Loyalty and peaceable temper 10 - 
toward the Government. His congregation," he 
adds, " is poor, and I believe he has not more 
than thirty pounds per annum." The rector of 
King's Chapel, Mr. Myles, writes : " The people 

1 Mass. Archives, vol. XL, p. 150. The petition was 
signed by Jn° Rawlings, Peter Chardon, and Rene Grignon, 
Elders for the French Congregation. 

2 See Daille's letter, in the appendix to this volume. 


chap. xi. of the French Church in this town are so few in 

' number that they are not able to afford a com- 
1700. _ _ j 

petente maintainance to their present minister (a 

October . . v » 1 1 , 

9# very worthy good man) ; and hopes that the 
Society will " make such provision for his com- 
fortable subsistance as in their wisdom they may 
judge expedient." The Reverend Christopher 

October Bridge, lately assistant minister of King's 
Chapel, commends the French pastor to the 
Society's regard, as " a man of great learning 
and sobriety, and very industrious in his minis- 
terial functions. He was episcopally ordained, 
and many years past sent into these parts by the 
Lord Bishop of London." x 

The Society's reply, however, was unfavor- 

„ . able. Mr. Daille had not been sent out under 


21, its auspices, nor was his congregation " conform- 
1707 ' able to the Church of England." Thus, between 
the " standing order " of the Puritan colony, and 
the ecclesiastical establishment of the mother 
country, the good Huguenot pastor was left to 
end his days in straitened circumstances. 

Daille was growing old, but his interest in pub- 
lic affairs did not diminish. A letter written about 
this time to Bernon — "one of my earliest and 
best friends," as he styles him — shows us with 
what keen vision the veteran refugee was watch- 
ing the events of the age, and how completely 
the naturalized Englishman had espoused the 
cause of his adopted country. " We had already 

1 Letter-books of the Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts. 


received the following news, or at least a good chap.xi. 
part of it," he says, " but it has been confirmed 
within the last three or four days. The French 
having besieged Barcelona by sea and by land, 5 
admiral Leake has forced them to raise the siege, 
by taking six of the enemy's men-of-war, and 
destroying all the rest of the fleet. The flagship 
itself, a vessel of one hundred and ten guns, on 
board of which was the Count of Toulouse, was 


burned, and the Count was taken prisoner and relieved, 
sent to England. The Duke of Berwick was 
killed. The Earl of Galway has achieved many 
brilliant exploits. He has advanced into the 
very heart of the kingdom of Castille, having 
taken several important towns, and he marches 
with twenty thousand men toward Madrid, 
where indeed it is thought that he has already 
arrived. The Duke of Marlborough has defeated 
the French in Flanders, having killed a great B, am iiie S , 
many, and taken four thousand prisoners, among May 23, 
whom are the son of Marshal Tallard, the nephew 
of the Duke of Luxembourg, and several prom- 
inent officers. The enemy lost all their guns 
and baesrao-e. The French have also been 
beaten in Italy by Prince Eugene, who has killed 
fifteen hundred, taken two battalions, and 
wounded or taken prisoners seven hundred men. 
May it please God to bless more and more the 
arms of our queen and of her allies! " 

Pierre Daille died on the twentieth day of 
May, 1 715. He had reached his sixty-seventh 
year. His third wife, Martha, survived him. In 
his will, no mention is made of children by the 

2 3 8 





Chap. xi. last marriage, or by either of the preceding ones. 
He leaves the residue of his estate, after certain 
bequests, to his loving brother Paul Daille, in 
Holland. His devotion to the people he served 
zealously for nearly twenty years, found expres- 
sion in these bequests. He left his French and 
Latin books to the Church, for the use of its 
ministers, together with the sum of ten pounds 
to be expended in the erection of a meeting- 
house, and one hundred pounds, the interest of 
which was to be used for the minister's sup- 
port. 1 

1 The will of Peter Daille, of Boston, clerk, is on record 
in the Probate Office of Suffolk County, Boston. (No. 3663.) 
Among the directions regarding his funeral, there is a " re- 
striction, that there be no wine," and a request that " all 
Ministers of the Gospel within the s d Town of Boston (and 
M r Walter," interlined) "shall have scarffs and Gloves, as 
well as my Bearers." The following bequests are made : 

" I give all my French (and Latin) Books to the French 
Church in Boston (whereof I have been a Teacher) as a 
Library to be kept for the use and benefit of the Ministers 
of the s d Church for the time being forever. I also give 
the sum of One hundred pounds. . . .to be let out at Inter- 
est on good security by the Elders of the s d church for 
the time being forever, and the yearly Interest thereof 
shall be for the help and support of the Minister of 
the s' 1 Church for the time being forever. And I like- 
wise will that the sum of Ten pounds be put into the 
hands of the s d Elders to be improved for the use of the 
s d Church till they shall erect a Meeting house for the Wor- 
ship of God at which time the s d ten pounds shall be paid 
toward the charge thereof. (I give five pounds to old 
M r John Rawlins, French schoolmaster.) 

" Item I give and bequeath to my loving wife Martha 
Daille the sum of Three hundred and fifty pounds in Prov- 
ince bills or silver equivalent thereto, and my Negro man- 
serv' named Kuffy, and also all my plate, etoaths, house- 
hold goods and furniture, to hold the same, to her the 
s d Martha Daille her heirs executors admin™ and assigns 


All the facts that have come down to us regard- chap.xi. 
ing this Huguenot pastor, go to prove that he 
was a worthy representative of the race and the 
order to which he belonged, and that he enjoyed 
the esteem and confidence of good men in his 
day. A characteristic sentence in one of his 
private letters, gives us some insight into a 
nature that fully deserved that confidence and 
esteem : " I have always determined to injure 
no one by my words or otherwise, but on the 
contrary to serve whomsoever I might be able 
to serve." 

The vacant pulpit of the French Church was D m , 
filled with little delav. Before the end of the successor, 
year, Andre Le Mercier, a young man lately- 
graduated from the Academy of Geneva, came 
to the people at their invitation. Le Mercier 
was a native of Caen, in Normandy. The call 
from Boston reached him in London. A salary 
of one hundred pounds was promised him by the 
congregation, which had grown richer, if not 
more numerous. Thirty years had now elapsed 

" Item I give devise and bequeath unto my loving Brother 
Paul Daille (Vaugelade in Amsfort) in Holland and to his 
heirs and assigns forever all the residue of my Estate both 
real and personal wheresoever the same is lying or may be 

" Ult° I do hereby nominate and appoint my (good 
friend M r James Baudoin the sole) Executor of this my 
last Will and Testament. In Witness whereof I have here- 
unto put my hand and seal the day and year first within 
written. "'Daille " (Seal). 

The witnesses were, Benjamin Wadsworth, Phebe Manley, 
and Martha Willis. 

Offered for probate, May 31, 17 15. 




chap. xi. since the founding of the Church ; and the repre- 
sentative names of the orioinal immigration were 
still connected with it. Andrew Faneuil, James 
Bowdoin, Daniel Johonnot, Andrew Sigourney, 
were leaders in the congregation, and each at his 
death left a generous bequest to the pastor. 
The " meeting-house " for which they had waited 
so lone, was built soon after Le Mercier's arrival. 
It was a small brick edifice, on School street, 
erected upon the land which had been purchased 
with King William's gift, ten years before. 

The young preacher did not disappoint the 

sermon, expectations of the flock that gathered to hear 
his first sermon. With earnestness, yet with a 
modesty becoming his youth and inexperience, 
he set forth the aims of the Christian ministry, 
and avowed his purpose to reach after them ; 
asking the prayers and the cooperation of his 
people, and their forbearance in view of the 
deficiencies of which he was conscious. A feel- 
ing reference to their "late pastor of blessed 
memory," whose example it would be his ambi- 
tion to follow, was accompanied by a fervent 
appeal to his hearers, that the}- would prove 
faithful to their religious profession.' 

1 I find the peroration of this sermon among the manu- 
script discourses of Le Mercier in the possession of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society. The text is taken from 
the first Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians, Chapter II., 
v. 2. ' For I determined not to know any thing among you, 
save Jesus Christ, and Him crucified." * * * Vous pouves 
conter que nos voeux les plus ardens seront votre prosperity 
et votre bonheur pour ce monde et dans l'autre, et que ce 
sera la la matiere de nos prieres a notre Dieu pere et 
cr6ateur de toutes choses 'et a J. C. son fils bien aime. 



In the course of Le.Mercier's long ministry of ChapXIi 
thirty-four years, the number of worshipers in 
the French Church dwindled perceptibly. The 
rising generation naturally inclined to frequent I74 
the American churches. The middle of the 
eighteenth century was at hand ; a period which 

Qu' enfin nous tacherons de remplir la vocation sainte a 
laquelle Dieu nous a lui-meme apelles de si loin, en faisant 
valoir les talens et la mesure de grace qu' il nous a departie 
soit dans nos discours publics soit dans les particuliers, soit 
par nos exemples en suivant celui de votre dernier Pasteur 
de benite memoire, et dont sans doute vous vous souvenes 
avec plaisir suivant l'exhortation de l'Apotre aux Hebreux 
en considerant quelle a ete Tissue de la conversation de 
ce conducteur du troupeau a qui je parle. Voila, mes tres 
chers freres en notre S. J. C, quelles sont nos intentions 
qui sont pures et justes, mats en meme terns si difficiles 
a remplir que nous aurons sans doute besoin que vous 
excusies souvent nos foiblesses et que vous vous souvenies 
que nous avons notre thresor dans des vaisseaux de terre, 
afin que l'excellence de cette force soit de Dieu et non point 
de nous. Nous vous demandons la communion de vos 
prieres pour parvenir a nos fins, et pour nous acquiter 
dignement d'une charge aussi au penible qu'elle est glori- 
euse. Encourages-nous vous memes par votre conversation 
sainte a soutenir avec joye ce grand fardeau ; ce sera par la 
que nous deviendrons de plus en plus diligens a semer dans 
une terre oil nous verrons produire des fruits et rapporter 
trente, soixante, et cent grains pour un seul. Ce plaisir sera 
suffisant pour nous delasser de toutes nos fatigues. Si vous 
en uses ainsi, comme je l'espere de la piete que vous aves 
deja fait paroitre, et comme je vous en conjure au nora de 
n. Sauveur J. C. qui a ete crucifie pour vous — si disje vous 
faites la volonte de notre pere commun, et si vous ecoutes 
comme vous deves la parole de son fils, vous seres veritable- 
ment mes peres et mes meres, mes freres et mes soeurs. 
Vous seres notre consolation dans cette vie, et dans le 
siecle a venir notre joye et notre couronne. Nous nous 
trouverons tous ensemble par la grace de Dieu devant son 
throne, et vous presentant a lui nous dirons, me voicy Seig- 
neur et les enfans que tu m'as donne. Accorde-le nous, o 
Dieu, et a toi Pere et au Fils et au Saint Esprit soit gloire, 
force, et magnificence aux siecles des siecles. Amen." 


chap. xi. ma y be called the dead-line of the refugee con- 
1715- gregations in this land. Few of them lived to 
1748 cross it, and fewer still retained the French 
language beyond it. Daille's successor was not 
his equal, probably, as a preacher ; his writings 
are characterized by the diffuseness and verbos- 
ity of the rtfugid style ; yet it may be ques- 
tioned whether Daille himself could have 
retained in the " temple " on School street the 
" young people " whom Le Mercier was charged 
with having "driven to other churches." 1 We 
have no reason to doubt his own statement, that 
during the greater part of his pastorate, " an 
uninterrupted Peace and Union " reigned in the 

Huguenot jf j^ was not a brilliant preacher, Le Mer- 

versctil- . . *■ 

ity. cier showed himself, like so many of his fellow- 
exiles, an industrious worker in various fields 
of research and of practical enterprise. Two 
books from his pen are extant : the one a 
history of the Church and Republic of Gen- 
eva ; 2 the other a Treatise against Detrac- 

1 Memorial History of Boston, vol. II., p. 257. 

2 The Church History of Geneva, in Five Books. As 
also a Political and Geographical Account of that Repub- 
lick. By the Reverend Mr. Andrew Le Mercier Pastor of 
the French Church in Boston. Boston, New England ; Sold 
by S. Gerrish and other Booksellers. 1732. 

This little volume (4^2x7 inches) contains two distinct 
publications, with separate title-pages : — 

(1.) The Church History of Geneva, in Five Books. 
Wherein the State of Religion in that Place before Chris- 
tianity is described; and also how the Gospel was first 
preached there, and by whom. A Catalogue of all the 
Bishops of Geneva, to the Time of the Reformation. The 
State of that Church in Time's of Popery. An exact Account 



tion. 1 Other interests also, beside those of 
religion, enoao-ed his attention. He busied 
himself in the improvement of agriculture in 
Massachusetts, and was very zealous in humane 
endeavors to preserve the lives of seamen ship- 

Chap, XI. 



of the Blessed Reformation. The History of that Church 
from that Time to this. And lastly, Several Things, con- 
cerning the Church-Government, the Discipline, the Minis- 
ters and the Manners of that Church. Boston, New 
England : Printed by B. Green, and Sold at the Book- 
sellers Shops. 1732. — Pp. 1-220. 

(2.) A Geographical and Political Account of the Repub- 
lick of Geneva. Containing an exact Description of it's 
Scituation, publick Buildings, the Lake and the River 
Rhone, its Trade, Academy, Territorys, Fortifications, 
Interest, &c. Wherein the Mistakes of a great many 
English & French Authors are rectified. By the Author of 
the Church History of Geneva. Boston in New-England : 
Printed by B. Green, and Sold by the Booksellers. 1732. — 
Pp. i-vi., 1-76. 

1 A Treatise against Detraction, in Ten Sections. By the 
Reverend Mr. Andrew Le Mercier, Pastor of the French 
Church at Boston in New England. Printed at Boston in 
New England, and Sold by Daniel Henchman. 1733. — 
Pp. i-iv., i-viii., 1-303. (5^x8 inches.) 

The " Treatise against Detraction " is sensible, interest- 
ing, and — making allowance for the defective translation, for 
which the author apologizes as " kept very close to the 
French," and hence perhaps marred by " improperty or 
obscurity, — " very well written. It is not wanting in vivacity 
and shrewdness, and though largely interspersed with anec- 
dotes and quotations, classic, patristic, and modern, is not 
the work of a mere pedant. The characteristic moderation 
of the Huguenot appears in what is said of detraction as 
applied to the civil power. ' To speak Evil of Sovereigns 
is one of the Highest Degrees of Sin that Detraction can 
rise to. . . . With regard to foreign Princes, whose Subjects 
we are not, indeed it is not so great an Evil to speak evil of 
them as of our own. But yet it is not an inconsiderable Sin, 

1. Because," etc.* * * "If Subjects are oppressed, 
Satyrs (satires) against their oppressors are not like to 
relieve them very much." 





chap. xi. wrecked upon the dangerous coast of Nova 

I7I -_ Scotia. In 1738, he petitioned the governor and 

council of Nova Scotia for a grant of Sable 
1748. . . & 

Island, off that coast, that he might erect build- 
ings thereon, and stock the island with such 
domestic animals as might be useful in preserv- 
ing the lives of escaped mariners. The grant 
was made, and the colonial governments of 
sable Nova Scotia and Massachusetts issued procla- 
san ' mations, warning all persons against removing 
or destroying the improvements that might 
be made by the proprietor of the island. 1 
It is said that many lives were saved in conse- 
quence of this benevolent action ; although 
much was done to frustrate it, by the killing of 
the stock, and by depredations upon the prop- 
erty. Sable Island has continued to be the 
scene of frequent shipwrecks ; and at the present 

1 The History and Antiquities of Boston : by Samuel G. 
Drake. P. 488. — Haliburton, however, states that the grant 
was withheld by the lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia, 
inasmuch as M. Le Mercier declined to accept it on the 
terms proposed, of paying a quit-rent to the king. — (An 
Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia. Vol. II., 
p. 269.) 

In February, 1753, M. Le Mercier offered "the Island 
Sables " for sale. " Said Island is situated at the Distance 
of about forty Leagues from Halifax, thirty from Cape 
Breton, and fifty from Newfoundland : a good Market for 
the Produce of the Island, Cattle, and Roots of all sorts. It 
is about 28 Miles long, one Mile over, and contains about 
ten thousand Acres of Land, 500 of which are quite barren, 
all the rest produces or may bear something.* * * The 
Advantages which do accrue or may accrue from the 
Improvement of the Place are so great that .1 would not 
easily part with it if I was so skilful in Navigation and Ship- 
ping as it is necessary." — (The Boston Weekly News-Letter. 
No. 2640. Thursday, February 8, 1753.) 


day, the good work attempted by the Huguenot Chap.xi 
pastor is carried on by the government at an I748 
expense of four thousand dollars annually, 
maintaining a force of men, furnished with pro- 
visions and appliances for the relief of ship- 
wrecked sailors. 

At length, in 1 748, the membership of the 
French Church of Boston had become reduced 
to a mere handful, and the dissolution of the 
society was inevitable. Its house of worship 
passed into the possession of a new Congrega- 
tional society, with the proviso that the build- 
ing was to be preserved for the sole use of a 
Protestant sanctuary forever. Notwithstanding 
this restricting clause, the Huguenot " temple," 
forty years later, was sold to the Roman Catho- 
lics, and mass was said within its walls, by a 
Romish priest, on the second of November, ie 
1788. Le Mercier lived for sixteen years after 
the dispersion of his flock. His last days were 
spent in Dorchester, where he had purchased an 
estate in 1722. He died after a long illness, on 
the last day of March, 1 764. 1 

Mercier' s 

1 The will of Andrew Le Mercier, clerk, of the town of 
Dorchester, dated November 7, 1761, is on record in the 
Probate Office of Suffolk County, Boston. (No. 13,459-) 
He orders the payment of all his just debts, " in the number 
of which I reckon the money due by my son Bartholo- 
mew to Thomas Hancock, Esq., for goods he had of him, 
for which I was answerable, and of which I have paid 
already the greatest part." " Secondly and lastly, I order 
that my estate shall be equally divided among my loving 
children Andrew, Margaret, Jane, and my son Bartholomew 
if alive, and I do appoint my two daughters Margaret and 
Jane to execute this my last will and testament, in witness 



chap. xi. No longer represented in Boston by a distinct 
I7 - religious corporation, the Huguenot element in 
that town continued to be illustrated by some 
conspicuous names. Foremost among these 
was the name of Faneuil. Upon the death of 
Andrew, in 1738, his fortune, "the greatest 
of any " in the place, went by will to his nephew 
Peter, the eldest son of Benjamin, of New York. 
Peter Faneuil was a sagacious and an energetic 
merchant, intent upon gain, yet lavish in expen- 
diture. His letter-books, which have been pre- 
served, give a graphic picture of the man of 
business and the high-liver, keenly looking after 
his pecuniary interests, and at the same time 
thoughtful of his wine-cellar and of his kitchen. 
His " handsome chariot, " with the family arms, 
must have been the admiration of the town. 
Peter's exterior was not impressive. Of low 
stature and dropsical habit, his complexion was 
swarthy, and he had been lame from child- 
hood. 1 The hot temper, which effervesces in 
his correspondence, must have found expression 
in speech and gesture as well, with little regard 
to personal dignity. But he was also a man of 

whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal. Andrew 
Le Mercier." 

A codicil added February 3, 1764, substitutes Zechariah 
Johonnot, as executor, for his daughter Margaret, who is of 
disordered mind. 

1 " A fat corpulent brown squat man hip short lame from 
childhood," in the inelegant language of a cotemporary. 
(Notes on a copy of Dr. Win. Douglass's Almanack for 1743, 
ike. By Samuel Abbott Green, M. D. — Reprinted from the 
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Febru- 
ary, 1884.) 


benevolence, whose deeds of charity were mani- chap.xi. 
fold; 1 whilst his public spirit, as a citizen of I740 
Boston, was displayed by one act which has 
immortalized his name. Soon after coming into 
possession of his uncle's large fortune, Peter 
Faneuil offered to construct a public market- 
house, and present it to the town. The gener- 
ous offer was accepted, and in clue time Faneuil 
Hall was completed and delivered over to the 
authorities. The liberal Huguenot had studied 
only the convenience of his fellow-townsmen ; 
but in carrying out this purpose, he builded 
better than he knew. The second story of the 
new edifice was appropriated as an audience 
room, capable of accommodating one thousand 
persons. Here, on ordinary occasions, the 
town-meetings were held ; and here, in the 
exciting times of the Revolution, some of the 
most important political debates took place, and 
some of the most fervid appeals to the popular 
love of freedom were heard. Faneuil Hall 
became famous as the cradle of American 

The descendants of Pierre Baudouin,-" in sev- 

1 Thursday, March 3, 1743. "Peter Faneuil Esq r . 
between 2 & 3 o clock in y e afternoon dyed of a dropsical 
complyca (tion). * * * (In my opinion a great loss to this 
Town aged 42-8 m.) & I think by what I have hear'd has 
done more Charitable deeds than any man y l ever liv'd in 
this Town & for whom I am very sorry." — (Notes, etc.) 

2 Pierre Baudouin (died September, 1706) and his wife 
Elizabeth (died August 18, 1720) left two sons, James and 
John, and two daughters, Elizabeth and Mary. James (died 
September 8, 1747, aged 71) was married three times. By 
his first wife, Sarah Campbell (married July 18, 1706, died 


chap. xi. era j succeec lj n or o/enerations, made their Hu£ue- 
i74°- not patronymic a distinction. James, the son of 
Pierre, rose to the first rank among the mer- 
chants of Boston. He was a member of the 
Colonial Council for several years, and left the 
greatest estate, it is said, that had ever been 
possessed by one person in the province. His 
son and namesake, known as Governor James 
Bowdoin, was an eminent statesman and patriot. 
Entering upon public life at the age of twenty- 
seven, he took a prominent part in the opposi- 



family. December 21, 1713) he had six children; four of whom 
died in infancy. His daughter Mary, born June 27, 1708, 
married Balthazar Bayard, February 12, 1729, and died 
July, 1780. His son William, born June 14, 17 13, died 
February 24, 1773, married Phcebe Murdock. By his sec- 
ond wife, Hannah Portage, (married September 15, 17 14, 
died August 23, 1736) James had four children: Samuel, 
(died in infancy,) Elizabeth, born April 25, 1717, died 
October 20, 1771, married James Pitts ; Judith, born March 
5, 1 7 19, married Thomas Flucker ; and James (Governor of 
Massachusetts) born August 7, 1726, died November 5, 
1790, married Elizabeth, daughter of John Erving, died 
May 5, 1803. Governor James Bowdoin had two children. 
His son James, born September 22, 1752, married Sarah, 
daughter of William Bowdoin, and died October 11, 1811, 
without issue. His daughter Elizabeth (died October 25, 
1809) married Sir John Temple, first British Consul-general 
to the United States ; and had two sons, Sir Grenville, and 
James, and two daughters ; Elizabeth, who married Thomas 
L. Winthrop, Lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts, and 
Augusta. The Hon. Robert Charles Winthrop is the young- 
est of the fourteen children of Thomas L. Winthrop and 
Elizabeth Temple. 

Pierre Baudouin's second son, John, removed to Virginia, 
and died before 1 7 1 7, leaving descendants. Pierre's daugh- 
ter Elizabeth married Robins; and his daughter Mary 

married Stephen Boutineau, August 22, 1708. — New Eng- 
land Historical and Genealogical Register. Vol. X., pp. 


tion to the encroachments of the crown, during chap.xi. 
the period preceding the Revolution. Not long I7 _ 
before the rupture with England, he was presi- 
dent of the council of government. The con- 
vention that assembled in 1779 to form a consti- 
tution chose him as its presiding officer ; and at 
the close of the war he was elected lieutenant- 
governor of the commonwealth of Massachu- 
setts, and succeeded John Hancock as governor. 
" In this office, his wisdom, firmness and mod- 
eration reflected the highest honor upon his 
character, and crushed in its infancy and without 
a single execution an insurrection against the 
government," which had been "stimulated by an 
unwise taxation," and which was "secretly cher- 
ished by every mischievous and discontented 
citizen. This measure preserved the State, per- 
haps the Union, and deserved for the author of 
it a statue." 1 Gov. Bowdoin died on the sixth of 
November, 1 790, at the age of sixty-four. For 
" more than thirty years of his life, he was a 
professor of religion, and exemplarily adorned 
his profession. In all the duties enjoined by the 
Gospel, both of piety and charity, he abounded 
throughout his life, and at his death left the 
world, urging upon his family the religion which 
he had professed. His name will descend to 
posterity as the odor of sweet incense." 2 Bowdoin 

Bowdoin College, in Maine — then a part of 
Massachusetts — was so called in honor of Gov- 

1 Travels in New England and New York, vol. I., p. 523 ; 
by President Timothy Dwight. 

2 Ibid. 


chap.xi. ernor James Bowdoin. His only son James, a 
I7 man of fine scholarship and literary tastes, was 
like him active in public affairs. In 1805, he 
was appointed by the government of the United 
States, minister plenipotentiary to the court of 
Madrid. He was the munificent patron of the 
college that bore his family name. He died 
childless ; and " with him the name of Bowdoin, 
by direct descent in the male line, passed away 
from the annals of New England." 1 

John Paul Mascarene, of whose parentage 
and early life we have given some account in 
preceding chapters, came to Boston soon after 

John 1 . . • 1 • 1 • tv t 

Paul his appointment to a military command in JNova 

Masca- Scotia. Here he married Elizabeth Perry, 

in 1714. 2 His house stood on School street, 

1 The life and Services of James Bowdoin. An Address 
delivered before the Maine Historical Society, at Bowdoin 
College, September 5, 1849. By Robert C. Winthrop. 
P. 82. 

2 Their marriage was published in Boston, April 2t, 17 14. 
They had four children : Elizabeth, born in 17 17, Joanna, 
born in 1720, John, born April 11, 1722, and Margaret, born 
in 1726. John married, August 9, 1750, Margaret Holyoke, 
and died in 1778, leaving one son, the last of the name. 
Elizabeth married, in 1741, Thomas Perkins, and died June 
30, 1745, giving birth to a son, Thomas. Joanna married, 
March 3, 1744, James Perkins, and had two sons, Thomas 
and James, and a daughter Joanna. Thomas, son of Joanna 
Mascarene and James Perkins, married, first, Miss Appleton, 
who left a daughter Eliza, and secondly, Anna Powell, by 
whom he had three children : Miriam, who married F. C. 

Loring ; Anna, who married Rogers ; and Powell. 

James, son of Joanna Mascarene and James Perkins, died 
without issue. Joanna, daughter of Joanna. Mascarene and 
James Perkins, married William Hubbard, and had several 
children, among them Samuel Hubbard, born June 1, 1788 ; 
married Mary Ann Coit ; died December 24, 1847. He was 


hard by the French Church. This was the chap.XL 
home of his family during much of the time I74g 
while he was in active service ; and when, in 
1 749, he resigned the office of lieutenant-gov- 
ernor and commander-in-chief of the province of 
Nova Scotia, he came to Boston to spend the 
rest of his days with them. His relations with 
the principal people of the town had long been 
intimate. He died in Boston, on the fifteenth 
day of January, 1760, at the age of seventy-five, 
leaving a son John, and two daughters. 1 His 
grandson, the last of the name, lived and died in 
Dorchester, Massachusetts. 

The story of the Huguenots in Boston is on Beiio- 
the whole a pleasant one. If Massachusetts at monts 

r reproach. 

all deserved the reproach of Lord Bellomont, 
that she had failed to " encourage the French 
Protestants among " her people, the charge must 
have referred to the agricultural, rather than the 
commercial class of immigrants. For whilst no 
liberal appropriations of lands were made to 
those who sought homes in the interior of the 
country, it is certain that the welcome given to 
the merchants and traders, who preferred to 
establish themselves in the seaport town, were 
very cordial from the beginning. It must be 

Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts. 
Margaret, youngest daughter of John Paul Mascarene, mar- 
ried in 1750 Foster Hutchinson, who died in 1799, a refugee, 
in Nova Scotia, leaving a son Foster, who died in 1815, and 
a daughter Abigail, born in 1776, died in July, 1843. — New 
England Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. X., pp. 

143, U7> MS. 
1 His eldest daughter, Elizabeth, died before her father. 


chap. xi. borne in mind that the Huguenots arrived in 
Massachusetts at a critical moment in the affairs 
of the colony. Between France with her Cana- 
dian savages, and England with her oppressive 
navigation laws, the people were disquieted and 
depressed, and the commonwealth was very- 
poor. Taxation weighed heavily upon the set- 
tler ; and the French immigrant was not always 
exempted from his share of the burden. And 
yet, if his home in the wilderness was broken up 
— as we shall see in the next chapter — the blow- 
came, not from his English neighbor, but from 
the Indian, with the Canadian priest at his back. 
A happier lot befell those who lingered in the 
town. There was scope in Boston for the ambi- 
tion of the enterprising. The Rochellese refu- 
gee — the scion, it might be, of some house that 
for generations had done business in great 
waters — brought to the little Massachusetts 
town a commercial experience and a breadth of 
view, that stood him in stead of capital — though 
capital was not always wanting. The French- 
man's quick wit gave a keener edge to the 
shrewdness of the Yankee. The perseverance 
of the Huguenot, fortified under the long strain 
of persecution, reenforced the energy of the 
New Englander, sturdy and self-asserting. 
The French Calvinist found a brother in the 
Puritan. The generous warmth of that recep- 
tion which the Episcopal Church of England 
had given to the fugitive ministers and members 
of the suffering Churches of France, was 
reflected in the welcome extended by the Con- 


gregational clergy to those who reached Boston, chap.xi, 
" They challenge a room in our best affections," 
said Mather. In social life, the families trans- 
planted from La Rochelle were well fitted to 
shine ; and the intermarriages of which we hear 
soon, testify to their association with the iliteoi 
the colonial capital. On the whole, the Hugue- 
nots that came to Boston can hardly have been 
disappointed in their high expectations, or have 
found occasion to recall the " great estime " they 
had conceived for the place before coming to it. 
And while they received benefits, they also con- 
ferred them. In what appreciable degree this 
immigration affected the community which ad- 
mitted it, we cannot undertake to say. Such 
an estimate may be made more readily in con- 
nection with the larger colonies that came to 
New York and Virginia and South Carolina, or 
in connection with the whole body of the French 
Protestant refugees. But it is obvious, that the 
little company of Huguenots that settled in 
Boston, brought with them qualities that were 
needed at that day. They brought a buoyancy 
and a cheerfulness, that must have been conta- 
gious, even amidst pervading austerity. They 
brought a love for the beautiful, that showed 
itself in the culture of flowers. They brought 
religious convictions, that were not the less firm 
because accompanied by a certain moderation 
and pliancy in things not held of vital import- 
ance. They brought a love for liberty, that was 
none the less sincere because associated with a 
tolerance learned in the school of suffering. 


ch&p. xi. Boston surely gained by the admission of an 
element in its population that possessed these 
traits. And the mispronounced names from 
beyond the seas, that stand out so boldly on the 
page of its history — names such as Bowdoin, and 
Faneuil, and Revere — recall in the flight of the 
Huguenot to those shores an episode not only 
pathetic, but important also for its bearing upon 
social and public life and typical character in 
New England. 


The Settlement. 


It was in the spring or summer of the year chap.xn. 
1687, that the first band of Huguenot settlers j^s-j. 
destined for the Nipmuck country, in the heart 
of Massachusetts, reached the site of their pro- 
posed plantation of New Oxford. The journey 
must have occupied three days or more. They 
had followed for fifty miles the track through 
the wilderness known as the " Bay Path," lead- 
ing from Boston westward to the Connecticut 
river. Originally, doubtless, an Indian trail, 
this path had now been traveled by the English 
for many years, and it was still the nearest 
approach to a highway from the seaboard to the 
remote town of Springfield. Walking behind 
the lumbering wagons that carried their house- 
hold goods and farming implements, the French- 
men gazed with inexhaustible interest upon the 
wonders of the new country they were penetrat- 
ing. Except along that thin line of travel, where 
here and there a tree had been felled, or the 
underbrush had been cut away, or where an 
occasional clearing exposed the fields that had 
been rudely tilled by the savages, the forest 
stood in its primeval grandeur. Much of the 


chap. xii. growth was novel to the eyes of the strangers. 
!6S7. The hickory, the hemlock, the red, scarlet and 
black oak, they had never seen before. Of other 
trees — the white oak, the sycamore, the beach, 
the elm and maple, the pitch-pine and fir — there 
were new and noble species ; and to men who 
had been accustomed all their lives to the level 
and sandy shores of western France, or to the 
cultivated plains and valleys of the interior, 
these giants of the forest, this canopy of verdure, 
all this wealth of natural vegetation, formed an 
amazing and a charming sight. Nor were they 
less pleased with the lowlier growths around 
them. The woods were full of flowering shrubs, 
and climbing plants, and of wild berries of divers 
kinds ; and in many places, the vine, a welcome 
sight to the children of France, trailed on the 
ground, or stretched itself from tree to tree, its 
pendent clusters giving early promise of abund- 
ant fruit. 

The leader of the band of settlers was Daniel 
Bondet, a French Protestant pastor, who had 
landed at Boston in the preceding summer, with 
" a company of poor refugees," after a long and 
perilous voyage across the ocean. Of the fifteen 
families composing that body, some eight or ten 
were now accompanying him to the spot where 
lands had been assigned to them for their estab- 
lishment. Bondet himself was under appointment 
by the Society in London for promoting the 
Gospel in New England, to labor for the evan- 
gelization of the Nipmuck tribe of Indians, the 
feeble remnants of which were gathered in a few 


villages near the site of the projected settle- chap. xn. 
ment _ _ ^ 

A first view of their future home could scarcely 
be a disappointing one to our Huguenots. Seen 
at the present day, from an elevation southeast 
of the village of Oxford, the spot seems admir- 
ably chosen. A range of wooded hills surrounds 
the peaceful valley through which the Maanexit 
or French river takes its way. The level lands 
on either side of the river, extending for more 
than two miles along its course, presented even 
then some appearance of cultivation and fruit- 
fulness; for here the Indians had long gathered 
their crops of maize and other products, and the 
region was highly esteemed among them for the 
richness of the mellow soil. Above this alluvial 
plain, the slopes of the nearer hill-sides could 
readily be transformed into meadows and plant- 
ations, and offered many an inviting site for the 
dwellings and the gardens of the colonists ; 
while the pleasant sound of a brook, rushing 
down over stones and rocky ridges to meet the 
river, was suggestive, to the settler's practical 
mind, of the mill-power soon to be utilized by 
the industrious community. 

The work of laying out the little village, and 
building the rude cabins that were to serve as 
habitations for the time, was still in progress, 
when an important member joined the colon)-. 
This was Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau, Gabriel 
Bernon's partner and agent, who had come over 
from England in advance of his associate, to 
" settle a plantation" for both. Du Tuffeau left 


chap^n. London in the latter part of May, 1687, bearing 
1687. letters of introduction from Bernon, and from 
Robert Thompson, president of the Society for 
promoting the Gospel in New England, and one 
of the proprietors of New Oxford, to Joseph 
Dudley and William Stoughton, the other pro- 
prietors, in Boston. Upon presenting these 
letters, he obtained from them a orant of seven 
hundred and fifty acres of land at Oxford. Du 
Tuffeau was attended by two English yeomen 
from Staffordshire, John Johnson and Thomas 
Butt, and by Jacques Thibaud and his daughter 
Catharine, French refugees, who had been 
engaged by Bernon and himself, in London, to 
work for a term of years on the projected plant- 

The first year passed auspiciously in the new 
colony. There was no scarcity of food, though 
the season may have been too far advanced for 
planting. The woods were full of game, and 
the neighboring streams and ponds abounded 
with fish. Supplies of maize were brought to 
the French village by the Indians who haunted 
the adjacent forests ; and from time to time, 
other needed provisions were procured from 
Boston. The winter that followed was one of 
extraordinary mildness. To their surprise, the 
settlers experienced no weather more severe than 
that to which they had been accustomed in 
France. Snow fell but twice, and each time to 
the depth of only a foot. Cheerfulness reigned 
throughout the little community ; and no one 
was more elated than Bertrand du Tuffeau, who 


had taken to himself a wife since his arrival in chap.xn. 
Massachusetts. Perhaps the first marriage cele- l688 
brated by the good pasteur Bondet, may have 
been that of Du Tuffeau and the " demoiselle de 
la Rochefoucauld." Neither of the pair was 
young, and the union was childless. Bernon had 
advanced to his agent the liberal sum of two 
hundred pounds for the settlement of his planta- 
tion ; and the glowing accounts that he received 
from the colony induced him to forward three 
hundred pounds more. The money was spent 
freely, if not judiciously. At length, in the 
spring of the following year, "excited by the let- 
ters of the said Du Tuffeau," Bernon " ship'd him- 26, 
self and servants," at his own expense, " with 
some other families," to the number of "above 
forty persons," and came to establish himself in 
America. 1 

The ship Dolphin was considered " a good 
sailor," and proved on this occasion worthy of 
her reputation ; and her captain, John Foye, "a 
most discreet navigator," had the satisfaction of 
landing his passengers at Boston within ten u 5 y 
weeks of their departure from Gravesend. 2 

1 Bernon Papers, MS. 

2 " Thursday, July 5th. . . . This day Foy arrives. 
. . . Several French came over in Foy, some Men of 

Estates." — (Diary of Samuel Sewall. Vol. I., p. 219.) 

From the fact that Bernon's name appears in a deed 
dated May 24, 1688, conveying to him the lands promised 
him by the proprietors of New Oxford, it might be inferred 
that he must have reached Boston at an earlier date than 
that which has been assigned above. But Bernon had 
authorized Bertrand du Tuffeau to represent him in this 
transaction ; and it is clear that he did not sail from Graves- 


chap. xii. Bernon lost no time in submitting his creden- 
1688. t ^ a ^ s f rom Robert Thompson to Dudley and 
Stoughton, and in obtaining a confirmation of 
the grant that had been made to him of a tract 
of twenty-five hundred acres of land in Oxford. 
A few weeks later, the little village in the Nio- 
muck country was thrown into great commo- 
tion by the arrival of two courtly personages. 
The one was the wealthy and enterprising Hu- 
guenot, to whom the inhabitants were eagerly 
looking for the further encouragement of their 
plantation. The other was the Chief Justice of 
the province of Massachusetts, and President of 
the Provincial Council ; one of the proprietors 
of the Oxford lands, and in fact the sole mana- 

investi- § er °f tne whole enterprise. Dudley had been 
ture "pleased to accompany" his new friend to the 

and twig, settlement, "to put" him " in possession of the 
said twenty-five hundred Acres of land." The 
transfer was doubtless made with all formality, 
The old English custom of investiture "by turf 
and twig" was sometimes observed by the Amer- 
ican colonists in the conveyance of lands; and it 
was in this manner, doubtless, that Bernon was 
"put in possession" of his Oxford grant. 
Imagination readily pictures the scene that may 
have been witnessed by the villagers on this 
occasion. The parties met in some central spot 

end before April 26th, 1688, when he signed a contract -with 
Pierre Cornilly. — (Bernon Papers.) It is also certain that 
he"ship'd himself " and his associates with " Capt. Foye 
and Captain Ware," (ibid.,) the former of whom, as we learn 
from Sewall, arrived in Boston on the fifth of July. 


within the tract to be conveyed; and the pro- chap, xn 
prietor delivered to the grantee a piece of sod x ^ 
cut from the ground, and a branch from one of 
the overhanging trees ; at the same time bidding 
all present take notice, that he put the receiver 
in full and peaceable possession. 

The parties to this transaction were men of 
no common mould. Both were in the prime of 
life ; the Englishman being three years younger 
than the Frenchman. 

Joseph Dudley was one of the most accom- 
plished men of his time. " Of noble aspect, and 
a graceful mien," his affability won for him the 
esteem and regard of persons in all conditions 
of life. The son of a governor of Massachu- 
setts, he entered in early manhood upon a 
brilliant career, which was to end in the hisfh 
position his father had occupied before him. 
That he was crafty and selfish, could scarcely be 
concealed from his cotemporaries ; yet his en- 
gaging manners, and his extraordinary abilities, 
enabled him to conciliate opponents, and to 
overcome well-founded prejudices. Few public 
men in America have been more trusted ; and 
few, who have betrayed the people's trust, have 
succeeded so well in recovering popular confi- 
dence. It was like him, to employ his rare 
powers of address in gaining Bernon's friend- 
ship, and to spare himself no pains for the pur- 
pose of attaching to himself one who might 
prove useful to him in the future. Of Dudley, 
it has been said that he was " not true, even to 


chap. xii. Gabriel Bernon is represented by a tradition 
77a singularly direct and vivid, as a person of com- 
manding appearance and courtly bearing. Tall, 
slender, erect, he joined the vivacity of his race 
with the thouoditfulness that marked the men of 
his creed. The descendant of the princely house 
of Burgundy was not surpassed in affability by 
the provincial dignitary in whose presence he 
stood ; but in Bernon, a genuine kindliness con- 
sisted with a quick temper, that betrayed itself 
in a certain imperiousness of manner, from 
which the politic and designing statesman was 
doubtless free. Resenting injury and injustice, 
he was vehement and pertinacious in his attach- 
ments ; and there is no evidence that a shadow 
of distrust rested at any subsequent time upon 
the friendship he had conceived for Dudley. 1 
The sanguine, guileless spirit of the one must 
have shown itself, in striking contrast with the 
composure of the other, as Bernon received 
from the representative of the proprietors of 
these lands in the wilderness the tokens of his 
investiture. Already he saw himself the "seig- 
neur " of a little domain, overlooking the village 
founded by his fellow-refugees in this new and 
free country ; the growth and prosperity of which 
he micfht watch from Boston, and whither he 
might at times resort, as formerly from La 
Rochelle to La Bernoniere in Poitou, or to 

1 Twenty-two years later, he wrote : "J'ay sacrifie tous 
mes interets pour m'attacher aux votres, avec toute la pas- 
sion d'une veritable affection." (Bernon to Dudley, March 
i, 1 710. — Bernon Papers.) 



Bernonville on the isle of Re. Little did he cha^xii. 
then imagine the fate of that settlement in the l688 _ 
forest of Massachusetts, or dream that twenty- i6 
eight years would elapse before this English 
friend would give him the title-deeds of the 
property conveyed to him with so much for- 
mality on that summer's day. 

Bernon brought with him to Oxford a portion, 
at least, of the company of "above forty per- 
sons" who had accompanied him from England. 
His visit gave a strong impulse to the progress 
of the settlement. By the terms of his deed 
from the proprietors, he had bound himself to 
build a srist-mill for the use of the inhabitants, 
and maintain it at his own cost and charges. 
This eneaeement was fulfilled ; and soon the 
brawline stream on the eastern side of the 
village plot was busily at work, driving not only 
a grist-mill, but also a saw-mill, nearly as indis- 
pensable to the comfort of the settlers. Now 
too, the little community was provided with a 
house of worship. Pasteur Bondet's "great 
house " was no longer sufficient to accommodate 
the flock, augmented by the late arrivals ; and 
a "temple" was built, a little way out of the 
village, on the road to the fort. Near by was 
the burying ground, soon to be occupied by the 
first victims of savage barbarity. 

The fort was an invariable feature of a New J he 
England frontier town. Its erection did not 
imply any apprehension of immediate attack, 
but was regarded as a suitable precaution, even 
when no special reason existed for doubting the 


Chap.xn. friendliness of the natives. In Oxford, this con- 
1688- struction was probably performed at Bernon's 
6 expense, soon after the arrival of Du Tuffeau. 

The fort was built upon an eminence overlook- 
ing- the village and the whole valley. It was an 
inclosure of considerable size ; and within the 
space thus protected, there was a house, with 
a cellar containing a well. 1 

1 "The removal this summer (18S4) of the huge mass of 
stones from the surrounding farm, heaped on the site of the 
fort during the last two centuries, has led to the discovery 
of its original features and proportions. It is now shown to 
have been a substantial structure, scientifically planned, and 
strongly built ; its main walls evidently of stone three feet 
thick, and about four feet high, surmounted, no doubt, by 
heavy loop-holed logs. It was a complete quadrangular 
fort of two bastions, with a fire flanking every face ; while 
the main bastion, at the southwest angle, more boldly devel- 
oped than that at the northeast, alio enfiladed an outer 
breastwork and ditch, extending westerly from it for a dis- 
tance of six rods. This breastwork was clearly the south 
line of a large stockade, palisaded on its other sides, but 
having here a wall and ditch like that of the main work. It 
protected the main approach to the fort on the west side, as 
well as the cattle and the chattels which were too bulky to 
be brought within the fort itself. There are also indications 
of an opening in the eastern wall, for access to a similar 
stockade on that side. A sally-port, in the face of the work, 
opened out under cover of the ditch, just east of the main 
bastion ; while a drive-way, wide enough for carts, was made 
through the wall on the west side — these openings having 
revetment walls, and being protected, no doubt, by stockade 
gates. The drive-way appears to have extended down the 
hill, through the valley, to the village on the banks of the 
stream below ; and traces of a cart path are still visible, 
along an upper portion of the hill less cultivated than the 
richer land immediately around the fort. By the wa,ll on 
the west side, not far from the drive-way, are broad stones, 
said to have been steps for a pass-way over the wall to and 
from the houses in the valley, for those who went on foot. 
The well is near the middle of the east face of the fort, and 

THE FORT. 265 

By the end of the second year, the more press- ciiap.xn. 
ing labors of the settlement were over. Twenty- l6 

is serviceable to this day. At a little distance was the water- 
ing trough, for stock, the stone foundations of which remain. 
Near the northeast corner of the fort, where the ground 
begins to slope away to the north, is a walled sink, about 
three feet deep. On the south side of the drive-way, within 
the fort, was a heavy wall, extending from the west wall up 
to the block-house, which formed a strong inner line of 

" The main block- house was thirty feet long and eighteen 
feet wide, with a double-walled cellar twenty-four feet long 
by twelve feet wide, and about six feet deep. The inner 
wall supported the floor beams ; the outer wall, three feet 
from this, was made of heavy boulders, on a foundation 
about three feet deep, and supported the logs forming the 
walls of the house. — That the cellar was originally well 
built, is clear ; for after two days' work in digging a long 
drain to protect its walls from future dilapidation, the work- 
men came upon the top of a covered stone drain, full seventy 
feet long, extending the whole length of their trench, con- 
structed when the fort was built, and most of it still in good 
condition, though choked at the upper end where exposed 
to the rains and frosts of nearly two hundred years. 

" The main fireplace was in the middle of the north side 
of the house. It was nearly ten feet wide at the opening of 
the jambs, and admitting logs eight feet long at the back. 
The broad foundation (one hundred square feet) supporting 
it and its chimney, almost wholly outside the house, gave 
ample room for these huge logs and for an oven besides. A 
smaller fireplace was on the opposite side. Attached to the 
main house was an annex sixteen feet long by fourteen feet 
wide, without a cellar ; but in its northwest corner, a flight 
of stone steps led to the cellar of the main house. On 
clearing out the debris and rubbish at this point, three or 
four of the original benches, or offsets cut in the hard earth, 
for laying the steps when the cellar was built, were found as 
distinct as if just made. On the east side was a wide foun- 
dation (of over fifty square feet) for a fireplace and chimney, 
extending five feet back from the house ; the chimney being 
used in common for this and for the adjoining fireplace in the 
main house. These two fireplaces were of the ordinary size 
at that day, about two feet deep and five feet wide between 
the jambs, and made for sticks of wood four feet in length. 
On all these spots where once the hearthstones lay were 


chap. xii. five or thirty families were clustered together, 
1690. in a compact though irregular village. They 
had received their allotments of fifty to a hundred 
acres of land, in the " great plain " along the 
river, and in the upland meadows ; but their 
social instincts drew them together, after the 
French custom, in close proximity. The sites 
of " the French houses " are still pointed out by 
the inhabitants of Oxford, in a locality a mile 
and a half southeast of the present centre of the 
village. Here, and in the immediate neighbor- 
hood, were the homes of Sigourney, Bureau, 
Cassaneau, Johonnot, Alard, Johnson, Baudrit, 
Elieand Jean Dupeu, Germon, Barbut, Grignon, 
Martin, Canton, Baudouin, Montier, Mousset, 
Depont, Cornilly, Mourgue, Thibaud, Maillet, 
Millet, Du TufTeau, Montel, Cante, Boutineau, 

found the ashes of their ancient fires. In the rear of the 
annex, and doubtless opening into it, was a separate log- 
house twelve feet square on an independent foundation. 
This was nearly in the centre of the fort, and was used, it 
would seem, for arms and stores. Beneath it was an under- 
ground chamber, about six feet wide and five feet deep, 
walled in a circular form, which was evidently the magazine. 
In the crevices of the walls were found grains and nodules 
of powder, or the charcoal of which it is composed, resem- 
bling powder that has been long water-soaked. We may 
well regret that so many of the select and shapely corner- 
stones of the structure have been taken for cellars and walls 
of the farm ; but its heavy foundations still remain. Even 
the neglect which, for so many years, heaped it with rubbish, 
protected the clear lines and evidences of its inner structure, 
until the time should come when the descendants of its 
original builders might be ready to preserve, with jealous care, 
the many vestiges that yet subsist and clearly show that 
the fort was fitted for a habitation of refuge as well as for 
a stronghold of defense." — (Communicated by William D. 
Ely, Esq., Providence, Rhode Island.) 


Bourdille ; and a little further off, on " Bondet chap. xii. 
hill," was the " great house" of the pastor. I Z Q> 

Andre Sigourney and his wife Charlotte 
Pairan, 1 with their children, three boys and two 
girls, occupied one of these homes. Four of the 
children, with a cousin, had accompanied the par- 
ents in their flight from France in the winter of 
the year 1681. The youngest child, Barthelemy, 
was born in London, and baptized in the French 
Church in Threadneedle street, on the sixteenth 
of April, 1682. The eldest daughter Susanne 
soon won the affections of the young English 
yeoman John Johnson, and upon the expiration 
of his engagement with Du Tuffeau, they were 
married. Andre Sigourney was a leading mem- 
ber of the Oxford community. In 1694, he was 
Constable of "the French Plantation." The 
office was one of dignity and influence, and his 
appointment to it showed in what consideration 
he was held. 

Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau was the village 
magistrate, as well as Bernon's factor. The 
General Court, meeting in Boston on the twenty- 
first day of June, 1689, appointed him to be 
"Commissioner for the Towne of New Oxford," 
and to " have Authority for Tryall of small 
Causes not exceeding forty shillings, and to act 
in all other matters as any other Assistant may 
doe, as the Lawes of this Colony direct." 

Francois Bureau belonged to a noble family 
of La Rochelle. His brother Thomas was now 
one of the principal French merchants in Lon- 

1 See volume I., pages 282, 324, 325. 


chap. xii. don, and belonged to the committee intrusted 
1690 w * tn tne distribution of the Royal Bounty 
among his fellow-refugees. The Oxford settler 
had brought with him his wife Anne, two daugh- 
ters, and two sons. The elder daughter, we have 
seen, was destined to be the wife of Benjamin 
Faneuil, and the mother of Peter Faneuil, of 

Jean Germon, or Germaine, was a native of 
La Tremblade, in the province of Saintonge. 
The name of Charles Germon also occurs in 
the list of the Oxford settlers. Jean was the 
father of Margaret Germaine, who married Paix 
Cassaneau, soon after her coming to Oxford. A 
younger daughter, Mary Germaine, several years 
later became the wife of Andre, son of Andre 

Paix Cassaneau, or Cazneau, was from Lan- 
guedoc. His house, formerly that of Du 
Tuffeau, stood near the dwelling of Johnson, the 
scene of the Indian massacre. 

Daniel Johonnot, a youth of twenty, came to 
Oxford with his uncle Andre Sigourney. Some 
years after the massacre, he married his cousin 
Susanne Johnson. 

Elie Dupeux, seaman, from Port des Barques, 
on the coast of Saintonge, had fled to England 
in 1 68 1. He and his wife Elisabeth, with their 
four children, occupied one of the " French 
houses" in Oxford. 

Jean Martin, and his wife Anne, were hard- 
working peasants from Saintonge. Two chil- 
dren, Jean and Francois", were born to them in 
New Oxford. 


Rene Grignon, Guillaume Barbut, Thomas chap.xn. 
Mousset, and Jean Millet, were connected for a 1690. 
time with the colony. When it broke up they 
removed to Boston, where they became Elders 
in the French Church. Gnomon retained his 
interest in the plantation, and at a later day 
returned to it, as we shall see. 

Jean Baudouin was the elder of Pierre Bow- 
doin's two sons. From Oxford he returned to 
Boston, but went afterwards to Virginia, where 
his descendants are still to be traced. 

Jacques Depont was a nephew of Gabriel 
Bernon. From Oxford he went to Connecticut, 
and died there about the year 1 702. 

Pierre Cante, or Canton, 1 was the miller and 

Cornilly, Mourgue, Butt, and Thibaud, were 
like Johnson engaged in Bernon's service for the 
first two or three years ; but there is no evidence 
that like him they became permanent settlers. 

Old and young, the Oxford community may 
have numbered seventy or eighty persons. The 
foundations had been laid, and there was reason 
to expect that this inland settlement would grow 
rapidly, receiving numerous accessions of refu- 
gees seeking a country home. Though remote 
from Boston, the spot was not entirely isolated. 
Woodstock, ten miles away toward the southwest, 
was plainly visible from the site of the Oxford 

1 The person whose name occurs in both these forms, is 
to be distinguished from Peter Canton of Boston, who was 
engaged, at this very time, in partnership with Bernon, in 
the making of rosin. — (Bernon Papers.) 







n n c c 

1 c 11 






•— ' 
















fort ; and the two places were in constant com- chap.xii. 
munication. Nothing appeared to threaten the 1600. 
tranquillity of the peaceful village, unless it might 
be the proximity of some of the once dreaded 
Indians. But on this score, the apprehensions 
of the French had from the first been com- 
pletely set at rest. " There is no cause whatever 
for fear," wrote the refugee in Boston, in 1687, 
" with reference to the savages ; for they are 
very few in number. Their last wars with the 
English, twelve years ago, reduced them to a 
mere handful, and consequently they are in no 
condition to defend themselves." 

Indeed, this impression was confirmed upon 
actual acquaintance with the Indian. The Nip- 
mucks were an inferior tribe, tributary, at the 
time when the English first came into the coun- 
try, to the more powerful Pokanokets. They 
were now spiritless and inoffensive. The French 
could scarcely credit the stories told them of 
the ferocity and treachery of these very people, 
when, roused by Philip, they had joined the 
Pokanokets in attacking one English settlement 
after another, butchering men, women and 
children, and devastating their plantations. 
These drowsy and docile inhabitants of the 
forest, who brought them supplies of fish and 
game and maize, seemed incapable of such deeds. 

Not many months passed, however, before the 
settlers found occasion to revise their opinion of 
the Indian's gentleness. The rum traffic, the 
baneful source of mischief to the red man, had 
been opened in their neighborhood ; and 


chap. xii. unscrupulous traders were dealing out the fiery 
i6qi P°i son to the Nipmucks with impunity. Pasteur 
Bondet, whose duties as missionary to the 
Indians brought him into frequent communica- 
Jul y tion with them, wrote to some person in author- 
ity—probably Dudley- — with reference to this 
abuse. The occasion of his complaint, he rep- 
resents as one that fills his heart with sorrow 
and his life with trouble ; " but my humble 
request," he says, " will be at least before God 
and before you a solemn protestation against 
the guilt of those incorrigible persons who dwell 
Pasteur m our pl ace - The rome (rum) is always sold 
Bondet's to the Indians without order and measure, inso- 
piaint. mucn that according to the complaint sent to 
me by master Dickestean with advice to present 
it to your honour, the 26 of the last month there 
was about twenti indians so furious by drunk- 
eness that they fought like bears and fell upon 
one called Remes who is appointed for preach- 
ing the Gospel amongst them. He had been so 
much disfigured by his wonds (wounds) that 
there is no hope of his recovery." The good 
pasteur beseeches the person addressed to sig- 
nify to the instruments of this evil his disap- 
proval, and assures him that by thus interposing 
he will do great good, " maintaining the honor 
of God in a Christian habitation," and " con- 
torting some honest souls which being incom- 
patible with such abominations feel every day 
the burden of affliction of their honorable 
peregrination aggravated." 1 

1 Memoir of the French Protestants, who settled at Oxford, 


It does not appear that Dudley exerted him- chap.xn. 
self to redress this abuse. The selectmen of l6g2 
Woodstock, in the following February, made a 
similar complaint to the General Court ; and 
eight years later, the inhabitants of Oxford peti- 
tioned Governor Bellomont to put a stop to the 
selling- of rum to the Indians. But in the seven- 
teenth century, as in the nineteenth, the Indian 
trader was irrepressible, and continued, in spite 
of every effort, to represent to the heathen 
natives the worst side of that civilization, whose 
blessings good men sought to spread among 

Massachusetts, A.D. 1686. By A. Holmes, D.D., Corres- 
ponding Secretary. (In the Collections of the Mass. His- 
torical Society, vol. II. of the third series. Pp. 1-83.) 
Appendix, D. 

Two years later, the evil of which Bondet complained 
continued unabated, and the person guilty of promoting it 
by the sale of intoxicating drink to the savages, appears 
from the following statement to have been one of the French 
settlers themselves. 

" Andre Sigourney aged of about fifty years doe afhrme 
that the 28 day of nouemb 1 " last past he was with all the 
others of the village in the mill for to take the rum in the 
hands of Peter Canton and when they asked him way 
(why) hee doe abuse soe the Indiens in seleing them 
liquor to the great shame and dangers of all the company 
hee s d Canton answered that itt was his will and that hee 
hath right soe to doe and asking him further if itt was noe 
him how (who) make soe many Indiens drunk he did answer 
that hee had sell to one Indien and one squa the valew of 
four gills and that itt is all upon w ch (which) one of the com- 
pany named Ellias Dupeux told him that hee have meet an 
Indien drunk w ch have get a bott(le) fooll (full) and said 
that itt was to the mill how sell itt he answered that itt may 
bee trueth. Andre Sigournay." 

"Boston, Dec. 5, 1693." 

(The original is in the possession of the Hon. Peter 
Butler, Quincy, Mass.) 


Chap. xii. "YIiq " honorable peregrination " of our pious 
1694. refugees was soon to be afflicted with troubles 
more grave than the uproar of drunken Indians 
in their nightly revels and contentions. As yet, 
they had found no reason to apprehend personal 
violence from their savage neighbors. The 
children of the settlement were permitted to 
wander at will in the surrounding forest, gather- 
ing nuts and berries, as fearless of the red man 
as of the deer that bounded past them, and even 
venturing nigh to some wigwam, the dusky 
inmates of which had always a welcome for the 
little pale-faces. But in the summer of the year 
1694, an event occurred, that changed this 
happy confidence into alarm and insecurity. A 
of daughter of one of the French settlers, Alard, 
Aiard's w {th two younp-er children of the family, left her 

children. , 11 -n 1 

home near the lower mill, one day, to return no 
more. Search was made, and the body of the 
young girl was discovered in the woods, cruelly 
murdered. The children were not to be found. 
Months must have elapsed, before the heart- 
broken parents learned that they had been kid- 
napped by a roving band of Indians Irom 
Canada, and carried off to Quebec. 1 

1 " La fille du s r Alord fut tuee et les deux enfans d'Alord 
faits prisonniers et mene a Quebec. — "(Bernon Papers.) 
The abbe Tanguay, Dictionuaire genealogique des families 
canadiennes depuis 1608 jusqu' a 1700, gives under the head 
" Anglais " a list of persons taken as prisoners, during the 
wars between New France and New England, in the seven- 
teenth century. The Christian names of some twenty chil- 
dren occur. The following entries are illustrative of the inci- 
dent related above: " Jean-Baptiste, ne en 1683, pies 


Other alarms followed this unhappy occur- ctap.xn. 
rence. "The Indians," wrote Andrew Sigour- l6 . 
ney, constable of the French Plantation, "have „ v 

Jf m ' October 

appeared several times this summer. We were 16. 
forced to garrison ourselves for three months 
together .... so that all our summer harvest 
of hay and corn hath gone to ruin," destroyed 
" by the beasts and cattle." Shut up in their 
fort, the affrighted settlers heard from time to 
time of the incursions of the Canadian French 
and Indians upon the English villages and 
isolated farms near Portsmouth and Groton ; 
how parties of savages, accompanied by Jesuit Humors 
missionaries, had butchered and scalped whole „ of 


families, surprised at midnight in their peaceful Atrocities, 
habitations, or had carried off numbers of 
prisoners, to run the gauntlet, or to be slowly 
tortured, for the entertainment of their squaws 
at home. Not without reason did our Hueue- 
nots apprehend such an attack upon their own 
settlement. For the very party that fell upon 
the village of Oyster River — now Durham — 
near Portsmouth, had deliberated whether to 
strike the blow there, or to make for the places 
west of Boston. It was not to be supposed 
that the little colony of Protestant refugees at 
Oxford had escaped the notice of the Canadian 
leaders, who were well informed as to the condi- 

Boston ; baptise 10 avril, 1700, Ste. Anne. II avait ete fait 
prisonnier de guerre par les sauvages de l'Acadie." " Louis, 
ne en 1685, pres Boston, pris par les 'sauvages, vendu, en 
1693, a Etienne Veau, et baptise 10 avril, 1700, a Ste. 



Chap. xii. tion of the New England settlements, and were 
1604 unlikely to overlook a plantation commenced by 
the hated "renegades" from France. 

So soon as they thought it safe to leave the 
shelter of their fort, several of the refugees 
made their preparations to depart from Oxford. 
Du Tuffeau, Bernon's agent, had already set the 
example of defection. Called to account for 
gross mismanagement of interests committed to 
him, he had sold off the stock and furniture of 
Bernon's plantation, and abandoned the place. 
A more serious loss was that of the presence of 
Bondet, the pastor of the colony. In the 
autumn or winter of the following year, Bondet 
left Oxford, and went to Boston, carrying with 
him " all the books which had been given for 
the use of the plantation, with the acts and 
papers of the village." It is to be presumed 
that these documents had been deposited with 
him for greater security, and that they were 
removed under the impression that the settle- 
ment was doomed to speedy dispersion. 

This catastrophe, however, did not occur 
until late in the summer of the next year. The 
savage raids from Canada, instigated, and some- 
times conducted, by Jesuit missionaries, con- 
tinued to disturb the peace of New En- 

With the spring of 1696, these attacks, sus- 
pended during the winter, were resumed. Most 
frequently they were directed against the scat- 
tered English settlements at the east. But the 
leaders of the barbarous warfare wanted only 


an opportunity to carry it into more distant chap.xn. 
inland places ; and such an opportunity they l6 6 
found at Oxford. Not far from Oxford, in the 
village of the Wapaquassets, a clan of the Nip- 
muck tribe, near New Roxbury or Woodstock, 
lived an Indian, known to the English as Toby, 
who was distinguished amonsj his more slueeish 
and pacific people for a restless, scheming dis- 
position. Wapaquasset was one of the " praying 
towns" that had been established under Eliot's 
missionary labors ; and it was one of the few June, 
places visited with deserved punishment by the 16,e * 
English, after Philip's war, because of the part 
taken by the faithless Nipmucks in that conflict. 
The spirit of the tribe seemed to be completely 
broken by their defeat. Toby alone retained 
an inextinguishable hatred of the white man, 
intensified, possibly, by a thirst for revenge on 
account of some personal grievance. 

Twenty years have passed since the close of 
Philip's war, and Toby is now a "great man or 
captain" among the Nipmuck Indians. Belong- 
ing to a tribe so apathetic and insignificant, he 
is the fitter agent for the service of that distant 
enemy who is watching the New England settle- 
ments with keen and merciless eyes. The gov- 
ernor of Canada, and his "cunning men" the 
Jesuits,- have no more trusty and eager servant 
than Toby the Indian. Little do the Oxford 
planters dream that a foe so ferocious lurks 
among the listless and indolent Indians in the 
neighboring village. 

It was toward evening, on Tuesday, the twenty- 


Chap. xii. fifth of August, 1696, that a band of savages, 
l6 6 led by Toby, approached the " French houses" 
. at New Oxford. The dwelling of Tohn Tohn- 

August . 

23. son, the husband of Susanne Sigourney, stood 
a little apart from the other habitations, on a 
level spot that has been known ever since as 
Johnson's plain. Situated near the "great 
trail " that led to Woodstock, it was open for 
the accommodation of the few travelers who 
passed that way. Entering this house — so 
the vivid local tradition states with minute 
exactness — the Indians seized Johnson's three 
little children, Andre, Pierre, and Marie, and 

Murder killed them by crushing their heads against the 

of the stones of the fireplace. 1 

family 11 The father was absent from home, having gone 
to Woodstock that day upon some errand. The 
terrified, half-crazed mother made her escape, 
with the help of her cousin Daniel Johonnot, and 
fled in the direction of Woodstock, hoping per- 
haps to meet her husband. But the Woodstock 
trail divided, beyond a certain point, into two 
distinct paths. The fugitives took the one, and 
missed meeting the husband, who was returning 
to Oxford by the other. Unwarned of the dan- 
ger, Johnson reached his home, to be stricken 

1 " Casser des testes a la surprise apres s'estre divises 
en plusieurs bandes de quatre 011 cinq," was one of the 
methods pursued by the savages in this war upon the New 
England settlements. So writes a French officer in command 
of the Indians, and he adds, "ce que ne peut manquer de 
faire un bon effect." — (Count Frontenac and New France 
under Louis XIV. By'Francis Parkman. P. 367.) 


down upon its threshold by the savage mur- chap.xii. 
derers of his children. 1 l( 3 9 6. 

The peculiar atrocity of this massacre pro- 
duced a deep and an abiding impression in New 
E no-land. A band of twelve soldiers from Wor- 
cester, accompanied by thirty-eight friendly 
Indians, hastened to the protection of the " front- 
ier towns " of Oxford and Woodstock, both of 
which seemed to be threatened with destruction. 
The woods around these localities were ranged 
for days, and some fresh tracks were found " at 
a place called Half-way river," north of the 
French settlement. Captain Daniel Fitch, the 
leader of the expedition, made report to Lieuten- 
ant-governor Stoughton, and asked for a supply 
of provisions and ammunition, in order that the 
search might be pursued. 2 It does not appear 
that any clue to the perpetrators of the crime 
was discovered. But the event was not soon T 


forgotten. Years after, Governor Winthrop, of 29, 
Connecticut, in a correspondence with Governor 
Bellomont, of New York, referred to it as an 
occurrence well-remembered ; 3 and the friendly 
Moheofans w ho met in council at New London 
spoke of Toby as the Indian "that had a hand 

1 Historical Address delivered at the Dedication of Me- 
morial Hall, Oxford, Mass., Nov. 19, 1873. By Hon. Peter 
B. Olney. Pp. 23, 24. — The Huguenots in the Nipmuck 
Country, or, Oxford Prior to 1713. By George F. Daniels. 
Pp. 83, 84. 

2 History of Worcester, Massachusetts, from its earliest 
settlement to September, 1836. By William Lincoln. Wor- 
cester, 1862. P. 37. 

3 " One Toby . . . the principal instigator . . . who had 
a particular hand in killing one Johnson." 




Chap.xn. in the killing of one Johnson." 1 Toby was a 
marked man, and felt himself to be such. From 
that time, " leaving his residence," he " is some- 
times privately among his relations at Wood- 
stock, and at hunting houses in the wilderness." 2 
But his activity in the service of the Canadian 
enemy is greater than ever. At one time, he 
appears at a meeting of the Canada Mohawks 
with their brethren among the Five Nations, 
and tells them if they will " but draw off the 
friend Indians from the English," they can 
"easily destroy" the New England settlements. 
At another time, he is in Norwich, Connecticut, 
bearing a belt of wampum to the loyal tribes, 
inviting them to join in a general uprising. 3 As 

1 " An Indian, whose name is Toby, formerly belonging to 
the Indians that live at New Roxbury, and who had a hand 
in the killing of one Johnson near the same town in the last 
war with the Indians." 

2 Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State 
of New York. Vol. IV., pp. 612-620. 

3 " The Information of Black James taken from his own 
mouth on Feb 1- the i st 1699-1700. That he being in the 
woods a hunting came to a place near Massomuck to a great 
Wigwam of five fire places and eleaven hunting Indians ; he 
went into the Wigwam towards one end of it, and saw an 
Indian w ch seemed to hide himself, he turned himself towards 
the other end of the Wigwam, and met there a man called 
Cawgatwo, a Wabaquasset Indian, and he asked if he saw 
any strange Indians there ; he said I saw one I did not 
know ; then Toby came to him, and another stranger and 
Cawgatwo told him that was Toby ; he said he would go 
away to-morrow, they bid him not go away, for to-mor- 
row they should discourse ; the next morning they went out 
and called this James and bid him come and see the Wam- 
pom they had gathered ; he asked what that Warn pom was 
for, they said it was Mohawks Wampom ; the Dutchman 
had told them that the English had ordered to cut off all 
Indians, and they had the same news from the french, and 


he skulks past the abandoned plantation at chap.xn. 
Oxford, on these secret missions, the savage !6o6. 
marks with satisfaction the spot where he dealt 
the blow that drove the French "renegades" 
back to Boston. 

For the breaking up of the settlement fol- 
lowed immediately upon the massacre. Hope- 
less of a secure establishment in the wilds of 
Massachusetts, several of the returning families 
decided to remain in Boston, where they were 
generously aided by their brethren of the French 
Church. Of this number were Sigourney, 
Johonnot, Germon, Baudouin, Cassaneau, Bou- 
tineau, Grignon, Barbut, Maillet, Dupeu, Mon- 
tier, Canton, and Mousset. Depont went to 
Milford, in Connecticut ; Bureau and Montel to 
the city of New York ; while pasteur Bondet, 
after a stay of some months in Boston, proceeded, 
like Du Tuffeau and Martin, to New Rochelle, 
in the province of New York, where he became 
the minister of the French Church of that place. 

Three years later, a second experiment was 
made at Oxford. In the spring of 1699, the 
eight or ten families that had retired to Boston 
went back, assisted by their friends in that city, 
and took possession again of their houses and 

therefore we are gathering and sending Wampom to all 
Indians, that we may agree to cutt off the English ; and 
Cawgatwo told this James that Toby brought that Wampom 
and that news from the Mohawks ; then he went home and 
told this own company, and desired them to send word to 
the Mohawks and Nihanticks of this news." — (Information 
respecting a rumored Rising of the Indians. Documents, 
etc., vol. IV., pp. 613-616.) 


chap. xii. farms. An interval of tranquillity had lulled 
1697. their fears. The Indians were peaceable. Since 
the treaty of Ryswick, no serious inroad from 
Canada had occurred in Massachusetts, and the 
efforts to stir up the New England tribes to mis- 
chief had to all appearance ceased. In the 
neighboring Indian village of Wapaquasset, all 
was quiet. 

Sigourney and his associates were accompanied 
on their return to Oxford by a French minister 
lately arrived from England. This was Jacques 
Laborie, a native of Cardaillac, in the province 
of Guyenne, who had been officiating for several 
years in certain of the French churches in Lon- 
don. Laborie had ingratiated himself with Lord 
Bellomont, the new governor, who procured for 
Laborie. ^' im a Y ear ly stipend of thirty pounds, out of the 
Corporation money, together with a commission 
to labor among the Indians near New Oxford. 
He brought with him his wife, Jeanne de Res- 
siguier, and his little daughter Susanne. His 
commission to teach the Indians was given by 
the officers of the Corporation for promoting the 
Gospel in New England ; and it commended to 
his " pastoral care y e Indians belonging to y e Plan- 
tation of Kekamoochuk, near adjacent to y e Town 
of New Oxford," where he was to be " settled in 
y e work of y e ministry." 

This attempt to revive the Oxford settlement 
had a warm supporter in Gabriel Bernon. In- 
deed, it seems not unlikely that the scheme may 
have been formed at his instigation, and in 
furtherance of his projects. Bernon was now in 


Newport, Rhode Island, having left Boston chap^xn. 
more than a year previous to the return of the l6g9 
French families to their plantation. He had not 
lost sieht of his interests there, which were seri- 
ously endangered by the abandonment of the 
place. He had laid out a considerable sum in 
the improvement of his own lands, and in pro- 
moting the general good ; and moreover, his 
grant from the proprietors contained a proviso, 
that these lands should revert to them in case of 
desertion or relinquishment. He made every 
effort to persuade the settlers to remain and 
defend the town, even after the massacre, keep- 
ing his own fortified house in proper condition 
for their protection, and ultimately abandoning 
his property there only because his efforts were 
not seconded by them. A certificate to this effect 
was signed by the settlers, shortly after their 
return to Boston, the unfortunate Johnson's 
widow uniting with the others in testifying to 
Bernon's expenditure and exertions in behalf of 
the settlement. 

From Newport, Oxford was more accessible 
though more distant than from Boston, inas- 
much as there was communication by water 
with Providence, leaving a journey of only 
thirty or thirty-five miles by land. Bernon now 
found a new use for his property near the French 
village ; and in partnership with Rene Grignon, 
one of the returned colonists, and Jean Papineau, 
he set up a " chamoiserie," or wash-leather 
manufactory, at Oxford, on the mill stream that 
flowed through his plantation. 1 The enterprise 


Chap. xii. promised to be advantageous to the little com- 
I700 munity. It gave employment to the young 
men of the settlement, in shooting and trap- 
ping the smaller and the larger game that 
abounded in the neighboring forest ; and from 
time to time, wagon loads of dressed skins were 
sent down to Providence, to be shipped to 
Bernon, for the supply of the French hatters 
and glovers, Signac and Baudouin in Boston, 
and Julien in Newport. 

But it was not lon«- before the disturbing 
causes that had led to the breaking up of the 
earlier colony began to make their appearance 
in Oxford. The Huguenots are scarcely settled 
down in their old homes, when they find that 
the rum traffic is again under way. One John 
Ingall, a trader, has established himself in the 
place, and is selling drink "without measure" to 
the Indians. Not only this, but he buys up all 
the meat they bring into the town, and "goes 
and sells it " in other villages, thus preventing 
the inhabitants from securing any provisions 
against the coming winter. Laborie, in the 
name of his fellow-townsmen, petitions the 
Governor and Council to put a stop to these 
proceedings. Soon, also, there are fresh reports 
of uneasiness among the natives of Wapaquas- 
set. They are preparing to leave their habita- 
tions, and join the Pennacook tribe in the 

1 Grignon and Papineau were doubtless skilled in this 
branch of industry, as others of the refugees were. Two of 
the settlers in South Carolina are designated as " shammy- 


forests of New Hampshire. Laborie, who goes chap - XIL 
among them to preach to them in their own 17°°- 
tongue, vainly seeks to persuade them to remain. 
Urged to give their reasons for removing, they 12. 
complain that everybody deceives them ; but 
when pressed further, they add that the religion 
of the Pennakook Indians is finer than ours ; 
that the French give them crosses of silver to 
hang around their necks, and that great promises 
have been made them if they will go thither. 
" From all they say," writes Laborie, " I see that 
the priests are vigorously at work, and are 
maturing some scheme which they will develop 
when a favorable opportunity shall present 
itself." ■ 

'"A new Oxford, ce 17 Juin 1700. Monseigneur 
Lorsque j'eus l'honneur d'ecrire a Votre Excellence, je ne 
luy envoyay pas le certificat de nos habitents sur le sujet 
de Mons 1 ' Bondet, parce qu'ils n' etoient pas tous icy : Je 
l'ay enfin retire et l'envoye a Votre Excellence. Au sujet 
de nos Indiens je me sens oblige d' avertir Votre Excellence 
que les quatre qui etoient revenus non obstant toutes les pro- 
testations qu'ils me firent a. leur arrivee, leurretour n'a eu d' 
autre but que d' engager ceux qui avoient ete fidelles a s'en 
aller avec eux, de sorte qu'ils en ont gagne la plus part, et par- 
tent aujourd'hui pour Penikook [Pennacook, now Concord, 
N. H.,] au nombre de vint cinq hommes et femmes ou 
enfans. Je leur prechay hier en leur propre Langue et les 
exhortay aussy fortement qu'il me fut possible a rester ; mais 
inutillement. lis me dirent pour raison que les habitans 
de Newroxbury les troubloient Incessament, que tous le 
monde les trompoit, mais ces raisons ne me satisfaisant pas, 
je voulus en avoir quelque autre. lis me dirent en suite, 
que la religion des Indiens de Penikook etoit plus belle que 
la notre, que les francois leur donnoient des croix d'argent a 
metre au col. Je fis tout ce que je peus pour leur faire voir 
le contraire. lis ajouterent qu'on leur faisoit de grandes 
promesses c'ans ce pays la, an lieu qu'icy lis avoient un Roy 


chap. xii. It was indeed true that Canadian emissaries 
I7 oo. had resumed their machinations, seeking to pro- 
duce discontent and disaffection amonsj the 
tribes friendly to the English. The scheme to 
cut off the settlers had its abettors in the vil- 
lage of the Wapaquassets. Toby, the Indian, 
was still lurking in their wigwams. Nanaqua- 
bin, " a principal Indian' 1 among them, "liked 
the designe very well." Cawgatwo, another 
Wapaquasset, was active in carrying belts of 

qui les maltraitoit, les ayant fait coucher tout l'hiver sur la 
dure sans aucun secours. La. dessus je leur ay represents 
que la oil ils alloient, lis seroient tous esclaves que 
quand Ion auroit besoin de soldats on les fairoient marcher 
par force, au lieu qu' icy iouissent d'une entiere liberte et 
que le Roy n'a d'autre dessein que de les proteger &c. 
En fin ils m'ont asseure qu'il y avoit une autre forte raison 
qu'ils ne pouvoient pas dire mais qu'on la sauroit bien-tot ; 
Ils sont encore icy pour tout ce tour, et je m'apercois qu'il 
y en a plusieurs qui commencent a changer de dessein. Je 
ne perdray point de moment pour les retenir s'il m'est pos- 
sible etant secouru de ceux qui restent. Si j'avois sceu 
plustot leur dessein, j'aurois mieux reussi ; dans tout ce 
qu'ils disent je voy que les pretres agissent vigoureusement 
et qu'ils convent quelque enterprise qu'ils fairont eclore 
quand ils en trouveront 1' occasion favorable. Voila 
Monseigneur ce que mon devoir m'obligeoit a faire savoir a 
Votre Excellence. J' ajouteray seulement que je feray 
gloire dans quelque occasion que ce soit de faire connoitrea 
Votre Excellence que je tacheray de ne me rendre jamais 
indigne des graces que j' ay receus, et de temoigner toute 
ma vie que je suis Monseigneur — De Votre Excellence 
Le tres humble, tres obeissant et tres soumis serviteur, 


Endorsed : Copy of Mons r Laborie's letter of the 17th 
June, 1700, to the Earl of Bellomont. — (Historical Manu- 
scripts from H. M. B. State Paper Office, April 1700 to 
October 1746. In the library of the late John Carter 
Brown, Providence, R. I.) 



wampum from the Canada Mohawks, "to all ciiap.xn. 
Indians." Rumors of these doings continued to 
reach Oxford and Woodstock, and to keep the 
inhabitants of these frontier places in a state of 
chronic apprehension ; but it was not until the 
summer of the year 1703 that hostilities actually 
commenced, and another series of savage mas- 
sacres spread consternation throughout the 
eastern settlements. In the meantime, the in- 
creasing fears of the colonists prompted them to 
prepare for the dreaded emergency. Bernon, 
upon application to his old friend Dudley, who 
had just entered upon the office of Governor of July 
Massachusetts, received from him a commission 7. 
as Captain of New Oxford, with orders to repair 
thither and make known his appointment, take 
care that the people be armed, and fortify his 
own house with " a palisade " for the security of 
the inhabitants. Bernon lost no time in obeying Ju i y 
these instructions. " Following your Excellency's 27 - 
order," he wrote from Newport, " I had my com- 
mission read at the head of my company. I 
have assured our settlers that I do not look upon 
them as soldiers, but as my friends ; that I only 
took the commission that there might be a head 
to our plantation ; that I believe myself to be 
the person most interested and most attached to 
the plantation. They seemed to be grateful to 
your Excellency for it. I told them that a pali- 
sade around my house was necessary for a gar- 
rison. These matters are postponed on account 
of the harvest. I can assure your Excellency 
that I will manage the whole with advantage of 


Chap. xii. the place, and that it will inevitably result to the 
~"~ profit of your Excellency, myself, and our people 
in greneral." He ^oes on to su^a-est that in case 
of danger to New Oxford, the people of Provi- 
dence are the proper ones to render succor, and 
mentions two gentlemen of that town, Captain 
Arnold and Lieutenant Wilkinson, as persons 
who can be relied upon for efficient aid. 

The accounts of the " chamoiserie " show that 
Oxford continued to be occupied until the spring 
of the year i 704. The planters were now armed 
and drilled, and their fort promised them a safe 
refuge in case of assault. Meanwhile, however, 
the long impending cloud of war had burst upon 
the eastern settlements of Massachusetts. Bands 
of Indians, led in some instances by French offi- 
cers, had fallen upon the scattered villages north 
of Boston, and hundreds of the inhabitants had 

February ^ een ruthlessly slaughtered. But in February, 
1-04 ' ~°^' ^ ie enem ) r > emboldened by success, reached 
far beyond the scene of these massacres, and 
dealt a murderous blow upon Deerfield, on the 
Connecticut river, forty-five miles to the north- 
west of Oxford. Sixty of the inhabitants were 
slain ; a hundred — the minister of the town 
among them — were taken prisoners, and dragged 
through the deep snow to Canada. It was doubt- 
less under an impression of their utter insecurity, 
which this calamity produced, that the settlers 
of Oxford again and finally abandoned their 
plantation. Bernon alone held possession of his 
property on the outskirts of the village, taking 
care to maintain a tenant upon it, lest his title 


should be invalidated. The others either vol- chap. xn. 

untarily surrendered their claims, or tacitly relin- ~ 

* 7 1 3- 
quished them ; and for nine years the plantation 

lay waste. In July, 1713, thirty English colonists 8. 

established themselves upon the lands formerly 

occupied by the Huguenots, and commenced the 

settlement of the present town of Oxford. 

Bernon himself at length abandoned all hope 

of advantage from his plantation. He was 

advanced in years, and his circumstances were 

no longer prosperous. The remittances that he 

received for a time from the relatives with whom 

he left his property in La Rochelle, had ceased 

to come, and most of the schemes in which he 

had embarked in America had failed to prove Sa i e 

lucrative. He now sought to sell the Oxford Ber ° f on , 3 

farm ; but his way was hedged with difficulties, pianta- 
' J b turn. 

Strange to say, he held no deed for the land that 
had been conveyed to him in semblance with so 
much ceremony, and upon which he had expended 
a fortune. It was not the fifth of February, 
1716, that Joseph Dudley — then Governor Dud- 
ley — acknowledged the document which had 
been drawn up twenty-eight years before, and 
delivered it to Bernon. One can scarcely mis- 
take in judging of the motive for this delay. 
That it helped to keep the refugee in a posture 
of dependence flattering to the vanity of his 
patron, is clear from Bernon's letters. 1 But the 

1 As late as the year 17 10, Dudley continued to feed the 
hopes of the sanguine refugee. " Votre excellence," wrote 
Bernon in reply to a letter from the governor, " est toujours 
bienfaisante, puisqu'elle me dit qu'elle veut me procurer un 


chap. xii. deed finally obtained, another difficulty presented 
I7I 5 itself. Of the tract of land claimed by Bernon, 
a portion, comprising seven hundred and fifty 
acres, had been granted to him and to Isaac 
Bertrand du Tuffeau jointly. No partition of 
the property thus held in common was made 
during Bertrand's life ; and upon his death, which 
occurred previous to the autumn of the year 
1 720, an order of court, appointing Bernon 
administrator of his estate, was necessary, before 
he could take possession of the whole tract of 
twenty-five hundred acres, and could legally con- 
vey it to a purchaser. The sale was actually 
effected on the twenty-first day of March, in the 
year 1721, and Bernon received in payment the 
sum of twelve hundred pounds, provincial cur- 
rency, for his beloved plantation. 1 

bon prix pour la moitie de ce que j'ay ail village d'Oxford. 
Je veux deferer entierement a votre conseil, ainsi je me 
rendrai a Boston le plutot qu'il me sera possible pour saluer 
votre excellence." — (Bernon Papers.) 

1 The Huguenots in the Nipmuck country, or, Oxford prior 
to 1 7 13. By George F. Daniels. P. no. 


Monument in Memory of the Huguenot Settlers of 
Oxford, Massachusetts. 

Dedicated, Oct. 2, 1SS4. 


The Settlement. 

rhode island. 

In the autumn of the year 1686, a body of Chap.xm 
French Protestants, comprising forty or fifty 1686. 
families, arrived in New England, and estab- 
lished themselves in the territory now cov- 
ered by the State of Rhode Island. The 
settlement was a promising one. Of all the 
bands of Huguenot emigrants that came to our 
shores at this period, the Narragansett colony 
was perhaps the most compact and homogeneous. 
Its history, notwithstanding, is a brief and 
melancholy one. Within five years from the 
time of its foundation, the colony was broken 
up, and nearly every family had sought a home 

elsewhere. Narragan- 

It was the misfortune of these refugees to coTony. 
become involved in a controversy that was 
then in progress, having reference to the 
ownership of the lands upon which they 
settled. Some account of that dispute may 
properly introduce our notices of the enter- 

A number of years before the arrival of the 

chap, xiii French, an association of Massachusetts, Con- 



necticut and Rhode Island men, known as the 
" Atherton Company," had obtained from the 


Narragansett Indians, partly by fair means and Chap.xiii 
partly through fraud, the cession of their remain- T Z 

inor lands on the western side of Narragansett 

D a 1 • r 1 • • l66 °- 

bay. At the time 01 this transaction, it was 

uncertain whether the tract ceded lay within the 
bounds of Rhode Island, or within those* of 
Connecticut. A difference of long standing- 
existed between these two colonies, concerning 
the line that divided their adjacent territories ; 
Rhode Island claiming that her domain extended 
westward as far as the Pawcatuck river, whilst 
Connecticut held that her territory reached the 
shores of Narragansett Bay. In the debatable 
ground between these two lines, lay the " Nar- 
ragansett country " — a tract some twenty miles 
square, bordered on the south by the ocean. 
Soon after the Atherton company gained pos- 1663. 
session of these lands, the crown, by a charter 
Granted to Rhode Island, confirmed the title of 
that province, as against Connecticut, to the 
region west of the Bay as far as the Pawcatuck 
river, and gave the Atherton company leave to 
choose " to which of the two colonies they 
would belong." In the exercise of this privilege, 
they elected to hold their lands under the gov- 
ernment of Connecticut. Two years later, the 1665. 
royal commissioners sent out from England to 
settle various differences between the several 
colonies, declared the claims of the Atherton 
company to be void. Connecticut, however, 
still insisted upon her jurisdiction ; whilst 
Rhode Island naturally opposed these preten- 
sions ; and when the company, appealing from 

294 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND. the decision of the commissioners, continued to 

1678. °ff er its lands for sale, describing them as lying 
within the bounds of Connecticut, Rhode Island 
denounced such sales as invalid, and warned the 
purchasers not to attempt possession. A further 
complication was added to the dispute, when the 

1686 title of the crown itself to the contested territory 
was asserted. More than forty years before, 

1644. the Narragansett Indians had submitted them- 
selves and their lands to the king, asking the 
royal protection, and declaring that they could 
not yield " unto any that were subjects them- 
selves." King's Province, therefore, as the 
Narragansett country had long been called, was 
a royal dependency, and only the king himself 
could dispose of its vacant lands. 

1683. These differences had already been fruitful of 
much inconvenience and contention, when in the 
summer of the year 1686 the several parties to 
the controversy referred it to the crown for a 
final decision. Unfortunately, that decision had 
not been reached, when the French refugees 
made their bargain with the Atherton company 
for the purchase of lands in the Narragansett 

J™*' country. A year later, Sir Edmund Andros, by 
royal authority, investigated the various claims 
to the proprietorship of that territory ; and the 
rights of Rhode Island were again affirmed, to 
the exclusion alike of Connecticut, and of the 
so-called proprietors. 

Meanwhile, on the twelfth day of October, 
1686, an agreement was made between "the 
Committee for the proprietors of the Narragan- 


sett Country," and Ezekiel Carre, Peter Berton, 
and other French gentlemen, their friends and j^g 6 
associates, concerning the settlement of a place 
called Newberry Plantation. But the spot 
thus designated proved upon examination to be 
too remote from the sea to suit the colonists, 
and a new agreement was made three weeks „ 

.. r 1 1 • r November 

later, tor the laying out of " a meet and consid- 4. 
erable tract of land in the township of Roches- 
ter " or Kingstown. Under this contract, each 
family that desired it was to have an allotment 
of one hundred acres of upland, with a propor- 
tionate share of meadow. The price fixed upon 
was twenty pounds for every hundred acres of 
land, if paid at once, or twenty-five pounds if 
paid at the end of three years. M. Carre, the 
minister, was to have one hundred and fifty 
acres gratis. One hundred acres were set 
apart as glebe land, and fifty acres were 
devoted toward the maintenance of a school- 

The site thus secured for a settlement is still 
pointed out, in the town of East Greenwich, 
Rhode Island. Here, in a locality that has 
always been known as " Frenchtown," there are 
traces of the foundations of a number of small 
houses ; and within the memory of persons yet 
living, there were some remains of trees said to 
have been planted by the French. The houses in 
question were probably but temporary dwellings, 1 

1 " About twenty-five houses" were built, says Ayrault, 
" with some cellars in the ground." The latter kind of hab- 
itation is minutely described by Cornelis Van Tienhoven, 


chap.xm built near together in clusters for convenience 

1686. and safety, until the planters should be prepared 

to remove to the home-lots of twenty acres each, 


..-7a«. Cr7££t£" J^oaeC. TI**m.tu, £y 'tXtz t Vt-ver 

























J A*- QTC<z£ fto&-cL 7t4.?linj7 Sc£tmrCC7t~ Y/«. O/Ca^ *Z*ot€& 










N : 

-ArtS> 35*e JVooJ* 


laid out in the adjoining lands 

according- to a 

secretary of the province of New Netherland, in 1650. A 
square pit was dug "cellar fashion," six or seven feet deep, 
cased, floored, and roofed with wood, and covered with sods. 
The occupants, says Van Tienhoven, " can live dry and warm 
in these houses with their families for two, three and four 
years." The principal men in New England, he adds, con- 
structed dwellings of this sort at first. "In the course of 
three to four years, they built themselves handsome houses." 
— (Information relative to taking up land in New Netherland. 
The Documentary History of the State of New York, vol. 
IV., pp. 31, 32.) 


" plot " already agreed upon. 1 The building of chap.xm 
these habitations must have occupied the few l6S6 
remaining weeks of autumn ; and having seen 
them housed for the winter, we may pause to 
consider who were the persons who made up this 
colony of refugees. 

Most of them have already been mentioned in 
connection with the Huguenot emigration from 
the seaboard provinces of western France. Ten 
of the forty-eight families named in the " plot" 
or plan of the settlement, were from Saintonge ; 
ten were from La Rochelle and its vicinity ; several 
were from Poitou, a few were from Normandy, 
and a few from Guyenne. Ezechiel Carre, the 
minister of the colony, was a native of the isle 
of Re, and had studied philosophy and theology 
in the Academy founded by Calvin at Geneva. 
He was now between thirty-five and forty years 
of age, and had already been pastor of two con- 
gregations in France, those of Mirambeau in 
Saintonge and La Roche Chalais in Guyenne. 
Carre's associate in the leadership of the band of 
refugees, was Pierre Berthon de Marigny, — Peter 
Berton, as the English called him, — the repre- 
sentative of a prominent family of Chatellerault, 
in Poitou. Another important member of the 
colony was its physician, Pierre Ayrault, of 
Angers, in the province of Anjou ; a man of 

1 A copy of " the platt " of the " several allotments as laid 
out " at the time of the settlement, accompanied Ayrault's 
petition to the government for the redress of certain personal 
grievances, in 1700. This "platt" has been preserved in 
the British State Paper Office, and we reproduce it above. 


chap. xiii determined character, now advanced in years, 
1686. wno a l on e stood his ground, as we shall see 
further on, when the other settlers abandoned 
the enterprise. Ayrault was accompanied by 
his wife Francoise, his son Daniel, and his 
nephew Nicholas. 

Associated with these conductors of the colony, 
were a number of refugees, whom we shall only 
mention here, reserving a fuller account of them 
for another place. The roll of the Narragansett 
settlers, headed by Carre, Berthon, and Ayrault, 
embraces the following names : — Jean Julien, 
Jean Coudret, Elie Rambert, Daniel Lambert, 
Andre Arnaud, Daniel Targe, veuve Galay, 
Abram Tourtellot, Pierre Le Moine, Ezechiel 
Bouniot, Pierre Traverrier, Etienne La Vigne, 
Moise Le Brun, Jean Beauchamps, Jean David, 
Jacob Ratier, Jean Galay, Menardeau, Pierre 
Bretin dit Laronde, Daniel Le Gendre, Daniel 
Renaud, Daniel Jouet, Milard, Belhair, Jean 
Lafon, Amian, Ezechiel Grazilier, Paul Busser- 
eau, Etienne Jamain, Louis Allaire, Theophile 
Foretier, Jean Chadene, Josue David senior, 
Josue David junior, Jacques Magni, Jean Magni, 
Etienne Robineau, Francois Legare, Ren£ 
Grignon, Pierre Tougere, Dechamps, Jean Ger- 
mon, Paul Collin, and Guillaume Barbut. 

With the opening spring, the planters began 
improving their lands, and "setting up their 
Church." They found the country "a very 
wilderness, filled altogether with wood and 
stones, and no former improvements made 
thereon;" so that ''our labour, charge and 


trouble," says Doctor Ayrault, " was great. But 
we had a comfort ; we could then enjoy our wor- l6g 
ship to God, and had the government's protec- 
tion in our improvements, no person disturbing 
us on our labour, nor pretending any claim to 
any of the soil." x 

In due time, these arduous and skillful toils 
were richly rewarded. Orchards, vineyards, and 
gardens, appeared, that flourished in the mild 
climate of Rhode Island, beyond the sanguine 
expectations of the planters. 2 " The French 
found the climate and soil in the Narrao-ansett 
country proper for vineyards ; " and Lord Bello- 
mont " was told by some people at Boston that 
tasted of some wine that grew in that country, 
that they thought it as good as Bourdeaux 
claret." They contemplated the planting of 
mulberry trees, in order to the breeding of silk 
worms, and hoped soon to be joined by numbers 
of their brethren from France, who would find 
employment in the manufacture of silk. Indeed, 
it was thought likely that "above five hundred 
French families " would ultimately find homes in 
this favored region. 3 

1 Historical Manuscripts from H. B. M. State Paper Office. 
Vol. XIII. (Library of the late John Carter Brown, Provi- 
dence, R. I.) 

2 This impression regarding the climate of the region in 
question is confirmed by observation at the present day. It 
is said that certain plants that do not thrive elsewhere in 
New England grow profusely along the western shore of 
Narragansett Bay. " The flora corresponds with that of 

3 Lord Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, November 28, 
1700. Documents relative to the Colonial History of the 


Chap. xiii Already, some uneasiness was felt about the 
l6 g„_ title to their lands. Knowing little or noth- 
ing of the English language, the colonists came 
but slowly to understand that the claim of 
the so-called Proprietors of Narragansett was a 
disputed claim. Even then, they do not seem 
to have dreamed that Rhode Island was a party 
to the dispute. In Boston, it was represented 
as purely a question between the Atherton 
company and the crown. "It is not yet ascer- 
tained," wrote the French refugee in that city, 
from whose letter we have already had ,occasion 
to quote, " whether the Narragansett country 
will belong to the present proprietors — improp- 
erly so called — or to the king. Pending the 
determination of this matter, no payments will 
be made upon the lands. Indeed, it is said that 
should they fall to the king, little or nothing 
will be paid, and the crown will content itself 
with a small quit-rent, in consideration of which 
one may sell or mortgage, as rightful owner." 

The earliest intimation of trouble to the 
settlement occurred in the course of the first 
summer. A large meadow, known by its Indian 
name, Kickameeset, lay near the village, and 

State of New York, vol. IV., pp. 787, 788. The Lords of 
Trade say in reply : " If the Narragansett country be found 
proper for mulberry trees and silk worms it will be very 
well ; those that have a mind to apply themselves to the 
production of silk there may take information for their con- 
duct from what has been done in Carolina where that project 
has already been some years on foot. The French you 
speak of will easily judge, or in a short time finde, whether 
that country or New York or any other place in those parts 
be proper for the production of wines." — (Ibid., p. 855.) 


formed a valuable part of the tract laid out for chap,xni 
the French. To their surprise, one July morn- 1687. 
ing, they saw a party of Englishmen engaged in 
mowing the land. Heedless of remonstrances, 
the men proceeded in their work, and in "a 
forcible manner" carried off the hay, amounting 
to more than forty loads. The intruders proved 
to be certain of the neighboring planters, inhab- 
itants of the towns of East Greenwich and 
Kingstown. Monsieur Carre, the French pastor, 
hastened to Boston, and made complaint of this 19# 
outrage to Governor Andros. Summoned to 
account for their conduct, the Greenwich men 
replied that these meadows had been laid out to 
them more than eight years before by the gov- 1678 
ernment of Rhode Island, from which they held 
their title ; whilst the Kingstown farmers claimed 
that " they and others of their neighbors had 
possessed, enjoyed and improved the same 
lands for twenty-five years, having obtained 
them from " Major Atherton and company." 
Both the Kingstown and the Greenwich settlers 
insisted that, so far from being the aggressors, 
they were the parties aggrieved, by the coming 
of the French into their country ; and the inhab- 
itants of Greenwich presented to the governor 
and council a counter-petition, professing their 
ignorance " by what order or Lawe or by what 
meanes those Frenchmen are settled in our 
town bounds." " But sure we are," they added, 
" it proves great detriment to us, and without 
your honor's assistance in the premises we shall 
be utterly ruined." The governor reserved his 

302 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND. decision upon the merits of the case, and 
l6 3 7 ordered that, pending the decision, the hay that 
had been cut upon the disputed land should be 
August divided in two equal parts ; the one part to be 
5 - given for the use of certain of the English 
claimants, ''who live remote and are most want- 
ing thereof," and the other to be left for the use 
and benefit of the French families, "who, being 
strangers and lately settled," are " wholly desti- 
tute, and have no other way to supply them- 
selves." 1 

No further encroachment upon the Huguenot 
plantation appears to have been made at the 
time ; and for the next year or two the refugees 
were left in quiet possession. The Atherton 
company had now succeeded in obtaining from 
A .. the crown a number of grants in King's Prov- 

!0> ince, in lieu of the whole Narragansett country. 
1688. . . & . r 

their claim to which had been denied ; and in 
one of these grants, the land sold by them to 
the French refugees was included. 2 This con- 
firmation of their title may have deterred their 
English neighbors from the attempt to dispossess 
them ; and it is highly probable also that upon 
further acquaintance with these inoffensive and 
genial strangers, they may have felt less dis- 
posed to molest them. Already the French 
doctor, Monsieur Ayrault, was becoming a wel- 
come visitor in English homes, where, "under 

1 Mass. Archives, CXXVL, 363, 410, 419. 

a History of the State of Rhode Island, and Providence 
Plantations. By Samuel Greene Arnold. Vol. I., p. 507. — 
Historical MSS. from British State Paper Office, Vol. XIII. 


God's goodness," he was "a help to raise many Chap.xm 
from extreme sickness;" and the pious pasteur 1689. 
Carre was training- from the sober-minded of 
different persuasions the respect and deference 
which they were inclined to show to all ministers 
of religion. 

Not unfrequently, Carre was called to leave 
his flock in the Narragansett country, and go to 
Boston, to preach to the French congregation 
in that city, then without a minister. To this 
fact we owe it that an interesting memorial of 
the preacher has come down to us, in the form 
of a printed discourse — the only specimen of 
pulpit oratory among the Huguenot refugees of 
that period that we possess. " The Charitable 
Samaritan, a Sermon on the tenth chapter of 
Luke, ver. 30-35," was printed in Boston in the 
year 1689. 1 An "Advertisement" informs us 
that the sermon was published at the request 
of some who heard it, and particularly of 
" M r John Pastre, French Merchant, Refu- 
gee in Boston," who bore the expense of 
printing. 2 The Reverend Nehemiah Walter was 

1 " The Charitable Samaritan ! A Sermon on the tenth 
chapter of Luke, ver. 30-35. Pronounced in the French 
Church at Boston. By Ezechiel Carre formerly Minister of 
Roche-chalais in France, now Minister of the French Colony 
in Narrhaganset. Translated in English by N. Walter, 
Boston. Printed by Samuel Green, 1689." 

The only copy of this little book of which we have any 
knowledge is in the Library of Congress at Washington, 
D. C. 

2 The occasion for preaching the sermon is thus stated in 
the Advertisement. " The author being obliged to bestow 


chap. xiii the translator ; and Doctor Cotton Mather con- 
j63 q tributed a characteristic Preface to the little 
book. The purpose of its publication is intimated 
in both dedication and preface. It was, to remove 
an impression, unfavorable to the refugees, that 
existed in some quarters among the English, in 
Massachusetts as well as Rhode Island. At that 
moment, war was impending between France 
and England. The incursions of the French 
and Indians from Canada had commenced. A 
French fleet was expected off the coast. It was 
strongly suspected that the Jesuits had their 
secret agents in Boston, and elsewhere in New 
England. 1 The presence of so many French 
people, though professing to be Protestants and 
refugees from France, produced anxiety and dis- 
trust in some mfnds. Indeed, this feeling was 
so strong and prevalent, at a later day, as to 
influence the action of the General Court of 
Massachusetts ; and in October, 1692, that body 
passed a resolution on the subject. " Consider- 
ing that amongst the many French Gentlemen 


some part of his ministry on the French Church of Boston, 
until it should please God to provide for it, he was much 
surprised to observe that for many Sabbaths tins Church, 
contrary to its customs, extremely neglected Alms toward 
the Poor, which our Discipline recommends at the conclu- 
sion of each Exercise. This made him take a resolution to 
treat of this subject, which he has done in this sermon." 

" I remember M r Dellius the Minister of Albany told 
me that the Count de Frontenac owned to him that he had 
a great part of his letters and intelligence from France by 
the way of Boston, all the time of this late warr." — Lord 
Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, Sept. 21, 1698. — Docu- 
ments relative to the Colonial History of the State of New 
York, vol. IV., p. 379. 


and others that reside amongst us who pretend 
to be Protestants, there may be sundry of them x g~ 
that are Papist and enemies to their Majesties 
and the weal of this province, it is humbly pro- 
posed to his Excellency the Governor and Coun- 
cil, whether it may not be necessary that due 
inquiry be made of the particular circumstances 
of the French that reside amongst us, that an 
oath of their allegiance to our Sovereigns King 
William and Queen Mary be imposed on them, 
and such as shall refuse to take such oath be 
dealt with as their Majesties' enemies. And 
that there may forthwith be sent some prudent 
man with a sufficient guard to the plantations 
within this province, there to make inquiry into 
the state of their affairs, and to search for powder, 
shot, peltries, &c, and if they -find any French 
or Indians that do not give a satisfactory account 
of themselves, them to seize and bring away to 
Boston, there to be proceeded against as the 
matter may require." J 

In Rhode Island, the same suspicions and 
fears were rife ; and the refugees in Frenchtown 
suffered much annoyance from their ruder and 
more ignorant neighbors, who took it upon 
them to execute, without form of law, the search 
for arms which had been proposed as a legal meas- 
ure. . The more orderly and intelligent among 
the English joined the French in complaining 
of this treatment ; and the authorities in Boston, 
to whom the complaint was made, lost no time 

1 Massachusetts Archives, XL, 65. 


o in rebuking the evil-doers. The provisional 
i68q government of Massachusetts, learning " from 
Major Richard Smith and Monsieur Corey, 
May [Carre,] minister of y e French Plantation lately 
settled in y e Narragansett Country at Rochester 
near Major Smith's, that the Inhabitants of 
Greenwich do insult over and are intended to 
offer some Violence to the People of y e said 
French Plantation, in forcing their Amies from 
them, laying open their inclosures, and destroy- 
ing their Meadows, which appears to be a great 
extravagancy," advised them to forbear all farther 
proceedings of that nature, " as you tender your 
own peace ;" inasmuch as such conduct "with- 
out doubt will have an ill Resentment with the 
Crown of England ; the said French People 
being accounted good Protestants, and are well 
approved of." As for any differences that may 
have arisen among them, they are advised to 
refer these for a legal decision. 1 
March In the following March, the government of 


1690. Rhode Island ordered the French settlers to 
present themselves to John Greene, at Warwick, 
and take the oath of allegiance to the British 
crown, in consideration of which they were to 
remain undisturbed, behaving peaceably. 2 The 
refugees made no difficulty in submitting to 
these precautionary measures ; but they were 
keenly alive to any suggestion of doubt as to 
the sinceritv of their attachment to the relio-ious 

1 Mass. Archives, XI., 45. 

3 History of the State of Rhode Island, by S. G. Arnold. 
Vol. I., p. 519. — Historical MSS., ubi supra. 


principles for which they had suffered so much, chap.xm 
Pastor Carre had therefore gladly availed him- 
self of the opportunity that his friends in Boston 
gave him to speak a good word for the settle- 
ment in Narragansett. " Our little Colony," he 
says, in his Dedication to John Pastre, "will 
chiefly have obligation to you, for hereby you 
will in some sort justify them against those 
calumnies, whereby some would render our 
retirement into this New World suspected ; for 
persons may easily perceive that those who 
maintain such doctrine, and have exposed them- 
selves to so many dangers and miseries on 
account of it, cannot reasonably pass for Papists, 
and that it is uncharitable and uncompassionate 
to accuse them as such. I would believe that it 
is this interest, rather than any other, which will 
oblige you to bring this sermon to light." 

But the good wishes of its friends could not 
avert the fate that was hanmnQf over the French 
settlement. The summer of the year 1691 wit- 
nessed the breaking up and removal of all the 
families in Frenchtown save two or three. The 
story of this catastrophe is related . by doctor 
Ayrault, in quaint but graphic terms. "The 
protecting of us in our liberty and property was 
continued not two years under said Government, 
before we were molested by the vulgar sort of 
the people, who flinging down our fences laid 
open our lands to ruin, so 'that all benefit 
thereby we were deprived of. Ruin looked on 
us in a dismal state ; our wives and children 
living in fear of the threats of many unruly per- 

308 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND. sons : and what benefit we expected from our 
i6gi. lands for subsistence was destroyed by secretly 
laying open our fences by night and clay : and 
what little we had preserved by flying from 
France, we had laid out under the then improve- 
ments. It looked so hard upon us, to see the 
cryes of our wives and children, lamenting their 
sad fate, flying from persecution, and coming 
under his Majesty's gracious Indulgence, and 
by the Government promised us, yet we, ruined. 
And when we complained to the Government, 
we could have no relief, although some would 
have helped us, we judge, if by their patience 
they could have borne such ill treatments as they 
must expect to have met with by the unruly 
inhabitants there settled also. Many of the 
English inhabitants compassionating our condi- 
tion, would have helped us ; but when they used 
any means therein, they were evilly treated. So 
that these things did put us then upon looking 
for a place of shelter, in our distressed condition ; 
and hearing that many of our distressed country 
people had been protected and well treated in 
Boston and Yorke, to seek out new habitations, 
where the Governments had compassion on them, 
and gave them relief and help, to their wives and 
children subsistence. Only two families moving 
to Boston, and the rest to New York, and there 
bought lands, some of them, and had time given 
them for payment. And so was they all forced 
away from their lands and houses, orchards and 
vineyards, taking some small matter from some 
English people for somewhat of their labour; 


thus leaving all habitations. Some people got chap.xni 
not anything for their labour and improvements, l6 
but Greenwich men who had given us the dis- 
turbance, getting on the lands, so improved in 
any way they could, and soon pulled down and 
demolished our Church." 

It is plain, from Ayrault's account, that the 
disorderly proceedings that caused the abandon- 
ment of the French plantation, were conducted 
by a rude and lawless set of persons, and were 
strongly disapproved of by the more respectable 
part of the community. Doubtless, Rhode Island 
abounded in like characters, ready for any mis- 
chievous enterprise ; and her people had long 
been familiar with just such disorders. 1 The 
conflict of land titles, especially in Narragansett, 
between individual owners as well as between 
townships, had led to numberless broils and 
border frays. Still, the troubles inflicted upon 
these Huguenots — inoffensive strangers, and 
refugees from cruel persecution — would seem to 
argue more than common malignity, if we did 
not know that the lands that were fraudulently 
conveyed to them had been assigned, years before, 
to earlier settlers. In October, 1677, the legis- 
lature of Rhode Island made a grant of this ter- 
ritory, and established a township known then 
and now as East Greenwich, and it was appor- 
tioned in tracts among certain persons named. 2 

1 History of Rhode Island, by S. G. Arnold, vol. I., p. 442. 

2 Memoir concerning the French Settlements in the Colony 
of Rhode Island, by Elisha R. Potter. — (Rhode Island His- 
torical Tracts, No. 5.) Page 23. 


Chap. xiii The French, victimized by the unscrupulous 
^i. Atherton company, were innocently occupying 
and improving lands to which others had a prior 

Upon leaving Narragansett, the refugees 
became widely scattered. Seven families — those 
of Allaire, Arnaud, Beauchamp, Barbut, De- 
champs, Legare, and Tourtellot — removed to 
Boston. Germon and Grignon joined the settle- 
ment in New Oxford. Paul Collin went to Mil- 
ford, Connecticut. Four families — those of 
Bretin, Chadene, Foretier and Renaud — went 
to New Rochelle. Four others — Amian, Jouet, 
Le Brun, and Le Gendre — went to South Caro- 
lina. The largest number sought homes in New 
York. Twenty-one of the names upon the plan 
of Frenchtown reappear in the records of the 
French Church in that city. These are the 
names of Bouniot, Coudret, Jean David, Josue 
David senior, Josue David junior, veuve Galay, 
Grazilier, Jamain, Lafon, Lambert, La Vigne, 
Le Breton, Jacques Magni, Jean Magni, Rambert, 
Ratier, Robineau, Daniel and Jacques Targe, 
Traverrier, and Tougere. A few of the settlers 
pass entirely out of our view upon leaving Nar- 
ragansett. Among these is the excellent pastor 
of the colony, Ezechiel Carre. Whether he 
returned to Europe, or finished his course in 
some other part of the New World, we have 
failed to learn. 

The dispersion, however, was not total. Two 
French families, Le Moine and Ayrault, 1 

1 See Judge Potter's Memoir concerning the French Set- 


remained on the site of the settlement, or within chap.xm 
a short distance from it ; and a third, Julien, l6()l 
removed only as far as Newport. 1 Moise Le 
Moine occupied the farm that has remained in 
possession of his descendants ever since, and 
that covers the site of the Huguenot village. 
The original name of this family was corrupted 
at an early day to Money or Mawney. Pierre 
Ayrault retained his lands, notwithstanding the 
efforts that were made from time to time to dis- 
lodge him. He had " fenced in fifty acres of 
land, and made very good improvements — a 
large orchard, garden, and vineyard, and a good 
house." The tribulations that he suffered at the 
hands of " Greenwich men," who not only broke 
clown his fences, but altered the boundaries of August 
his lands, are pathetically related in a petition, in 1760. 
which he e^es the account of the settlement at 
Frenchtown, and its abandonment, from which 
we have already quoted. Either his remon- 
strances with the government, or the stout resist- 
ance he offered to his tormentors, at length 
availed him ; for he remained in Narragansett 
until his death, which occurred about the year 
171 1. At that time his son Daniel, who estab- 
lished himself in business in Newport, sold the 
property in East Greenwich. 

Elsewhere in Rhode Island, a number of 
French Protestants settled singly or in groups, 

tlements in Rhode Island, for an account of the pedigrees 
of these families. 

1 Jean Julien, " chapellier," was living in Newport in the 
year 1702. 


1 700. 

Chap. xiii late in the seventeenth century, or in the first 
years of the eighteenth. Peter Tourgee and his 
brothers came directly from the island of Guern- 
sey, about the time of the French settlement in 
Narragansett, and established themselves in 
North Kingstown, not far from the site of that 
colony. Here their descendants remained for 
several succeeding generations. The Tourgee 
family originated in the province of Bretagne, 
where the name is still to be found, and fled, 
like many others, from persecution in France to 
the Channel islands. 1 Francois Le Baron, a 

Le Baron. Huguenot physician, came to New England 
after the Revocation, and died in Plymouth, 
Massachusetts, in 1704. 1 Pierre Papillon, and 



1 Peter Tourgee had three sons, Peter, John, and Philip. 
The children of Peter were, Thomas, (born in Decem- 
ber, 1722,) Philip, (October, 1724,) Elizabeth, (1728,) Peter, 
(February, 1733,) and John, born in December, 1735, died 
in 1 81 2. John was the father of Jeremiah, who was born 
in December, 1778, and died in 1867. His son, Ebenezer, 
born in Warwick in 1809, died in October, 1878. — (Memoir 
of the French Settlements in the Colony of Rhode Island. 
By Elisha R. Potter. Pp. 132, 133. The Memoir erro- 
neously connects the Tourgee family with the entirely 
distinct family of Targe, mentioned above.) 

The Tourgee family is now widely scattered throughout 
the United States. One of its branches is to be found in the 
province of Ontario, Canada. It is represented by Judge 
A. W. Tourgee, author of several valuable and popular 
works ; and by Professor Eben Tourgee, Director of 
the New England Conservatory of Music, Boston, Massa- 

" Le Baron" is mentioned by Judge Potter, (Memoir, 
etc., ]). 137,) among the French settlers in Rhode Island. 
In the next generation Doctor Lazarus Le Baron, " the son 
of this emigrant — a descendant of the Huguenots" — lived 
in Plymouth. His daughter Elizabeth, born January 1, 



his wife Joan, had already come to Bristol, chap.xm 
Rhode Island, from Boston, about the year 1681. 
1 68 1. Pierre belonged, it is supposed, to the 
Huguenot family, the name of which he bore, 
and which originated in Avranches, in the 
province of Normandy. The Papillons had suf- 
fered much for their religion. David, after an 
imprisonment of three years, fled to England, 
where his descendants have prospered. 1 Philip 
is said to have been the first Huguenot member 
of the House of Commons. Peter, the emi- _Peter 
errant to America, reached Massachusetts as 
early as the year 16 79. 2 He appears to have 
joined the Huguenot settlement in Oxford, 
Massachusetts, where some of his descendants 
resided at a later day. 3 His son Peter, known 

1746, was married in 1762, to the Reverend Ammi Ruha- 
mah Robbins, minister of the Congregational church in 
Norfolk, Connecticut, from 1761 until his death in 1813. 
She died in September, 1829. — (Annals of the American 
Pulpit, by Wm. B. Sprague, D.D., vol. I., p. 370. — A sermon 
delivered at the funeral of Mrs. Elizabeth Robbins, by Ralph 
Emerson, pastor of the church in Norfolk, Connecticut.) 

The inscription on the tomb of " Mr. Francis Lebarran, 
Physician," in Plymouth, Massachusetts, is still legible. It 
states that he "departed this life August y e 8 th - 1704, in 
y e 36 th year of his age." 

" Dr. Le Baron was surgeon on board a French privateer, 
which was wrecked in Buzzard's Bay. He came to Ply- 
mouth, and having performed an important surgical opera- 
tion, the selectmen petitioned the Executive of the Colony 
for his liberation as prisoner of war, that he might settle in 
this town. We believe that from this ancestor all of the 
name in the United States are descended." — (Mr. Russell, 
in Pilgrim Memorials.) 

1 The Huguenots : by Samuel Smiles. Pp. 319, 422. 

2 The Huguenots in the Nipmuck Country. By G. F. Dan- 
iels. Pp. 46, 47. 

3 Savage, Gen. Diet, of the First Settlers of N. E., s. v. 



Chap.xni as Captain Papillon, became a merchant in 
X y 00 Boston. 1 Jacques Pineau, whose name was 
soon transformed into Pinneo, came to Bristol 
about the year 1700, in company with Jean Sou- 
lard. Tradition relates that they fled from per- 
secution in France, and landed in Plymouth, 
Massachusetts ; and that being unable to pay 
their passage across the ocean, they were sold 
into servitude by the captain for a term of four 
years. Their conduct was so excellent, however, 
that they were released after a few months. 
About the year 1725, they removed from Bris- 
tol to Lebanon, Connecticut, where Pineau left 
descendants. 2 Soulard became a resident of 



1 In 1722 he had command of a ship employed against the 
pirates on the coast of New England. — (Savage, Gen. Diet.) 
Administration was granted May 10, 1733, to Katherine, 
widow, and to John Wolcot, Esq., of Salem, Massachusetts, 
son-in-law, upon the estate of Captain Peter Papillon, mer- 
chant, of Boston. His ''mansion-house" was on Bennet 
street. Four daughters, two of whom, Martha and Marah, 
were under age, are mentioned. Peter's widow died before 
January 24, 1734. — (Probate Office, Suffolk County, No. 


2 James Pinneo had two sons and three daughters. James, 
the eldest son, born 1708, married Priscilla Newcomb, whose 
son James was the father of the Reverend Bezaleel Pinneo, 
for fifty-three years pastor of the First Church in Milford, 
Connecticut, from 1796 till his death in September, 1849. 
The Pinneo family is an extensive one, and is represented 
chiefly in New England and the Middle States, and in New 
Brunswick and Nova Scotia. 

Several Protestant families of this name fled from France 
at the period of the Revocation ; among them Jeanne and 
Catharine Pinaud, natives of Cherveux, in Poitou. — (Archives 
Nationales, Tt.) One James Pineau was naturalized in 
England, January 5, 1688, at the same time with a family 
named Soulart. 




the same locality. 1 Auguste Lucas, a native of chap.xm 
La Rochelle, whose sister Marie was the wife of l6c6 
Andre Laurent, 2 followed that emigrant to 
America after a few years, and took up his 
abode in Newport, Rhode Island. Before leav- 
ing Europe, he married, at Saint Malo, Bretagne, January 
the daughter of Daniel Lefebvre of Garhere, who 
died soon after reaching Newport. 3 His second 
wife was a granddaughter of John Eliot, the Auguste 
" apostle to the Indians." Her son, Augustus 
Lucas, married Mary Caner, whose daughter 
Mary became the wife of James A. Hillhouse. 
Another daughter, Barsheba, was distinguished 
for her literary attainments. 4 

Other emigrants, who came to Rhode Island 
at a much earlier period, are said to have been 
French Protestants. .Maturin Ballou settled in 
Providence in 1 639.5 More than a hundred 
years later, another Maturin, his descendant, 
was the pastor of a Baptist congregation in 
Richmond, New Hampshire. His son, Hosea 
Ballou, 6 became a leading minister of the Uni- 
versalist denomination in the United States. 7 


1 Jean Soulard, a maitre armurier of La Rochelle, is men- 
tioned in 1675. — (Bernon Papers.) 

2 See volume I., page 282. 

3 Memoir concerning the French settlements in the colony 
of Rhode Island, by Elisha R. Potter. P. 134. 

4 History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Narra- 
gansett, Rhode Island, by Wilkins Updike. P. 507. 

5 Savage, Gen. Diet, of the First Settlers of N. E. — La 
France Protestante mistakes in stating that Ballou emigrated 
to America at the time of the Revocation. 

6 Born April 30, 1771 ; died June 7, 1852. 

7 His daughter Eliza became the mother of the late Presi- 
dent of the United States, James A. Garfield. 



Chap.xiii Daniel Grennell, " of a French family," was in 

Portsmouth, Rhode Island, in 1638. 1 He was 

Daniel the ancestor of three eminent merchants of the 

city of New York — Joseph, Moses H., and 

Henry Grinnell. 

Not long after the breaking up of the French 
Bernon. settlement in Narragansett, Rhode Island 
became the home of Gabriel Bernon, the enter- 
prising Huguenot merchant, of whose career in 
Boston, and in New Oxford, Massachusetts, we 
have already spoken. In Rhode Island, Bernon 
1697- spent nearly forty years. For the first eight or 
1706. nine years, he was a resident of Newport. In 
1 706, he removed to Providence. Six years 
1712. later, he went to Kingstown, but returned in 
1718. 1 718 to Providence, where he remained until his 
1736. death, in 1 736. 

Bernon was doubtless attracted to Newport 
by the rising importance of the place — already 
advancing, as it was, to a foremost position 
amone the commercial towns of New England. 
In partnership with his compatriot and fellow- 
Huguenot Daniel Ayrault, he engaged at once 
with characteristic energy in various business 
operations. Rhode Island was now taking the 
lead in the trade with the West Indies. Her 
" light and sharp " vessels were famous for 
eluding the French privateers, that were scour- 
ing the ocean, and lying in wait off the American 
harbors. The youth of the province had a 
strong inclination for the sea, and there was 

1 Savage, Gen. Diet, of the First Settlers of N. E. 


never a lack of volunteers for the merchant chap.xm 
service. The principal commerce of Newport 1697- 
was with the islands of Curacoa and Surinam, x ^ of ^ 
and it was highly profitable. Bernon employed 
several ships in this trade, at least one of which 
belonged to him ; and he had his correspondents, 
French merchants, in Curacoa — Jacob Alard, 
Jacques Poissant, Jean Girard. If the profits 
were great, the losses were sometimes terrible. 
Many a Rhode Island family pedigree makes Lost 
mention of some, in those early times, as "lost S g* # 
at sea." Bernon's only son Gabriel was among 
the victims of this perilous trade. According to 
tradition, " he embarked with one Captain Tripe 
in a vessel bound for the West Indies, which was 
lost during a snow-storm on leaving the Bay, 
and all on board perished." 1 

The diversified industry of the Huguenot 
refugee had perhaps its best representation in 
this Rhode Island merchant ; and it was while • 
residing in Newport that his activity was great- 
est. Many years a£ter, Bernon judged that he 
had " spent more than ten thousand pounds 
towards the benefit of the country ; in building 
ships, making nails, and promoting the making 

1 Among the Bernon Papers, there is an interesting letter 
written by young Gabriel, in Boston, December 29, 1696, to 
his father, then in England. The sentiment, the style and 
the penmanship together represent a youth of rare intelli- 
gence and "culture. He is mentioned by a correspondent of 
Bernon, in 1699, in these terms : — " Je vous suis bien oblige 
de l'adresse que vous me donnaste pour M r . vostre fils ; il est 
digne d'un tel pere. Ses manieres obligeantes ne derogent 
en rien des vostres." 


chap.xni of stuffs, hats, and rosin, &c." One of these 

1697- departments of labor deserves special notice 

, in this connection. " Hat-makine was anions' 
1706. # & & 

the most important manufactures taken into 
England " and other countries " by the refugees. 
In France, it had been almost entirely in the 
hands of the Protestants. They alone possessed 
the secret of the liquid composition which served 
to prepare rabbit, hare and beaver-skins ; and 
they alone supplied the trade with fine Caude- 
bec hats, in such demand in England and 
The Holland. After the Revocation, most of them 

Huguenot T ■, 1 • • 1 1 1 r 

hatters, went to London, taking with them the secret ot 
their art, which was lost to France for more than 
forty years. It was not until the middle of the 
eighteenth century, that a French hatter, after 
having long worked in London, stole the secret 
the refugees had carried away, took it back to 
his country, communicated it to the Paris 
hatters, and founded a large manufactory " in 
that city. The dressing of chamois-skins, and 
the making of gloves, were also among the arts 
in which the Huguenots excelled. 1 

These arts were brought by the exiles to 
America. Several of the French Protestants in 
Boston were engaged in the manufacture of hats. 
They were supplied with peltries for this purpose 
by Bernon, who received the dressed skins from 
his " chamoiserie " at Oxford, and forwarded 
them to Peter Signac, John Baudouin, an,d others 

1 History of the French Protestant Refugees, from the 
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes to our own Days. By 
Charles Weiss.— Vol. L, book III., chapter III. 


in Boston, as well as to John Julien, who pur- chap.xm 
sued the same business in Newport. A cargo 7~ 8 
shipped in August, 1 703, to his agent Samuel 
Baker, comprised otter, beaver, raccoon, deer, 
and other skins, valued at forty-four pounds. 

Bernon had not been long established in New- November 
port, when he received a letter from the Earl of 23, 
Bellomont, governor of New York, filled with 
assurances of his regard and good will. " I 
regret to learn," he wrote, " that you have left 
New England, and taken up your abode in 
Rhode Island. This information, which I have 
from Mr. Campbell, grieves me much ; for I had 
intended to give you, upon my arrival in Boston, 
every proof of friendship in my power. I am 
ashamed not to have written to you sooner ; but 
I assure you that this has not been for want of 
esteem, but solely because I have been con- 
stantly occupied with the affairs of my govern- 
ment. Should you think proper to come and 
reside in this city, I would do all that might be 
possible for your encouragement. I shall not 
forget the recommendation of my lord the count 
of Galway in your favour ; and, without compli- 
ment, I am fully disposed to respond to that 
recommendation by all manner of good offices. 
I would be very glad to see you here, in order 
that I might confer with you about certain mat- 
ters relating to the king's service." J 

1 " De la nouvelle York ce 23 e novembre 1698. 
"Monsieur : — Je suis fache d'apprendre, que vous aves 
quitte la Nouvelle Angleterre, pour venir habiter dans Rode 
Island, c'est une nouvelle que M r Campbel, me dis ce qui 


Chap. xiii The subject of the proposed conference was a 

1699. plan, which Bernon had already submitted to 

Lord Bellomont, for employing the military force 

of the province in the manufacture of naval 

stores. In the following March he accepted the 

governor's invitation, and visited New York, 

Maimfact- where he received every mark of consideration. 

^°[ Lord Bellomont wrote home to the Board of 

stores. Trade, strongly favoring the project. 1 In Sep- 

m' afflige beaucoup — puk que J'avez dessin de vous faire 
toute l'amitie possible Lors que Je serais arive a Boston. 

*' J'ay de la honte de ne vous avoir pas Ecrit plutost mais Je 
vous assure, que cela na ete faute d'Estime, mais seulement 
pour avoir ete continuellemnt occupe aux affaires de raon 
gouvernement. Si vous trouvez apropos de vous venir 
etablir icy dans Cette Ville, Je feray tout mon possible de 
vous donner de l'Encouragement, Je noublieray pas la 
recommendation de Monsieur Le comte de Gallway en votre 
faveur et sans compliment Je suis fort dispose d'y repondre 
par toute sorte de Bons Offices, Je seray Bien Ayse de vous 
voir ici, afin de descourir avec vous, sur de certaines afaires, 
qui Regarde Le Service du Roy. 

" Je Suis auec une veritable Estime et amitie 

Votre tres humble Serviteur 

" for Monsieur Bernon a French Bellamont." 

marchand In Rode Island." 

(Bernon Papers.) 

1 " I sent for Mons r Bernon a French merchant and an 
honest sincere man, whom I was acquainted with in England, 
he being extreamly well recommended to me by my Lord 
Gallway and severall other French gentlemen and having 
lived some years at Boston and there in that country made a 
good quantity of pitch, tar, rozen and turpentine, I have 
discoursed him fully about these things, and find the King 
can best be supplied from this Province with the severall 
forementioned species of stores, and that for the following 
reasons. There grows an infinite number of pines in Long 
Island alias Nassau Island, and on both sides of Hudsons 
river, and between Albany and Schenectady, and there will 
be a water carriage which will mightily conduce to their 
cheapnesse. Then I would have the soldiers imployed to 


tember he came to Newport, to investigate cer- chap.xiii 
tain charges that had been made against the ^ 
administration of public affairs in Rhode Island. 
Upon this occasion, a petition signed by sixteen September 
persons — the two Huguenots Gabriel Bernon' 
and Pierre Ayrault heading it — was presented 
to the governor, asking for encouragement and 
assistance in maintaining a minister of the 
Church of England. The petitioners represent 
that they, with others inhabiting that Island, 
have agreed to erect a church for the worship of 
God according to the discipline of the Church of 
England, but are not in a capacity to provide f the 
unaided for the support of a minister. They ^JJ 1 " 
therefore pray that his lordship would intercede Ne ^£ ort 
with the king, for his command to the govern- 
ment of that colony, that they may be protected 
and assisted in this undertaking ; and that he 
would also recommend them to the favor of the 
Board of Trade, or such ministers of state as he 
may judge convenient for the purpose. 

The consequences of this action were import- 
ant. Lord Bellomont forwarded the petition of 
the Episcopalians of Newport to the Board of 
Trade, with his own hearty indorsement. It 

worke at making them at full English pay, which is 8d. 
p r day and an addition of 46.. p r day which will be i2d. in 
the whole .... All that I propose as a charge for the manage- 
ment is ,£200 p r ann. New Yorke mony to Mons r Bernon, 
and 2s. 6d. p r day to each Lieutenant New Yorke mony, a 
Lieutenant to every hundred soldiers to keep 'em at their 
worke." — Earl of Bellomont to the Lords of Trade ; New 
York, April 17, 1699. — (Documents relative to the Colonial 
History of the State of New York. Vol. IV., pp. 502, 503.) 


Chap. xiii was referred to the Bishop of London, who sub- 

1699. mitted it to the king ; and the king returned it 

„ ,_ to the Lords of Trade, for their consideration 


24. and report. Other petitions from America, for 
aid in the support of the ministry, and for the 
spread of Christianity among the Indians, were 
presented about the same time ; and these appeals 
led to the formation of The Society for the 
J rroi 6 ' P ro P a g a tion of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 
chartered by William III. in the year 1701. 

Bernon had been a member of the French 
Reformed Church, until the time of his depart- 
ure from Massachusetts ; and his relations with 
Daille and the Elders of the Boston congrep-a- 
tion continued to be close and cordial. But in 
Rhode Island, thrown among English-speaking- 
people, he could enter heartily into a plan for 
the establishment of the Anglican worship ; and 
he became a fervent and zealous member of the 
Church of England. He was active in the 
formation of the first three Episcopal churches 
1699. in Rhode Island — Trinity church in Newport, 
1707. St. Paul's church in Kingstown, and St. John's 
1722. church in Providence. 1 His devotion to the 

1 A mural tablet in St. John's Church, Providence, bears 
the following inscription : 

" In Memory of Gabriel Bernon, Son of Andre and 
Suzanne Bernon, Born at La Rochelle, France, April 6, 
A.D. 1644. A Huguenot. After two years' imprisonment 
for his Religious Faith, Previous to the revocation of The 
Edict of Nantes, He took refuge in England, and came to 
America A.D. 1688. Here he continued steadfast in pro- 
moting The Honour of the Church And the Glory of God. 
It is recorded in the History of Rhode Island, that ' To the 
persevering piety and untiring zeal of Gabriel Bernon, the 



interests of religion in the land of his adoption Chap.xm 
did not abate as the infirmities of old aee T „„. 
increased. In his eighty-first year— in the sum- 
mer of 1 724 — he crossed the ocean for the 
purpose of representing to the Bishop of 
London and the Society for the Propagation of 
the Gospel in Foreign Parts the necessities of 
the congregation in Providence, and the import- 
ance of sending a competent minister to that 
thriving: town. 

Like many of his fellow-refugees, Bernon was His 

intensely loyal to the British crown. " It is our loyalty 

1 11 » 1 ii t0 tbe 

great happiness and honor, he would say, " to British 

be able to proclaim ourselves good subjects of 
our sovereign king William ; and we cannot too 
highly venerate a prince so great, so good and 
so illustrious, nor respect too much his gover- 
nors, who represent him to us." The course 
taken by the leading French Protestants in New 
York, who sided with the party that opposed 
Governor Bellomont's policy, incurred Bernon's 
strong displeasure ; and the unsparing reproofs 
that he administered to them produced a breach 
that was never healed. His devotion to Dudley, 
and his lack of sympathy with the Puritan spirit, 
caused estrangement also from his former friends 

first three Episcopal Churches in Rhode Island owed their 
origin,' King's, now St. John's Church, Providence, Founded 
A.D. 1722, being one of them. He died in the Faith once 
delivered to the Saints, Feb. 1, A.D. 1736, M. 92, And is 
buried beneath this Church. ' Every one that hath forsaken 
houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or mother, or wife, 
or children, or lands, for My name's sake, shall receive an 
hundredfold, and shall inherit eternal life.' — St. Matt." 



chap.xm in Boston. Judge Sewall has given us in his 

~ Diary a glimpse of the refugee, in one of his 

unfrequent appearances in that city in later days. 

' As I came from Charlestown Lecture I met 

1L Mr. Bernon in Sudbury Street ; he turn'd from 

me and would not have seen me ; but I spake to 

him. Quickly after I saw Col. Vetch in the 

Council Chamber, and said to him, Mr. Bernon 

is in town, as I told you he would. He made 

lip-ht of it, and said he had bought cider of him ; 

he suppos'd he had business here. I observ'd 

he was at Sir Charles's Muster, and went round 

the Body with his Sword ' by his Side, follow'd 

by the Gov rs Attendants." 2 

Hi3 Bernon's Protestantism was not less pro- 

noimced nounce d than his loyalty. As late as the year 

Protest- 1 7 14 he and his Roman Catholic brother 

autism. . . 

Samuel, of Poitiers in Prance, continued to 
exchange letters upon their religious differences ; 
and the controversy seems to have been main- 
tained with sufficient acrimony on both sides. 
He corresponded also with the famous bishop of 
La Rochelle, Frezeau de la Frezeliere, and his 
successor, M. de Champflour. To the last, the 

1 Bernon's sword is in the possession of his descendant, 
Charles Bernon Allen, Esq., of Providence, Rhode Island. 
It bears on the blade the figures " * 1 * 4 * 1 * 4." It is 
noticeable that this date synchronizes with that of one of 
the wars of the house of Burgundy, from which the Bernons 
claimed to be descended. (See volume I., pages 277, 278.) 
Delfius relates that "in 1414, John the Intrepid came to 
Burgundy with twenty thousand horse, and reduced all the 
fortified places of Tonnerre, and gave them to his son 
Philip." — (Rerum Burgundicarum Libri sex. P. 102.) 

a Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. II , pp. 261, 262. 


old Huguenot was roused by anything that 
savored of priestly assumption and ecclesiastical I72 „ 
domination. In 1723, the eccentric John 
Checkley published in Boston a pamphlet, 
entitled " A Modest Proof of the Order and 
Government settled by Christ and His Apostles, 
in the Church. Recommended as Proper to be 
put in the hands of the Laity." Bernon wrote 
to the vestry of Trinity Church in Newport, who Jul y 10 - 
had caused an edition of this tract to be printed 
with their sanction, denouncing it as a device of 
the enemy, and complaining of the use made of 
his own name in the recommendation. 1 

Bernon's first wife, Esther Le Roy, died in 
Newport on the fourteenth day of June, 17 10, at 
the age of fifty-six years. In 171 2, he married 
Mary Harris. His second marriage was a very 
happy one. The last years of this exile from 

" Votre livre insinue," writes Bernon, " 1., que les 
laiques sont les esclaves des ecclesiastiques, qui les doivent 
conduire a leur plaisir et instruire par leurs levres ; 2., que 
les ecclesiastiques peuvent revetir et despouiller les laiques 
suivantleur pretendue succession ; 3., que les ecclesiastiques 
ont le gouvernement spirituel et temporel et immuable, 
ce qui est tres absurde, oppose comme le clerge du Papisme 
a l'ordre du gouvernement que Dieu a etabli par Moyse, et 
Christ declare a ses disciples que celuy qui voudra etre le 
premier sera le dernier." " Je suis ne gentilhomme laique 
de France," he continues, *' naturalise Anglois, que je prends 
a grand honneur plus que toutes les richesses de France ; 
parce que les laiques d'Angleterre ne sont pas comme les 
laiques de France esclaves du clerge et les haquenees du 
Pape ; pour quoy plutot que de le souffrir jay abandonne 
ma patrie, mon bien et mes amis pour me venir ranger et 
soumettre sous le gouvernement Anglois, ou je suis solen- 
nellement engage par serment devant Dieu." — (Bernon 



chap. xiii La Rochelle were spent peacefully in the house 
1736. he built himself in Providence, near Roger Wil- 
liams' spring, 1 where we see him teaching his 
English wife and children the devotional verses 
he had composed in his native tongue ; corre- 
sponding with Dean Berkeley at Newport ; 
and inditing his pious reflections upon Thomas 
a Kempis and Drelincourt's Consolations. He 
died on the first day^ of February, 1 736, at the 
advanced age of ninety-one years and ten 
months, and was buried beneath St. John's 
church, Providence, "with unusual marks of 
respect." 2 

The following obituary notice appeared Feb- 
ruary 19, 1736, in a Boston newspaper: — 

" On the first instant, departed this life, at 
Providence, Mr. Gabriel Bernon, in the g2 d year 
of his age. He was a gentleman by birth and 
estate, born in Rochelle, in France, and about 
fifty years ago he left his native country, and the 
greatest part of his estate, and, for the cause of 
true religion, fled into New England, where he 

1 " Here Gabriel Bernon built a house somewhat after the 
French style, with a bold jet arching over the street. The 
house was framed, of wood, two stories in front and three 
in the rear, and for that early day was doubtless one of the 
best structures in the town. The spring which attracted the 
attention of Roger Williams, and allured him to turn the 
prow of his canoe toward it, is well remembered by the 
writer. It gushed forth from the earth in a copious stream 
that flowed into the adjacent river." — Historical sketch of 
the life of Gabriel Bernon, (MS.,) by the late Zachariah 
Allen, LL.D. 

' History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations, by Samuel Greene Arnold. Volume II., p. 116. 


has ever since continued, and behaved himself 
as a zealous Protestant professor. He was I7 ~ 6 
courteous, honest, and kind, and died in great 
faith and hope in his Redeemer, and assurance 
of Salvation ; and has left a good name among 
his acquaintances. He evidenced the power of 
Christianity in his great sufferings, by leaving 
his country and his great estate, that he might 
worship God according to his conscience. He 
has left three daughters which he had by a 
French gentlewoman (his first wife), one of 
which is the virtuous wife of the Hon bIe William 
Coddington, Esq.; three daughters and a son 
by a gentlewoman of New England, who 
behaved to him as a virtuous woman and g-ave 


singular proof of a good wife ever till his death. 
He was decently buried under the Episcopal 
Church at Providence, and a great concourse of 
people attended his funeral, to whom the Rev- 
erend Mr. Brown preached an agreeable and 
eloquent funeral sermon from Psalm xxxix. 4." 

Descendants of Gabriel Bernon. — The children of 
Bernon by his first wife, Esther Le Roy, were Gabriel, 
Marie, Esther, Sarah, and Jeanne. 

Gabriel died unmarried. (See page 317.) 
Marie married Abraham Tourtellot. (See page 14.T.) 
Esther married, May 30, 1713, Adam Powell, who died in 
Newport, Rhode Island, December 24, 1725, aged fifty-one 
years. She died October 20, 1746, and was buried at 
Tower Hill, Rhode Island. Adam and Esther Powell had 
two daughters. The elder, Elizabeth, born in Newport, 
April 8, 1 7 14, married the Reverend Samuel Seabury, of 
New London, Connecticut, whose son Samuel, by a former 
marriage, was the first English bishop in America. She 
died February 6, 1799, aged eighty-seven years. The 
younger daughter, Esther, born in Newport, May, 17 18, was 
married, October, 1738, to James Helme, Chief-Justice of 


Chap. XIII the Superior Court of Rhode Island, and died March 22, 
— 1764. 

Sarah, daughter of Gabriel and Esther Bernon, was mar- 
ried, November n, 1722, to Benjamin Whipple. 

Jeanne, daughter of Gabriel and Esther Bernon, became 
the second wife of Colonel William Coddington, of New- 
port ; married October 11, 1722. She died June 18, 1752, 
leaving two sons, John and Francis, and four daughters, 
Content, Esther, Jane, and Ann. 

The children of Gabriel Bernon and his second wife, 
Mary Harris, were Gabriel, Susanne, Mary, and Eve. 
Gabriel died young. 

Susanne, daughter of Gabriel and Mary Bernon, born in 
Narragansett, 17 16, was married, August 23, 1734, to Joseph 
Crawford. She died February 18, 1S02, aged eighty-six 
years. Joseph and Susanne Crawford had nine children, 
the youngest of whom, Ann, born June 25, 1759, was mar- 
ried, January, 1778, to Zachariah Allen, who died April 
4, 1801, aged sixty-one years. She died September 3, 1808, 
leaving six children : Lydia, Ann, Philip, Candace, Zacha- 
riah, and Crawford. 

Mary, daughter of Gabriel and Mary Bernon, born April 
1, 1 7 19, married Gideon Crawford, and died October 1, 
1789. They had seven sons and four daughters. Eve, bap- 
tized July ir, 17 21, died, unmarried, in 1775. 

The Honorable Zachariah Allen, LL.D., son of Anne Craw- 
ford, who married Zachariah Allen, and grandson of Susanne, 
daughter of Gabriel and Mary Bernon, was born in Providence, 
Rhode Island, September 15, 1795, and died in that city- 
March 17, 1882, in the eighty-seventh year of his age. He was 
graduated in 1813 at Brown University, and subsequently 
pursued a course of study in law and in medicine. He was 
married in 181 7 to Eliza Harriet, daughter of Welcome 
Arnold, Esq., of Providence. During his long life, while 
actively engaged in business, he was also a zealous student 
of natural science and mechanical philosophy, the inventor 
of valuable improvements in machinery, the founder and 
promoter of many literary and philanthropic enterprises, 
the author of several books and of numerous dissertations. 
As President of the Rhode Island Historical Society, Mr. 
Allen devoted much time and labor to researches relating to 
the history of his own State. Methodical and industrious, 
he was enabled, by a temperament wonderfully buoyant, and . 
a constitution vigorous and elastic, not only to keep up 
these studies and labors to the last, but also to move among 
his fellow-men, helpful and sympathetic, interested in all the 


vital questions of the day, and contributing to the happiness Cliap.XIII 
and profit of his family and of a large circle of friends, by 
his benignant presence and genial companionship, and by 
his unaffected piety. 

Mr. Allen's Huguenot ancestry was matter of deep inter- 
est and unfailing delight to him. He well remembered his 
mother's mother, Susanne, daughter of Gabriel Bernon ; 
and his retentive memory was stored with distinct impres- 
sions received through her of that remarkable personage, 
and of the race which he so worthily represented. Indeed, 
perhaps more than any other American who has lived in 
these times, Mr. Allen himself illustrated some of the finest 
traits of the Huguenot character. Upon the formation of 
the Huguenot Memorial Society of Oxford, Massachusetts, 
in October, i88r, he was chosen its president. A "Memo- 
rial of Zachariah Allen, 1 795-1 882, by Amos Perry," was 
published in 1883. 


The Settlement. 


chap, xiv No considerable body of Protestant exiles 
from France settled within the bounds of the 
colony of Connecticut at the time of the general 
emigration. Yet there are a few localities 
within those bounds that may claim our atten- 
tion as the early homes of certain Huguenot 
families of note. 

The little seaport town of Milford, on Long 
Island Sound, with its safe harbor, its facilities 
of access, and its pleasing aspect, attracted a 
number of the refugees, several of whom bore 
names that have become widely known and 
highly honored. Thither Peter Peiret, Paul 
Collin, the Gillettes, the Durands, and others, 
went towards the close of the seventeenth cen- 
tury or in the beginning of the eighteenth. 

Peter Peiret was probably the son as well as 
the namesake of the excellent pastor of the 
French Church in New York, who died in the 
year 1704, and whose remains repose in Trinity 
churchyard. Pastor Peiret left several children, 
and among them, it is believed, an older son 


named after himself. 1 The Milford settler, who chap, xiv 
died before June 16, 1718, when letters of 
administration upon his estate were issued, left 
two children, Peter and Margaret. 2 His son 
Peter became a successful merchant, and was 
engaged in trade with France. 3 The late Pela- 
tiah Perit of New York was his descendant. 4 

Paul Collin, one of the French settlers in Nar- 
ragansett, removed to Milford upon the break- 
ing up of that colony, and was probably the 
father of John Collin, who was born in the year 
1706. The tradition that represents this family 
as of Huguenot descent is confirmed by docu- 
mentary evidence. 5 

1 Four children of Pierre Peiret and Marguerite La Tour, 
his wife, were baptized in the French Church, New York. 
These were, Susanne, born November 18, 1690 ; Gabriel, 
born January 30, 1694 ; Francoise, born March 1 , 1696 ; 
and Elizabeth, born December 22, 1700. But Peiret was in 
middle life when he came to New York, and doubtless 
brought with him children born in France. Pierre and 
Madeleine, who signed as sponsors at the baptism of Eliza- 
beth, were probably the older children of Pierre and Mar- 
guerite Peiret. 

3 Administration of the estate of Peter Peiret was granted 
to his widow Mary, who was appointed guardian of his chil- 
dren, Peter, aged eight years, and Margaret, aged six years. 
A record of the division of the property is dated June 16, 
17 18. — (Probate Records, New Haven, Connecticut.) 

3 Lambert's History of Connecticut. 

4 I am informed that Mr. Perit " often alluded to his 
ancestors as of the Huguenot race," and as having settled in 

5 Paul Collin, — see volume I., page 304, — was the son of 
Jean Collin, of the Isle of Re, France. The name is that of 
an ancient Rochellese family, in which the name of Jean 
Collin frequently occurs. For the descendants in America, 
see " A history of the Family of John Collin, of Milford, 
Connecticut." Hudson, N. Y., 1872. 


chap, xiv William Gilet, a French refugee pastor of 
whom some account has been given in a pre- 
vious chapter, 1 came to Milford in 1722, or 
earlier. He had been preceded by Eliphalet 
Gilet, perhaps his near relative, whose name 
occurs first in the year 1 703. 

The Huguenot Pierre Durand emigrated to 
America, according to the family tradition, in 
the year 1 702, and after a brief sojourn in the 
South, established himself in Milford, where his 
descendants still reside. 

Jacques Depont, a nephew of Gabriel Bernon, 
became a resident of Milford in the latter part 
of the seventeenth century. He engaged in 
business with Nathanael Smith, and at his death 
in 1 703 left considerable property. 2 

In the burying-ground of the village Church, 
there is to be seen to this day the grave of " Mr. 
Louis Liron, Merchant," who "departed this life 
y e 18 Sept. 1738, in y e 88 th year of his age." 3 
Louis Liron, a French Protestant refugee, from 
Nismes in Languedoc, established himself in 
trade in Milford, as early as the year 1695. Four 
years later, he was concerned in an occurrence 
that created no little stir in the colony, and in 
the adjoining province of New York. It was in 
the beginning of October, 1699, that two envoys 
from Canada made their appearance in Milford. 
They were on their way home from Rhode Island, 

1 See page 144. 

2 Bernon Papers. 

3 Communicated by the Reverend George H. Griffin, Mil- 
ford, Connecticut. 



whither they had gone in search of Lord Bello- Chap, xiv 
mont, whom they found in Newport. Having ^99. 
delivered the message they bore from Monsieur 
de Callieres, governor of Canada, to the gov- 
ernor of New York, these gentlemen were now 
seeking to return to Quebec, " the shortest way," 
through Albany, and over lake Champlain. 
Upon reaching Milford, they were directed to 
Liron, who entertained them courteously, and 
forwarded them on their journey, sending a 
young man to accompany them up the valley of 
the Naugatuck river, as far as Waterbury. The 
commotion produced in the little village by this 
unusual visit had scarcely subsided, when it 
began to be rumored, that the professed envoys 
were in reality spies, or secret agents of the 
Canadian government. According to some, 
their errand was to persuade the Indians of the 
Five Nations to forsake their English allies, and 
make a treaty with the French. Others believed 
them to have come for the purpose of inspecting 
the English defenses, with a view to a speedy 
attack upon them. One of these emissaries was 
Monsieur de la Valliere, the son of a former 
orovernor of Ouebec. 1 The other was the famous 

. . The Jesuit 

Jesuit missionary Bruyas. " Some people," Bruyas, 
wrote Lord Bellomont, a year later, " are not 


de la 

1 Michael Le Neuf, sieur de la Valliere et de Beaubassin, 
was the son of Jacques Le Neuf de la Poterie, governor of 
Quebec in 1665. De la Valliere went to Acadia in 1676, 
and was appointed commandant, July 16, 1678. — Diction- 
naire genealogique des families canadiennes depuis 1608 
jusqu' a 1700. Par l'abbe Cyprien Tanguay. P. 381. — His- 
tory of Acadia, by James Hannay, p. 216. 


chap, xiv without a jealousy that the Jesuit Brouyas and 
i6qq Mons r De La Valliere, that were sent to me on 
pretence of a compliment by the Governor of 
Canada, were rather intended as spies, to look 
into the condition of our forts and garrisons." ' 
Were these suspicions well founded ? It would 
be difficult to say. Intrigue and mystification 
seem to have pervaded all transactions between 
the two countries in that day ; and it is not 
impossible that the errand of these Frenchmen 
to Newport and Albany may have covered some 
private business scheme, instead of a deep-laid 
political plot. Both of them were versed in 
such transactions. De la Valliere had formerly 
been the object of distrust on the part of his own 
government, because of his underhand commer- 
cial dealings with the English in Boston ; 2 and 
the Jesuit Bruyas was doubtless, like most of his 
order, an adept in the ways of trade. 3 It was no 
uncommon thing 1 for a Canadian official to visit 
New England upon some specious pretext, but 
in reality for the purpose of effecting a private 

1 Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State 
of New York. Vol. IV., p. 645. 

2 The History of Acadia, by James Hannay, pp. 216-219. 
— Massachusetts Archives, French Collections, vol. III., pp. 
49, 146. 

3 The Old Regime in Canada, by Francis Parkman. Pp. 
328-330. — The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth 
Century. By Francis Parkman. P. 365. 

" All the world knows that the Jesuits' commerce in pel- 
tries with the Indians during one year is as extensive as that 
of all the Dutch in New York, Albany and Pennsylvania 
during ten years." — (Translator of the Papers of Father 
Bruyas ; Boston, April 29, 1690. The Magazine of Amer- 
ican History, vol. III., p. 259.) 


negotiation with some Puritan or Hug-uenot chap.xiv. 

Louis Liron's good name suffered no perma- 
nent injury from his connection with this mys- 
terious visit. He lived to become wealthy, and, 
dying at a good old age, made generous bequests 
to the French churches of Boston and New 
Rochelle, to the poor of Boston, and to Yale 
College. 1 

The beautiful town of Hartford in Connecti- 
cut became, in the first half of the eighteenth 
century, the abode of several French Protestant 
families. Some time between the years 1721 
and 1727, Jean Beauchamp 2 removed from Bos- 
ton to Hartford. He was soon followed by a 
member of the Huguenot family of Laurens, or 
Lawrence, who married one of Beauchamp's 
daughters. 3 Another of his daughters married 
Jean Michel Chenevard, 4 whose descendants 

1 Probate Records, New Haven. (Rev. George H. 

2 See pages 103, 298. He was a "merchant, of Boston," 
when he became surety for Gabriel Bernon as adminis- 
trator of Bertrand du Tuffeau's estate. His wife Margaret 
died in Hartford, December 8, 1727, aged fifty-nine years. 
John Beauchamp died November 14, 1740, aged eighty-eight 
years. Susanna Beauchamp married Allan McLean, Octo- 
ber 2S, 1741. Elizabeth Beauchamp married Thomas 
Elmer, of Windsor, February 18, 1752. 

3 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of 
New England. 

4 Possibly descended from a Huguenot family of the prov- 
ince of Poitou, represented, 1605-162 1, by Estienne 
Chesnevert, or Chesneverd, a leading Protestant lawyer, and 
one of the deputies of the Protestant Churches of France. 
— (La France Protestante.) 


chap, xiv continued for many years to reside in this town. 1 
Francois Duplessis soon joined this group of 
refugees. 2 

Toward the close of the century, another con- 
spicuous Huguenot name was added to this list. 
Charles Sigourney, a descendant of Andre 
Sigourney, of La Rochelle, was a native of 
Boston, and came to Hartford in early manhood. 
He married twice, and his second wife was Lydia 
Huntley Sigourney. 

Though Mrs. L. H. Sigourney was not her- 
self of Huguenot extraction, her name deserves 
mention in this account of the race, with a 
descendant of which she became allied by mar- 
riage. The story of the Huguenots, in Europe 
and in America, was a theme of inexhaustible 
interest, to her ; and several of her numerous 

' John, son of Mr. John Michael Chenevard, was baptized 
in the First Church in Hartford, August 5, 1733. Marianne, 
daughter, was baptized March 23, 1734-5. John Michael 
Chenevard died April 7, 1735, a ged fifty-six years. Mar- 
garet, his wife, died March 18, 1787, aged seventy-six 
years. Margaret Chenevard married John Lawrence, Sep- 
tember 26, 1748. Mary Chenevard married Samuel Olcott, 
November 18, 1759- Catharine married Samuel Marsh, 
January 17, 1762. John married Hepzibah Collyer, January 
29, 1769. Captain John Chenevard died October 6, 1805, 
aged seventy-two years. Hepzibah, his wife, died June 4, 
1774, aged thirty-three years. Michael Chenevard died 
November 15, 1801, aged thirty years. — (Communicated by 
Charles J. Hoadly, Esq., Librarian of the State Library, 
Hartford, Connecticut.) 

J Francis Duplessis died July 3, 1 73 r, aged thirty-eight 
years. He was perhaps the son of Francis Du Plessis, who 
was naturalized in England," July 10, 1696. 


writings, in prose and in verse, contain refer- chap, xiv 
ences to their virtues and sufferings. The 
following lines occur in the poem entitled " The 
Huguenot Fort at Oxford, Massachusetts:" — 

" Tell me other tales 
" Of that high-minded race, who for the sake 
'* Of conscience, made those western wilds their home ; 
" How to their door the prowling savage stole 
; ' Staining their hearth-stone with the blood of babes ; 
" And — as the Arab strikes his fragile tent 
" Making the desert lonely — how they left 
" Their infant Zion with a mournful heart 
" To seek a safer home. 

" Fain would I sit 
" Beside this ruined fort, and muse of them, 
" Mingling their features with my humble verse, 
" Whom many of the noblest of our land 
" Claim as their honored sires. 

" On all who bear 
" Their name, or lineage, may their mantle rest ; — 
" That firmness for the truth, that calm content 
" With simple pleasures, that unswerving trust, 
" In toil, adversity, and death, which cast 
" Such healthful leaven 'mid the elements 
" That peopled the new world." 




1687. Lettre de M r . M. a M r . de Vie son ad*. Ecriste des prisons de 

L'Hotel de ville en 1687 du i er X bre . 


Jay jette les yeux sur vous [pour vous] prier de defendre mon 
droit et de le mettre en evidence parceque je ne connois point 
davocat plus eclaire soit par l'estude soit par l'experience ni plus 
jntegre ni moins capable de se laisser preocuper par un zele de 
religion mal regie et mal conduit. 

Je fais profession de la Religion Reformee et je suis en prison 
poursuivi comme ayant contrevenu a la declaration du Roy qui 
deffend a ses sujets de sortir du Royaume. 

2°. Jay este arrette a Agen le 20 ou le 21 de feurier de 1'annee 
1686 (ma femme estant avec moy) par Le S r . Cheuailler de Gram- 
mond lieutenant de dragons et conduit par luy et plusieurs autres 
officiers accompagne de soklats au logis du S e . Jaques. De la 
apres avoir este separe de ma femme, je fus mene aux prisons du 
presidial d'Agen auec quelques autres qu on auoit arrettes. Une 
heure apres je fus visite par vn sergent et un soldat du regim* de 
Tourayne qui me prirent mes tablettes apres que je les eus 
ouvertes en presence du concierge, dans ces tablettes il y auoit 
seulm* un papier volant d'un cart de feuille sur lequel estoit 
marque vn cadran. Ces tablettes feurent portees aux officiers qui 
commandoit les troupes qui pour lors estoit a Agen. 

3. Deux ou trois jours apres je feus jnterroge par un officio- de 
Robe qu'on apella Lieuten*. du Presidial d'Agen deuant qui je 
demanday mon renvoy devant mon juge naturel, et quoy que 
j'eusse resollu de ne repondre a aucun de ses jnterrogatoires, 
neantmoins il ne fut pas en mon pouvoir de me contenir lorsque 
m 'ayant represente mes tablettes jl si trouva vn sonnet en langage 
de Gascongne fait a ce quil me dit en derision des conuersions qui 
se faisoit. Je presume que M rs - Les officiers du regiment de Tou- 
raine par Les mains de qui mes tablettes passerent ly mirent. 

Je me contantay de protester que je nauois point compose, ny 
ecrit, ny leu, ny entanclu dire led. sonnet, et qu'il auoit ete mis dans 
mes tablettes clepuis que je les auoit remises entre les mains du 
sergent et du soldat et de cela les appellay a temoins auec le con- 
cierge. Ma protestaon fut ecrite meme sur le sonnet. 



[See Preface ; also pages 124-131 of this volume.] 

Letter of Mr. Mascarene to Mr. de Vie his lawyer, written from 1687. 
the prisons of the Hotel de ville, December 1, 1687. 

Sir : I have cast my eyes upon you to beg you to defend my 
cause and place it in evidence, because I am not acquainted with 
any lawyer more enlightened whether by study or by experience, 
nor more upright, nor less likely to suffer himself to be prejudiced 
by a zeal for religion, ill-regulated and ill-directed. 

I profess the Reformed religion, and am in prison, prosecuted as 
having violated the declaration of the king forbidding his subjects 
to leave the kingdom. 

2. I was arrested at Agen on the 20th or 21st of February, in the 
year 1686 (my wife being with me,) by the Chevalier de Gramond, 
lieutenant of dragoons, and was taken by him and several other 
officers, accompanied by soldiers, to the logis of St. Jaques. 
Thence, after having been separated from my wife, I was led to the 
prisons of the inferior court of Agen. with some others that had 
been arrested. An hour after, I was visited by a sergeant and a 
soldier of the regiment of Touraine, who took away my pocket- 
book, after I had opened it in the presence of the door-keeper. In 
this pocket-book there was only a loose paper of a quarter of a 
sheet, on which a dial was marked. This pocket-book was taken 
to the officers in command of the troops which were at that time 
at Agen. 

3. Two or three days later I was questioned by a judicial offi- 
cer called the lieutenant of the inferior court of Agen, before 
whom I demanded that I might be sent before the judge of my dis- 
trict. Although I had resolved not to answer any of his interro- 
gatories, nevertheless it was not in my power to hold my peace, 
when having brought forth my pocket-book there was found within 
it a sonnet in the dialect of Gascony, composed, as he said, in 
derision of the conversions that were taking place. I presume 
that the officers of the regiment of Touraine, through whose hands 
my pocket-book passed, placed it there. I contented myself with 
protesting that I had not composed, nor written, nor read, nor 
heard of the said sonnet, and that it had been put into my pocket- 
book since I had placed it in the hands of the sergeant and the 
soldier ; and of this I called the door-keeper to witness. My protest 
was written upon the sonnet itself. 


1687. 4°. Apres une audition faite 12 ou 15 jours apres, dans laquelle 

j'insistay toujours a demander mon renuoy je fus conduit a Castres 
auec M 1 ' Dupuy maintenant prisonier a la conciergerie preuenu du 
meme cas. II fut arrete le meme jour que moyetc'est la premiere 
connoissance que j'ai fait auec luy. Quelques jours apres que nous 
fumes a Castres dans les prisons de Latoucaudiere, 1 M r Barbara 
juge criminel proceda a mon audition. 

5. II me demanda s'il n'etoit vray que j'auois quitte ma maison 
de Castres pour aller a la campagne au comencem 1 de Teste de 
l'annee 1685 a quoy je repondis que j'avois passe Teste auec ma 
femme a vn bien que j'auois du cotte d Angles pour y faire faire 
La saison et ensuitte la recolte et pand' ce tems la y faire agrandir 
mon logem* qui ne consistoit pour lors qu'en une chambre afin de 
pouvoir plus comodem' y passer un ou deux mois tous les etes. 

6. II me demanda si estant reuenu a Castres vers la fin de Teste 
je ne m'en estois retourne a ma meterie, a quoy je repondis qu'ouy. 

7. II me demanda pourquoy environ le 10 ou le 12 8 bre i684[i685] 
j'avois avec ma femme quitte ma maison de campagne. Je respon- 
dis que pour lors ma femme estoit enceinte et prette a acoucher, 
dans 7 ou 8 jours et quelle fut si fort effrayee par le bruit qui 
couroit que des gens de guerre deuoit venir a discrection a Castres 
et a Angles comme ils estoit deja venus dans les villes circonuoisines 
et que notre maison en deuoit etre remplie il me fut impossible de 
la faire reuenir de son effroy de sorte que voyant quelle estoit en 
danger de perir auec lanfant quelle portoit je fus luy chercher un 
asile chez quelques paisans de la Montagne de Noire ou des en- 
virons ou nous passames une partie de l'hiuer. Pand' ce tems 
elle acoucha d'un enfant male nomine Jean Paul Mascarene (qui 
est maintenant a Castres). 

8. II me demanda pourquoy estois-je venu a Toulouse. Je 
repondis qu'oyant que vingt deux soldats du regim* de Conismark 
(apres auoir vandu tous mes cabaux 2 et tous les foins et la paille 
quils trouuerent dans mes meteries auec tous mes meubles) se 
detachoit la nuit pour nous prendre cela redoubla si fort l'effroy 
que ma femme auoit deja que nous feumes obliges cle nous 
elloigner d'autant plus que nous ne pouuions plus rester dans les 
lieux ou nous fuissions conneus a cause d'une ordon ce . de mg r . 
Tintand* qui deffant de Ioger des gens de La Religion a peine de 
500 II. d'amende, et que d'ailleurs led. du Roy [qui] reuoque celuy 
de Nantes dans l'article 12 nous donnoit la liberte d'aller dans 
toutes les villes du royaume sans y etre troubles pour la Religion. 

9. II me demanda pourquoi je n'auuois rest6 a Toulouse et pour- 

1 " La tour Caudiere etait le palais de justice de Castres." — (Memoires 
de Jacques Caches, p. 7.) 

2 CABAU (dialecte languedocienne) : tresor, possession, heritage, 
"Tout moun cabau " — tout mon avoir. — (Diet, provencal-f rancais. ) 


4. After a hearing given me, twelve or fifteen days later, in which 1687. 
I still insisted on demanding to be sent to another court, I was 

taken to Castres, with Mr. Dupuy, at present a prisoner in the 
Conciergerie, charged with the same offense. He was arrested the 
same day with myself, and it was my first acquaintance with him. 
Some days after we were in Castres in the prisons of the Caudiere 
tower, 1 Mr. Barbara, criminal judge, proceeded to my hearing. 

5. He asked me whether it was not true that I had left my house 
at Castres to go into the country, in the beginning of the summer 
of the year 1685 ; to which I answered that I had passed the sum- 
mer with my wife, on a property which I had in the direction of 
Angles, to see to the crops and the harvest, and meanwhile to 
enlarge my house there, which at that time consisted of but one 
room, so as to be able more comfortably to pass a month or two 
there every summer. 

6. He asked me whether, having returned to Castres toward the 
end of the summer, I did not go back again to my farm ; to which 
I answered, that I did. 

7. He asked me why, about the 10th or 12th of October, 1685, 
I had left my country-house with my wife. I replied that at that 
time my wife was pregnant and expecting to be delivered within 
seven or eight days, and that she was so greatly affrighted ty the 
rumor then current, that soldiers were to come and live at free 
quarters at Castres and Angles, as they had already come to the 
neighboring towns, and that our house was to be filled with them, 
that it was impossible for me to bring her back from her fright. 
Accordingly, seeing that she was in danger of dying with her 
unborn child, I went to look for a refuge among some peasants of 
the Montague Noire, or of the neighborhood, where we passed a 
part of the winter. During this time she was delivered of a male 
child named Jean Paul Mascarene (who is at present at Castres). 

8. He asked me why I went to Toulouse. I replied that hearing 
that twenty-two soldiers of the regiment of Kcenigsmark (after hav- 
ing sold all my cabaux 2 and all the hay and straw they found on 
my farms, with all my furniture) were setting out by night to cap- 
ture us, this so greatly increased the fright my wife was already in 
that we were obliged to go away ; the more so that we could no 
longer remain in the places where we were known, because of an 
ordinance of Monseigneur the intendant, forbidding all persons to 
lodge any of the [Reformed] religion, upon penalty of 500 
livresfine; and because, moreover, the king's edict revoking that 
of Nantes, article 12, gave us liberty to go into all the cities of the 
realm without being there molested for religion. 

9. He asked me why I did not remain at Toulouse, and why I 

"' The Caudi&re tower was the court-house of Castres." — (Memoirs of 
Caches, p. 7.) 

2 Cabau (in the dialect of Languedoc) : treasure, property, inheritance. 
" Tout moun cabau " — all my property, — (Diet, provencal-francais.) 



quoi je me sois embarque sur la Garonne dans le bateau de poste a 
quoy je repondis que n'ayant pas cru pourvoir resteren surete dans 
Toulouse pour y etre trop connu j'auvais resolu d'aller dans les 
villes ou ne l'estant pas je puisse attandre auec moins d'allarmes ce 
quil plairoit au Roy d'ordonner a l'egard de ses sujets de la Reli- 
gion pretendeue Reformee qui ne voudroit pas changer car bien 
que par led. de sa majeste il feut deffendu de les troubler neant- 
moins plusieurs particuliers abusoient de leur pouvoir et du terns 
pour persecuter ceux contre lesquels ils auoient quelque ressenti- 
ment, et que parce que ma femme n'estoit pas encore bien remise 
d'une rechute qu'elle eut dans cet acoucher ny par conseq 1 . en estat 
d'aller commodem 1 a cheval je resollus de nous embarquer sur la 
Garonne dans le bateau qui part ordinairement pour Agen. Et 
qu'estant arriue a Agen je crus ny pouuoir rester en surete parce 
que j'apris que le s r . de Romens natif de Castres a qui j'ettois 
connu commendoit les troupes qui estoint dans la ville en qualitte 
de plus ancien capitaine, que je vis quelques autre officiers de qui 
ma femme et moy estions connus et que j'entendis dire qu'on avoit 
arrette de gens de la Religion. Tout cela rn'oblis^ea a m'en aller 
promtem*. au bateau qui partoint pour Bourdeaux, dans lequel je 
ne fus pas plutot que le s l . Chevaillier de Gramond estantvenu me 
demanda si je ne faisois pas profession de la Religion pretendeue 
Refformee a qui je repondis qu'ouy sur quoy il nous fit com- 
mendem 1 . a ma femme et a moy de la part du Roy de le suivre et 
nous obeismes. 

10. M r . Barbara juge criminel me demanda encore sil n'estoit 
pas vray que je voulus quitter le royaume a quoy je repondis 
que j'aymois trop ma patrie pour vouloir la quitter que dy etre 

11. II me demanda ensuitte si je n'auois pas fait complot auec 
Mr. Dupuy de Caramang, M r . de Moutens et mad lle sa femme, le 
S r . Caudier et sa femme habitans de Bruniquet a trois lieues de 
Montauban, et le s r . Malabion (qui est presentenr a Castres) de 
quitter le royaume. Je deniay led. jnterrogatoire et j'avoueray 
[j'avouay] que je ne connoisses point du tout M 1 '. Dupuy ny le s 1 '. 
Caudier ny sa femme que je ne connoisses que de veue M r . Mou- 
tens et m me sa femme quils estoit elloignes du lieu de mon habita- 
tion, les uns de neuf ou dix lieues et les autres de douze ou quinze 
lieues. J'avoueray [j'avouay] qu'en venant a Toulouse j'auois fait 
rencontre du s r . Malabion qui me dit quil alloit a la foire de Bour- 
deaux sur un cheval qu'il montoit (il apartenoit a M r . Barbara 
juge). Et je fus surpris de trouver en suitte led. s'. Malabion au 
bateau et luy demanday ce quil auait fait de son cheval. 

12. II me demanda ensuitte pourquoy j'avois eu dessein de m'en 
aller a Bourdeaux a quoy je repondis que c'estoit parce que je 
n'avois peu rester en surete a Agen et que j'esperois de pouvoir 
passer quelques jours en repos et sans qu'on prit garde a moy 
au moins durant la foire quy commencoit dans sept ou huit 
jours (et je me resouvois de 'marretter a la Reole ou en quelque 


embarked on the Garonne on the packet-boat. I replied that 
thinking- that I could not safely remain in Toulouse, because too 
well known there, I resolved to go to cities, where not being 
known, I might with less alarm await what the king should be 
pleased to ordain with regard to his subjects of the Pretended 
Reformed Religion who were unwilling to change. For although by 
the edict of his majesty it was forbidden to molest them, neverthe- 
less a number of individuals abused their power and opportunity to 
persecute those against whom they had some grudge. And because 
my wife had not fully recovered from a relapse which she had dur- 
ing this confinement, and was consequently not in such a state as 
comfortably to ride on horseback, I resolved that we should go on 
the Garonne by the boat that leaves regularly for Agen. And 
having arrived at Agen, I believed that I could not remain there 
safely because I learned that the sieur de Romens, a native of 
Castres, to whom I was known, commanded the troops that were 
in the city, in virtue of being the senior captain ; because I saw 
some other officers to whom my wife and I were known, and 
because I heard it said that some persons of the [Reformed] 
religion had been arrested. All this compelled me to go promptly 
to the boat that was leaving for Bordeaux ; which I had no sooner 
entered than the chevalier de Gramond, coming on board, asked 
me whether I did not make profession of the pretended Reformed 
religion. I replied that I did, whereupon he ordered my wife and 
myself, in the name of the king, to follow him, and we obeyed. 

10. Mr. Barbara, the criminal judge, asked me still further, if it 
was not true that I intended leaving the kingdom ; to which I 
replied, that I loved my native land too much to wish to leave it 
unless I were forced to do it. 

ii. He asked me next, if I had not formed a plot with Mr. 
Dupuy of Caraman, Mr. de Moutens and his wife, the sieur Cau- 
dier and his wife, inhabitants of Bruniquet, three leagues distant 
from Montauban, and sieur Malabion, who is at present at Castres, 
to leave the kingdom. I denied the said interrogatory, and 
confessed that I did not know at all Mr. Dupuy nor the sieur Cau- 
dier nor his wife ; that I merely knew by sight Mr. de Moutens and 
his wife; that they were distant from the place of my abode, some 
of them, nine or ten leagues, and the others, twelve or 
fifteen leagues. I admitted that in coming to Toulouse I 
had met the sieur Malabion, who told me that he was going to 
the fair at Bordeaux on a horse upon which he was mounted. 
(It belonged to Mr. Barbara, the judge.) I was surprised after- 
ward to find the said sieur de Malabion on the boat, and I asked 
him what he had done with his horse. 

12. He next asked me why I had intended going to Bordeaux. 
To which I replied, that it was because I had been unable to 
remain in safety at Agen, and I hoped to be able to pass a few r 
days in quiet and without being noticed by anyone, at least during 
the fair, which was to begin in seven or eight days ; and I resolved 




1687. autre lieu en cas que j'y eusse trouve la surete et le repos que 
je cerchois). 

Quatre de mes metayers de differantes meteries deposent que je 
suis party de ma meterie de Carrelle ou j'auois passe Teste et 
quils n'ont point seu ou j'ettois alle. L'un d'eux dit que je suis 
party de nuit auec ma femme, vous verres ma reponse dans 
1 article 7. 

Deux consuls d'Angles deposent que lorsque vingt soldats du 
regiment de Conismark et un sergent commendes par un officier 
feurent alles a ma meterie de Carrelle quelqu'un d'entr'eux reuint 
a Angles dire quils ne my auoit point trouve. Vous verres ma 
reponse dans l'article 7. 

Un nomme Durraquy precepteur chez un gentilhomme depose 
qu'ayant este interroge par ce gentilhomme chez qui il estoit si je 
ne voulois pas changer de religion je repondis que j'ettois persuade 
de la verite de ma religion et que je voulois y perseuerer toute ma 
vie. Non seulement j'accorday le fait, mais outre cela je dis a m r 
Barbara qui me confrontoit ces temoins que s'il prenoit la peine de 
me faire la meme demande je luyfairois la meme reponse. 

Par sentence du mois dAuril 1686 m r . Dupuy et moy auons este 
condamnes aux galeres perpetuelles nos biens confisques et mille 
ecus damande envers le Roy nous auons este menes de suitte au 
parlement de La pres te - de Toulouse on nous separa quelque jours 
apres M r . Dupuy est reste a la Conciergerie et j'ay este transfere 
aux prisons de l'hostel de ville d'ou je vous ecris. 

Un an apres savoir le 7 may de la presente annee 1687 nous 
auons este mis sur la selette ou m rs . les conseillers de la Tournelle 
me firent quelque interrogats de ceux que je vous ay cy dessus 
specifies et le reste de mon audition fut employe en questions de 
controuerse qui ne touchent en rien a ce que je souhaitte mainten* 
de vous. Car quoy que ma Religion passe pour un crime et que 
je voye bien que sans ma Religion je ne serois a l'estat ou je suis je 
ne pretends point me justifier de ce crime pretendu et jayme mieux 
etre toujours criminel de cette manniere que recouvrer tout ce que 
j'ay perdu. Toute controuerse apart je suis persuade de la verite 
de ma religion, ma conscience ne peut gouter celle qu'on me pro- 
pose, j'ay une auersion insurmontable pour l'hipocritie et j'estime 
que tout ce qui nous peut porter a embrasser une religion c'est 
seulemt. la connoissance que nous avons de Dieu et de ce quil a 
fait pour nous l'amour et la reconnce que nous devons avoir pour 
luy, la connoissance et l'amour de la verite, La crainte d'un mal- 
heur infiny et eternel, et l'esperance d'une felicite parfaitte et 

Dans toutes mes auditions jay obmis ce qui estoit le principal 
sujet de ma femme et qui nous donnoit lieu de craindre auec ray- 
son d'etre pris et maltraittes et comme vous jugeres peut-etre que 
cela pourra etre de quelque importance dans mon affaire il ne sera 
pas mal apropos que je fasse icy une petite disgression. 11 y a en- 
viron quatre ans que Margueritte de Salavy (auec qui je suis marie 
depuis trois ans) receut un affront du nomme Calvet tils qui luy 


to stop at La Reole, or at some other place, should I find there the 1687. 
safety and rest of which I was in search. 

Four of my farmers, from different farms, depose that I left my 
farm of Carrelle, where I had passed the summer, and that they 
did not know whither I had gone. One of them says that I left 
by night with my wife. You will see my answer in article 7. 

Two consuls of Angles depose, that when twenty soldiers of the 
regiment of Koenigsmark, and a sergeant, commanded by an offi- 
cer, went to my farm of Carrelle, one of them came back to An- 
gles and stated that they had not found me. You will see my 
answer in article 7. 

A man named Durraquy, tutor in a gentleman's house, deposes 
that having been questioned by that gentleman, at whose house he 
was, whether I would not change my religion, I replied that I was 
persuaded of the truth of my religion, and that I wished to perse- 
vere in it during my whole life. Not only did I admit the fact, but 
in addition I said to Mr. Barbara, who confronted me with these 
witnesses, that if he would take the trouble to ask me the same 
question, I should make the same reply. 

By sentence of the month of April, 1686, Mr. Dupuy and I were 
condemned to the galleys for life, our property was confiscated 
.with a fine of one thousand crowns to the king. Next we were 
taken to the parliament of the of Toulouse, where, a 

few days later, we were separated. Mr. Dupuy remained in the 
Conciergerie, and I was transferred to the prisons of the Hotel 
de Ville, from which I write to you. 

A year afterwards, namely, on the 7th of May of the present 
year 1687, we were subjected to an examination, in which the coun- 
selors of the Tournelle addressed to me certain inquiries on some 
of the points which I have above specified, and the rest of my 
hearing was occupied with controversial questions that do not at 
all touch upon the subject of my present request at your hands. 
For although my religion is regarded as a crime, and I see full well 
that but for my religion I should not be in the state in which I am, 
I do not seek to justify myself of this pretended crime, and I prefer 
to continue a criminal after this fashion rather than recover all that 
I have lost. All discussion apart, I am persuaded of the truth of 
my religion. My conscience has no relish for the religion that is 
offered me. I have an insuperable aversion for hypocrisy, and I 
am of the opinion that the only thing that can lead us to embrace 
a religion is the knowledge we have of God and of what He has 
done for us, the love and gratitude that we ought to have toward 
Him, the knowledge and love of the truth, the fear of an 
infinite and everlasting misery, and the hope of a perfect and 
eternal blessedness. 

In all my hearings I have omitted what was the chief subject 
regarding my wife, and what gave us ground to fear with good 
reason lest we should be apprehended and maltreated. And as 
you will perhaps judge that this may be of some importance in my 
affairs, it will not be out of place that I should here make a short 
digression. About four years ago, Marguerite de Salavy (to whom 



1687 donna un souffet en plaine rue pour lequel affront il fut decrete de 
prise de corps capture et remis aux prisons de la Tourcaudiere ou 
les parens et amis de lad dem 11 ? Margueritte de Salavy presente- 
mente ma femme feurent obliges de le garder a veue parce que le 
concierge ne vouloit pas s'en charger a cause du mauvais estat ou 
se trouvait les prisons et de la peur quil avoit dud. Calvet. Le 
proces luy fut fait et par sentence des omciers ordin r « de Castres 
il fut condamne aus galeres pour dix ans, et conduit icy de suitte, 
et par arrest du parlem 1 . il fut condamne a aller demander pardon 
a lad. dem Ue de Salavy dans sa maison a Castres, en presence des 
personnes quelle voudroit et bany pour vn an de la ville et fauxx- 
bourgs de Castres. 

Le pere dud. Calvet estoit consul de Castres en 1685 lorsque les 
gens de guerre y vindrent, et comme c'estoit vn terns ou ceux qui 
avoit quelque authorite en abusoient de la maniere qui vouloit pour 
satisfaire leur ressentim ts particuliers il se jacta que les premiers 
cinquante dragons qui entreroit dans Castres seroit detaches pour 
venir ravager notre bien et nous persecuter a ma meterie de Car- 
relies oii nous estions, et ou nous n'auions encore pour tout loge- 
ment qu'une chambre. Represents vous l'estat d'une femme en- 
ceinte et qui conte quelle doit accoucher dans deux ou trois jours et 
a qui Ton vient annoncer de telles nouuelles. 

Depuis ce terns la le meme Calvet fut cause que nous quittames 
aussi le lieu ou ma femme accoucha, car ayant rencontre en son 
chemin un homme du Masage de Poussines il s'informa curieuse- 
ment ou j'estois disant quil estoit vn de mes intimes amis et quil 
souhaitoit de savoir le lieu ou j'estois pour me venir faire off re de 
ces seruices et pour passer quelque jours auec moy. Et nous 
seumes quil estoit alle a Castres pour aduertiser le s^ Calvert son 
pere consul qu'il n'auoit qua. envoyerde soldatsetquils ne manque- 
roit pas d'executerce quils auoit une fois manque a l'egard de nos 
personnes seulement, car pour nos biens il eut tout le plaisir de 
les voir dissipes. Sur ces memoires que je vous donne icy et les 
autres instructions que nous pourrons vous donnersi nous enauons 
le terns vous aurez s'il vous plait la bonte de dresser vn factum en 
quittant le reste de vos affaires pour tout le terns quil faudra : car 
mf le procureur general a fait intimer au jourdhuy la production a 
mr. Manen mon procureur et il pourroit peut estre nous faire juger 
Samedi prochain : cepand'. il faut du terns pour faire imprimer le 
factum et pour le distribuer. S'il est necessaire que je vous parle je 
vous prie dauoir la bonte' de venir jusqu'jcy, vous assurant que tout 
le terns que vous employeres pour moy ne sera pas vn terns perdu. 
S'il y a quelques depences a faire (outre celles que nous fairons 
pour tacher de voir s'il se peut la procedure) je vous prie d'en don- 
ner advis a celuy qui vous rendra cette lettre, car je suis resollu 
d'employer tout le soin de mes parens et de mes amis tout ce que 
je puis pretendre d'eux, et tout ce quil me rested me bien deffendre 
en attend', de Dieu Tissue de mon affaire telle quil luy plaira de me 


I have been married for three years) received an affront from a 1687. 
man named Calvet junior, who struck her in the face upon the 
open street. For this insult, he was ordered to be arrested, taken 
and committed to the prison of the Caudiere tower, where the 
relatives and, friends of the said lady, Marguerite de Salavy, at 
present my wife, were obliged to watch him personally, inasmuch 
as the keeper would not take charge of him, because of the bad 
condition in which the prisons were, and the fear he had of the said 
Calvet. He was tried, and by sentence of the ordinary officers of 
Castres, he was condemned to the galleys for ten years, and at 
once brought here ; and by decree of the parliament, he was con- 
demned to go and beg pardon of the said Mademoiselle de 
Salavy in her house at Castres, in the presence of whatever per- 
sons she might wish, and banished for a year from the city and 
suburbs of Castres. 

The father of the said Calvert was consul of Castres in 1685, 
when the soldiers came there, and as it was a time in which those 
who had any authority abused it as they pleased, to satisfy their 
personal resentments, he boasted that the first fifty dragoons that 
should enter Castres would be assigned to come and ravage our 
property and persecute us in my farm at Carrelles where we were, 
and where we had as yet for our accommodation but one room. 
Picture to yourself the. state of a pregnant woman who expects 
to be confined in two or three days, and to whom such tidings are 

Afterwards the same Calvet was the cause of our leaving also 
the place where my wife was confined ; for having met on the road 
a man of the Masage de Poussines, he took pains to inquire pre- 
cisely where I was, saying that he was one of my intimate friends 
and that he desired to know my whereabouts, in order to come and 
offer me his services, and to spend some days with me. And we 
learned that he had gone to Castres, to notify the sieur Calvet, his 
father the consul, that he had only to send soldiers, and that they 
would not fail to execute what once before they had failed in, so 
far as our persons alone were concerned, for as to our goods, he 
had had full satisfaction in seeing them wasted. 

By means of the memoranda that I here give you, and the other 
instructions that we shall be able to give you, if we have the time, 
you will, if you please, have the goodness to draw up a statement, 
putting aside all your other affairs for the whole time that may be 
necessary : inasmuch as the attorney-general has notified my attor- 
ney, Mr. Manen, of the hearing of my appeal, and he may, perhaps, 
put me on trial next Saturday ; meanwhile time is needed for getting 
the statement printed and for its distribution. Should it be neces- 
sary that I should speak to you, I beg you to have the goodness to 
come here, assuring you that the time you may devote to me will 
not be lost time. Should there be expenses to be incurred (beyond 
those that we shall incur in endeavoring, if possible, to get a sight 
of the proceedings), I beg you to inform the person who will hand 
you this letter ; for I am resolved to make use of all the attentions 


1687. la donner. S'il me faut souffrir je souffriray auec plus de patience 
lorsque je n'auray rien a me reprocher. J'estime quil faut donner 
les biens pour sauver le corps comme il faut donner l'un et l'autre 
pour sauuer l'ame. Je suis m' votre tres humble et tres obeisant 
serviteur. Mascarene signe. 

Je ne crois pas, Monsieur quil soit parle dans ma procedure de 
ce que jevous [ay] icy ecrit dus^ Calvet parce que ne mestant point 
venu dans l'esprit que mons' Barbara peut me condamner a des 
peines, je ne mestois pas soucie de prendre des grandes precau- 
tions pour justifier ma conduite. Si cepand' vous juges que cela 
puisse etre de quelque importance et quil faille en parler ce que 
j'avance ce peut justifier ainssi. II paroit que le sr Calvet pere 
estoit consul en 1685. Les causes du resentiment que luy et son 
fils auoit contre ma femme et contre moy, paroissent par la sen- 
tence des ordin r . es de Castres qui lecondamnent aux galeres donnee 
a la req s . te de Margueritte de Salavy a present ma femme et par 
l'arrest qui fut donne icy a la Tournelle jl y a environ 4 ans sur 
lapel de suitte qui le condamne au banissement pour vn an et a 
demander pardon, et Ton pourra aysement prouver ce dont il se 
jacta publiquement. II me semble que le 7 may de la annee pre- 
sente 1687, lorsque je fus ou'i sur la selette a la Tournelle quelq'un 
de m r . s mes juges me fit vn jnterrogat sur quoycela venoit apropos 
et que j'en parlay; mais je n'en suis pas bien asseure. 

Le s r . Barbara me condamna sur vne presumption quil a 
eue que voyageant sur la Garonne et volant aller du cotte de 
Bourdeaux par consequent je voulois sortir du royaume : mais il se 
trouve vne autre cause de mes courses scavoir la persecution d'un 
ennemi particulier qui abusoit de son pouuoir. Pourquoy faut-il 
quil me condamne sur une imagination quil a ? qui quand elle 
auroit quelque aparence ne vaudroit qu'a poser que jay eu la volonte 
de sortir du royaume, or jay toujours ou'i dire que les volontes ne 
sont point punies en France. 

Je suis arrette a Agen a quarante ou cinquante lieues de la 
frontiere et pour ainssi [dire] au cceur du royaume, j'aurois bien 
eu le terns de changer de volonte (supose que je l'eusse eu) sachant 
surtout que depuis led. du Roy qui revoque celuy de Nantes ceux 
de la R.P.R. pouvoit rester dans toutes les villes du royaume sans 
estre jnquiettes ny troubles pour leur religion. II ny auoit acraindre 
que les ressentiments particuliers, et la malice de eux [ceux] qui 
abusoint de leur pouvoir. Vne marque bien visible que m r . Bar- 
bara ettoit prevenu de passion contre moy c'est que lors du con- 
frontement de mes trois voisins qui (a ce que je pence) furent les 
i e . re temoins qui me furent confrontes il se trouva que le s r . Bar- 


of my relatives and friends, of all I am entitled to expect from 1687, 
them, and all that remains to me, in order to make a good defense, 
while looking to God for such an issue of my matter as it shall 
please Him to give me. If I must suffer, I shall suffer more 
patiently if I shall have nothing to reproach myself with. I con- 
sider that we must give up our property to save the body, as we 
must give both [property and life] to save the soul. I am, sir, your 
very humble and obedient servant, 

(signed) Mascarene. 

I do not believe that there is any mention in my proceedings of 
what I have here written to you concerning the Sieur Calvet, 
because as it did not enter my mind that Mr. Barbara could con- 
demn me to penalties, I did not care to take great precautions to 
justify my conduct. If, however, you judge that it might be of 
some importance, and that it must be spoken of, what I allege can 
be established thus : It appears that the Sieur Calvet, the father, 
was consul in 1685. The causes of the resentment which he and 
his son had against my wife and against me, appear from the sen- 
tence of the judges in ordinary of Castres, condemning him to the 
galleys, given at the prayer of Marguerite de Salavy, at present 
my wife, and by the decree that was given here in the Tournelle, 
about four years ago, on the appeal that subsequently condemned 
him to banishment for a year and to beg her pardon ; and it will 
be easy to prove what he publicly boasted of. It seems to me that, 
on the 7th of May of the present year, 1687, when I was examined 
at the Tournelle, some one of my judges asked me a question to 
which this was pertinent, and that I spoke of it ; but I am not 
quite sure of this. 

The sieur Barbara condemned me upon a presumption which he 
entertained, that as I traveled on the Garonne, and intended to go 
in the direction of Bordeaux, I consequently intended leaving the 
kingdom ; but there is another cause for my trip, namely, the per- 
secution of a personal enemy who abused his power. Why should 
he condemn me on a surmise of his, which, if it had any semblance 
of truth, would only establish the theory that I had purposed to 
leave the kingdom ? Now, I have always heard that intentions 
are not punished in France. 

I was arrested at Agen, forty or fifty leagues from the frontier 
and, so to speak, in the heart of the kingdom. I should have had 
full time to change my intention (supposing I had had it) knowing 
especially that, since the edict of the king revoking that of 
Nantes, the adherents of the Pretended Reformed Religion could 
remain in all the cities of the realm without being molested or 
troubled on account of their religion. Nothing was to be feared 
save personal resentments and the malice of those who abused 
their power. One very manifest proof that Mr. Barbara was 
prejudiced by ill-feeling toward me, is the fact that, at the time of 
the confronting of my three neighbors who (as I think) were the first 
witnesses that were confronted with me, it was found that the sieur 



bara auoit fait coucher sa deposition propre selon sa fantasie au 
lieu de celle des temoins : car lors quil leut la deposition du pre- 
mier temoin concue en ces termes (Tel cordonnier a depose que 
le s r . Mascarene est party de sa maison de Castres pour aller 
a sa maison de campagne arin de ne point changer de religion, 
selon la volonte du Roy) ce temoin tout ettonne se recria que ce 
n'estoit point la sa deposition quil estait vray quil auoit dit que 
j'estois party de Castres pour aller a la campagne auec mafamille : 
mais quil ne sauoit point les affaires que j'i avois et quil n'avoit 
point le don de deviner pour scavoir ce qui se passoit dans mon 
cceur. Le s r . Barbara le menaca en ma presence de le faire 
pendre. Le temoin persista toujours a dire que quand il scauroit 
d'etre pendu il ne vouloit dire que ce quil scauoit sur quoy il corrigea 
la deposition dud. temoin, et comme il auoit fait la meme chose a 
l'egard de la deposition des autres deux qui attandoit a une autre 
chambre de la prison quil auoit eu vn peu de confusion de me voir 
assister a la corection de la deposition du premier temoin il me fit 
passer dans une autre chambre et appella les deux autres temoins 
dont la deposition ne parla plus ensuitte du dessain pour lequel 
j'estois party de Castres pour aller a la campagne ce que je dis icy 
paroitra par les ratures qui ce trouueront dans les originaux de la 

Mon nom est Jean Mascarene, je suis natif de Castres Lors de 
ma premiere audition j'estois age d'Enuiron 26 ans je suis dans ma 
28 annee depuis le 26 du mois d'auril dernier. 

Factum, pour M r . Jean Mascarene adt. prevenu, prisonnier 
a la conciergerie contre Monsieur le procureur general. 

Dit que l'annee 1685, le produisant estant alle de Castres, ou il 
faisoit son sejour ordinaire, a la campagne, dans vne sienne meterie 
pres du lieu d'Angles pour y passer Teste et partie de l'automne ; il 
courut vn bruit au commencem 1 doctobre que de gens de guerre 
devoit venir loger a discretion a Castres, a Angles et autres lieux 
voisins, comme auoit oeja fait en d'autres dioceses, etle produisant 
et sa femme qui estoit enciente et preted'accoucher, furent menaces 
que leur maison en devoit etre remplie. Cette nouuelle donna vn si 
grand Effroy a cette femme que le produisant voyant quelle estoit 
en danger deperir avec l'enfant quelle portoit, fut oblige de luy 
chercher vn azile chez quelques paisans de la Montague d'Angles, 
ou ils passerent vne partie de l'hiver, et ou elle accoucha d'un en- 
fant male, qui fut baptise par m r . Oulet ministre de ceux de 
R. P. R. et fut appelle Jean Paul Mascarene: le Roy ayant bien 
voulu permettre que quoy que l'exercice de lad. religion fut allors 
interdicte, le bapteme fut encore administre par quelques ministres. 


Barbara had his [their] deposition drawn up according to his 
own fancy, instead of that of the witnesses. For when he read the 
deposition of the first witness, conceived in these terms : ' Such a 
one, shoemaker, has deposed that the sieur Mascarene left his 
house at Castres to go to his country house, in order not to change 
his religion, according to the king's will ; ' this witness, greatly 
astonished, exclaimed that such was not his deposicion ; that it was 
true he had said that I had left Castres to go to the country with 
my family ; but that he did not know the business I had, and that 
he had not the gift of divination so as to know what went on in my 
heart. The sieur Barbara, in my presence, threatened to have 
him hung. The witness persisted constantly in saving that, if he 
knew that he would be hung, he would say only what he knew. 
Whereupon he [the judge] corrected the deposition of the said 
witness ; and, as he had done the same thing in respect to the 
deposition of the other two, who were waiting in another room of 
the prison [and] he was a little confused to see me present at the 
correction of the deposition of the first witness, he made me go 
into another room, and called the two other witnesses, whose 
deposition subsequently did not mention the purpose for which I 
had left Castres to go to the country. What I say here will appear 
from the erasures that will be found in the originals of the pro- 

My name is Jean Mascarene. I am a native of Castres. At the 
time of my first hearing, I was about twenty-six years old. I 
entered upon my twenty-eighth year on the 26th of the month of 
April last. 


Statement for Mr. Jean Mascarene, at the present time under 
accusation, prisoner in the conciergerie, against the attorney gen- 

Says that in the year 1685 the appellant having gone from Cas- 
tres, where he usually resided, to a farm of his near Angles, to pass 
the summer and a part of the autumn, there was a rumor current in 
the beginning of October, that soldiers were to come and live at 
free quarters at Castres, Angles and other neighboring districts, 
as had already been the case in other dioceses, and the appellant 
and his wife, who was pregnant and about to be confined, were 
threatened that their house was to be filled with them. This news 
gave this woman so great a fright, that the appellant, seeing that 
she was in danger of dying with her unborn child, was obliged to 
seek refuge with some peasants of the Montagne d' Angles, where 
they passed a part of the winter, and where she was delivered of a 
male child, which was baptized by Mr. Oulet, a minister of the 
adherents of the Pretended Reformed Religion, and was named 
Jean Paul Mascarene ; the king having been pleased to permit that, 
although the exercise of the said religion was at that time inter- 
dicted, baptism should still be administered by a few ministers. 

During the sojourn of the men of the regiment of Kcenigsmark 
at Castres and the vicinity, twenty-two soldiers of the said regi- 


1687. Pendant le sejours que les gens du regiment de Konismark firent 

a Castres et aux environs, vingt deux soldats dud. regiment ravage- 
rent les biens du produisant et vendirent ses cabaux et generale- 
ment tout ce qui se trouva dans ses meteries. 

Le produisant et sa femme estans advertis que lesd. soldats les 
cherchoint et se vouloir saysir de leurs personnes, ils crurent devoir 
secarter de Castres et des environs, et ils vinrent a Toulouse y cher- 
cher quelque repos : mais craygnant qu'on ne scut quils estoit a Tou- 
louse, ou ils estoit connus de plusieurs personnes, et qu'on ne les 
obligeat de retourner chez eux ils voulurent s'elloigner encore 
davantage et aller du cotte d'Agen et de Bordeaux, vsant de la per- 
mission que le Roy, par l'art cle xii de led., qui revoque celuy de 
Nantes, donnoit a tous ceux qui nauoit pas abjure la R. P. P. d'aller 
venir et de demeurer dans tous les lieux et villes du royaume sans y 
pouvoir etre troubles sous pretexte de religion. Ils partirent done 
par le bateau deposte et se rendirent a Agen, mais ayant trouve 
que le s r . de Romens, Capitaine dans le regim' de Touraine de 
qui le produisant est connu, estoit dans lad. ville et y commendoit 
les troupes comme plus ancien officier et quil y auoit aussi d'autres 
officiers de la connoiss c . e du produisant ; et ayant encore apris 
qu'on auoit arrette" quelque personnes de la R. P. R. il crut quil 
ny seroit pas en seurette ce qui l'obligea et sa femme d'aller 
promptement au bateau qui partoit pour Bourdeaux, dans lequel 
ils ne furent pas plutot que le s r . Cheu r . de Gramont y estant 
vennu, leur demanda sils ne faisoit pas profession de la R. P. R. 
ce qu'ayant aduoue, il les fit conduire au logis de S 1 . Jaques de 
lad. ville d'Agen, et puis ayant separe le produisant de sa femme il 
fut conduit aux prisons des sennechal de lad. ville auec quelques 
autres qui auoit etes aussy arrettes ce jour la, qui fut le 20 ou 21 
feurier 1686. Quelques heures apres on fit venir vn sergeant du 
regiment de Touraine, accompagne d'un soldat. lesquels de lordre 
de leurs officiers se firent remettre des tablettes quils trouverent 
sur le produisant, dans lesquelles il y avoit seulement vn papier 
volant d'un cart de feuille sur lequel estoit marque vn cadran. 

Deux ou trois jours apres, vn officier dud. seiv;' estant vennu 
pour interroger le produisant, il proposa sa declinatoire et refusa 
de repondre : neantmoins il ne fut pas en son pouvoir de garder le 
silence, lorsque ces* officier luy ayant presente lesd. tablettes, il s'y 
trouva un papier sur lequel estoit ecrit vn sonnet en langage de 
Gascogne, fait ace que disoit led. officier en derision des nouuelles 
conuertions, lequel sonnet auoit este apparem 1 . mis dans lesd. 
tablettes par Les officiers ou soldats du regiment de Touraine, par 
les mains desquels elles auoit passe. 

Le produisant se contanta seulement de protester quil n 'auoit 
point compose, ny jamais veu, ny leu, ny entendu lire led. sonnet, 
■ et quil ne scauoit pas meme parler le langage de Gascogne, et 
quil auoit este mis dans lesd. tablettes clepuis jquil les auoit remises 
entre les mains du sargent et des soldats, dequoy il se remit a leur 
temoignage et a celuy du concierge, et il ecriuit sa protestation sur 
led. sonnet, laquelle il signa*. 


ment ravaged the property of the appellant, and sold his valuables, 1687. 
and in general everything found upon his farms. 

The appellant and his wife, being informed that the said soldiers 
were seeking them and wished to seize their persons, believed that 
they must go to a distance from Castres and its vicinity, and they went 
to Toulouse in search of some rest. But fearing that it might be 
learned that they were in Toulouse, where they were known to a 
number of persons, and that they would be compelled to return home, 
they wished to remove still farther away and to go in the direction 
of Agen and Bordeaux, making use of the permission which the 
king, by the twelfth article of the edict revoking that of Nantes, 
granted to all those who had not abjured the Pretended Reformed 
Religion to go and come, and to dwell in all places and cities of his 
realm, without being liable to be molested under pretext of religion. 
They left therefore by the packet boat, and betook themselves to 
Agen; but having found that the sieur de Romens, a captain in the 
regiment of Touraine, to whom the appellant is known, was in the 
said town, and commanded the troops there as the senior officer, 
and that there were also other officers of the appellant's acquaint- 
ance ; and having moreover learned that some persons of the Pre- 
tended Reformed Religion had been arrested, he believed that he 
would not be safe. This obliged him and his wife to go promptly 
to the boat that left for Bordeaux, upon which they had scarcely 
stepped, before the sieur chevalier de Gramont, arriving, asked 
them whether they did not make profession of the Pretended Re- 
formed Religion. When they had admitted that they did, he had 
them taken to the logis de St. Jaques of the said town of Agen, 
and subsequently having separated the appellant from his wife, he 
[the appellant] was taken to the prisons of the seneschal of the said 
town, with some others that had also been arrested that dav, 
which was the twentieth or twenty-first of February, 1686. Some 
hours after, a sergeant of the regiment of Touraine was brought, 
accompanied by a soldier, who, by an order of their officers, re- 
quired that a pocket-book which they found upon the appellant 
should be given up to them, in which there was only a loose paper 
of a quarter of a sheet, upon which a dial was marked. 

Two or three days later, an officer of the said seneschal having 
come to interrogate the appellant, he offered his declinature, and 
refused to answer : nevertheless it was not in his power to keep 
silence, when this officer, having presented to him the said pocket- 
book a paper was found within it, on which was written a sonnet, 
in the dialect of Gascony, composed, according to the statement of 
the said officer, in derision of the new conversions ; which sonnet 
had apparently been put in the said pocket-book by the officers 
or soldiers of the regiment of Touraine, through whose hands it 
had passed. 

The appellant contented himself with simply protesting that he 
had not composed, nor ever seen, nor read, nor heard read the said 
sonnet, and that he did not even know how to speak the dialect of 
Gascony, and that it had been put in the said pocket-book since he 
had placed it in the hands of the sergeant and the soldiers; 
whereof he appealed to their testimony and to that of the door- 
keeper, and he wrote his protest on the sonnet, which he signed. 



1 68 7. Douze on quinze jours apres il fut de nouueau interroge, mais il 

insista toujours a son renuoy, et il fut conduit a Castres auec le 
s r . Dupuy, qui auoit este arreste le meme jour que le produisant, 
qui ne l'auoit jamais connu auparauant. 

Le juge criminel de Castres les interrogea tous deux et leur ayant 
fait confronter a chacun quelques temoins qui ne chargent aucune- 
ment le produisant, il a donne sentence le 19 aoust 1686, par 
laquelle il les a condamnes aux galeres perpetuelles auec confisca- 
tion de biens et 3,000 livres d'amande envers le Roy. 

lis furent conduits de suitte a la Conciergerie de la cour, et 
quelque jours apres on les separa et Ion conduisit le produisant aux 
prisons de l'hotel de ville, ou il a demeure plus d'un an auant quele 
proces fut porte sur le bureau. Enfin le 7 may 1687, apres la 
visitte du proces le produisant et led. Dupuy ayant estes ouis sur 
selette, la cour renuoya a greffe pour conclurre sur l'appel, et lettres 
que le produisant et led. Dupuy auroit presentees en cassation des 
procedeures contre eux faittes. 

C'est l'estat de la cause en laquelle la cassation desd. procedeures 
et le relaxe du produisant ne peut recevoir aucune difncultte. 

1° On ne peut pas imputer a crime au produisant de ce quil na 
point change de religion, le Roy n'ayant pas ettably de peines pour 
cela : et au contraire sa majeste par led. de Revocation de celuyde 
de Nantes art. 12 a permis a ceux de la R. P. R. qui n'ont point 
change de vivre librement dans son royaume reconnoissant que 
nemo credit invitus, et que la foy est un don du ciel. 

2° Le produisant n'est pas coupable aussi d'auoir vouleu sortir 
du royaume contre les deffences de sa majeste, il ny a aucune 
preuve contre luy de cette pretendeue contrevention, carles temoins 
qui luy ont este confronte disent seulement, quil alia a son bien de 
campagne au commencement de Teste de l'annee 1685, et que le 10 
ou 12 d'octobre aud. an il partit de sa meterie auec sa femme; ce 
que le produisant na jamais denie, mais cely ne fait ny preuve ny 
presomption quil ait vouleu sortir du royaume, et il ne faut pas 
s'estonner quil se soit retire de Castres, et de sa meterie pour ne 
s'exposer pas a la licence et a l'insollance des soldats qui clevoit y 
venir loger a discretion, et quy y vinrent en effet, et y firent tout le 
desordre quils peurent ayant pille et vendii tous les bestiaux et 
autres choses qui y estoit. L'effroy d'une femme grosse qui estoit 
prette a accoucher, la tendresse d'un mary, et d'un pere pour la 
conseruation de sa femme et de son enfant la crainte d'etre expose 
soy meme a la folie et brutallite des soldats sont des causes assez 
legitimes de cest elloignement et de la recherche quil fit d'une 
maison dans laMontagned'Angles pouryfaire accoucher sa femme 
sans crainte et sans frayeur, et pour y estre a couuert des insultes 
quil n auoit que trop de sujet d'aprehender, on peut dire auec ray- 
son, hie metus cadebat in constantem virum ; et s'il fit baptiser 
l'enfant, dont sa femme accoucha, par vn ministre de la R. P. R. il 


Twelve or fifteen days after, he was interrogated a second time, 1687. 
but he still insisted upon being sent before another judge, and he 
was taken to Castres with the sieur Dupuy, who had been arrested 
on the same day with the appellant, who had never known him 
before that time, 

The criminal judge of Castres interrogated them both, and having 
confronted them each with some witnesses, who in no wise brought 
any charge against the appellant, he gave sentence, on the nine- 
teenth of August, 1686, condemning them to the galleys for life, 
with confiscation of their property, and a fine of three thousand 
livres in favor of the king. 

They were then taken to the conciergerie of the court, and, some 
days after, they were separated, and the appellant was taken to the 
prison of the Hotel de Ville, where he remained more than a year 
before the suit was brought into court. At last, on the seventh of 
May, 1 687, after the examination of the suit, the appellant and the said 
Dupuy having been subjected to an examination, the court sent the 
matter to the clerk's office to decide upon the appeal, and the letters 
presented by the appellant and the said Dupuy, with a view to the 
annulment of the proceedings against them. 

This is the state of the case, in which the annulment of the said 
proceedings and the appellant's release can involve no difficulty. 

1. It cannot be imputed as a crime to the appellant that he has 
not changed his religion, the king not having established penalties 
for that. On the contrary, his majesty, by the Edict revoking 
that of Nantes, article 12, has permitted the adherents of the 
Pretended Reformed Religion who have not changed, freely to live 
in his kingdom, recognizing the truth that "nemo credit invitus " 
[" no onebelieves unwillingly"], and that faith is a gift of heaven. 

2. Neither is the appellant guilty of having intended to leave the 
kingdom contrary to the prohibition of his majesty. There is no 
proof against him of this pretended contravention ; for the witness- 
es that were confronted with him merely say that he went to his 
country property at the beginning of the summer of the year 1685, 
and that on the tenth or twelfth of October in the said year he and 
his wife left his farm. This the appellant has never denied, but 
this constitutes neither proof nor presumption that he intended to 
leave the kingdom, and no surprise should be felt that he withdrew 
from Castres and from his farm so as not to be exposed to the 
license and insolence of the soldiers who were to come and live 
there at free quarters, and who in point of fact did come, and com- 
mitted all the disorder they could, having plundered and sold all the 
cattle and other things that were there. The flight of a woman 
with child, ready to be confined, the solicitude of a husband and 
father for the safety of his wife and child, the fear of being himself 
exposed to the folly and brutality of the soldiers — are causes 
legitimate enough for this withdrawal, and for the search he made 
for a house in the mountains of Angles, that his wife might there 
be confined without fear and dread, and be sheltered from the 
insults which he had but too much ground to apprehend. One 
may say with reason, " Hie metus cadebat constantem virum " 



x 537 na rien fait en cela contre les loix de l'estat puisque le Roy l'auoit 
expressem'. permis ; ayant apres l'interdiction de l'exercice de 
la R. P. R. fait laisser de ministres en diuers lieux pour baptiser les 

Le voyage dud. produisant et de sa femme a Toulouse en suitte 
a Agen, ou ils furent pris, nepeut aussi le convaincre d'avoir vouleu 
sortir du royaume, soit parce quils eurent auis quon les faisoit 
chercher pour les ramener chez eux ou on pretendoit leur donner 
de nouueaux logement, par la hayne qu' auoit un nomine Calvet, 
consul de Castres leur ennemy particulier soit parce qu'on ne peut 
pas leur inputer a crime d'avoir uze de la permission que le Roy 
donne a ceux de la R. P. R. par led. de Reuocation de celuy de 
Nantes d'aller, de venir et demeurer dans toutes les villes et lieux 
de son royaume, sans y pouvoir etre troublez, et en vn mot il suffit 
de dire que le produisant a este pris a Agen a 40 ou 50 lieues de la 
frontiere ; et pour ainsi dire au cceur du royaume, pour montrer 
que c'est mal apropos qu'on l'accuse d'avoir contrevenu au declara- 
tions de sa maj. portant deffences a ceux de [la] R. P. R. de sortir 
du royaume. 

II est vray quil fut pris entrant dans le bateau pour aller a Bor- 
deaux, mais quand il auroit este pris dans Bordeaux meme il ne 
seroit pas coupable ; et ce n'est pas la pensee de sortir hors du 
royaume qui le conduisoit a Bourdeaux, cestoit le desir de trouver 
vn lieu ou nestant point connu il peut etre hors de tout crainte. 
Enfin il na pas este pris sur la frontiere : ny dans aucun passage 
deffendu et le soupcon quon a voulu former quil auoit le pensee de 
sortir du royaume, n'est pas vne matiere d'accusaofi parce quil ny 
a que Dieu qui soit le scrutateur des cceurs, et les loix humainesne 
s'executent point sur les pensees, cogitationis poenam nemo patitur, 
1. cogitationis, il de pcenis. 

Les tablettes, d'ont il a este parle, ne peurent de rien servir a la 
conviction du produisant i° que quand il auroit compose ouescript 
le pretendu sonnet, contre les nouvelles convertions, ce ne seroit 
pas vn sujet d'accusation, 2° il n'est pas vray quil l'ayt ecript ni 
compose, n'entendant pas meme le langage de Gascogne : il pro- 
testa auec rayson devant l'officier du senechal, qui le voulut inter- 
roger que le sonnet auoit ete mis dans ces tablettes par ceux entre 
les mains desquels elles auoit passe depuis la remise quil en auoit 
faitte entre les mains du sergent du regiment de Tourayne, soute- 
nant que lors quil les prit des mains du produisnnt ce sonnet ny 
estoit pas comme il paroitroit par le temoignage d'iceluy et du 
soldat quy l'accompagnoit, aussi bien que du concierge qui auoient 
tous veu l'etat desd. tablettes dans la prison. 

Et si bien elles estoit chargees d'une adresse pour Londres, d'une 
autre pour Amsterdam, et d'une autre pour La Haye ce n'estoit 
pas pour sortir du royaume, mais pour pouuoir envoyer et receuoir 


[" Here fear fell upon a constant man"]. And if he caused the 1687. 
child of which his wife was delivered to be baptized by a minister 
of the Pretended Reformed Religion, there is in this nothing against 
the laws of the State, since the king had expressly permitted it, 
having, after interdicting the exercise of the Pretended Reformed 
Religion, left ministers in divers places to baptize the children. 

Again, the trip of the said appellant and his wife to Toulouse, 
and, subsequently to Agen, where they were taken, cannot convict 
him of having intended to leave the kingdom, both because 
they had received notice that they were sought for to be taken 
home, where it was in contemplation to billet fresh soldiers upon 
them ; because of the hatred entertained by one named Calvet, 
consul of Castres, their special enemy ; and because it cannot be 
imputed to them as a crime that they made use of the permission 
which the king gave to the adherents of the Pretended Reformed 
Religion, by the Edict revoking that of Nantes, to go and come, and 
to dwell in all the towns and places of his kingdom, without being 
liable to be molested. And, in a word, it suffices to say, that the 
appellant was taken at Agen, forty or fifty leagues from the front- 
ier, and, so to speak, in the heart of the kingdom, to show that he 
has been improperly accused of having contravened the declara- 
tion of his majesty fobidding the adherents of the Pretended 
Reformed Religion to leave the kingdom. 

It is true that he was taken when going on board the boat to go 
to Bordeaux, but, had he been taken in Bordeaux itself, he could 
not be held guilty ; and it was not the thought of going out of the 
kingdom that led him to Bordeaux, it was the desire to find a place 
where, not being known, he might be free from all fear. In fine, 
he was not taken on the frontiers, nor in any forbidden passage ; 
and the suspicion which it has been sought to create that he had 
the thought of leaving the kingdom, is not a matter of accusation, 
since God alone is the searcher of hearts, and human laws are not 
executed upon thoughts, " cogitationis pcenam nemo patitur " [" No 
one suffers the penalty of his thought "]. 

The pocket-book, of which mention has been made, can be of 
no service in the conviction of the appellant, first, because, had he 
composed or written the pretended sonnet against the new conver- 
sions, this would not be a subject for accusation ; and secondly, it 
is not true that he wrote or composed it, not even being acquainted 
with the dialect of Gascony. He protested with reason before the 
officer of the seneschal, who wished to question him, that the son- 
net had been put in his pocket-book by those through whose hands 
it had passed since he had placed it in the hands of the sergeant 
of the regiment of Touraine ; maintaining that, when he took it 
from the hands of the appellant, this sonnet was not within, as 
would appear by his testimony, and that of the soldier accom- 
panying him, as well as by that of the door-keeper, all of whom 
had seen the state of the said pocket-book in the prison. 

And if, indeed, it contained an address for London, another for 
Amsterdam, and another for the Hague, this was not with a view 
to leaving the kingdom, but in order to be able to send and receive 



1687. des nouvelles de la dem ]1 . e de Rozengues sa cousine germaine, 
du s r . Tiscier ministre qui si [s'y] estoit retire auec elle par la 
permission du Roy, et pour apprendre aussi des nouuelles du 
s r , de Fabreques ministre, son intime amy, qui par la meme per- 
mission s'estoit retire en Holande, ne sachant s'il estoit a Amster- 
dam ou a La Haye. 

Enfin si le produisant estoit coupable m r . Barbara juge crimi- 
nel de Castres qui estoit extremement passionne pour sa perte et 
qui a recherche des preuues par tout, jusques a menacer le s r . du 
Raqui de luy faire vn affaire de religion s'il ne deposoit contre [le] 
produisant, n'auroit pas manque d'en trouuer, mais led. s r . Du- 
raque, que led. Barbara alia prendre luy meme prisonnier au lieu 
de Senegats, et le fit conduire en prison a Castres, ne vouleut pas 
charger sa concience par vn faux temoignage. 

Les motifs susd. qui obligerent le produisant et sa femme de 
quitter leur habitaon de Castres et de la campagne pour s'eloigner, 
estoit fortifies par l'inimitie capitale du s r . Calvet lors consul de 
Castres dont il a este parle cy dessus, qui auoit jure leur ruyne et qui 
sestoit vente de leur bailler les plus forts logements, et de recom- 
mender anx soldats de les traiter plus rigoureusement, en haine 
de ceque la femme dud. produisant lauoit cy devant fait condemner 
aux galeres par santence des ord r . es de Castres, ensuitte de laquelle 
elle le fit mener de suitte en la cour, laquelle par son arrest, en 
reformant lad. sentence, le condamna a vn banissement, et a deman- 
der pardon a lad. dem'! e des exes [exces] quil avoit commis bru- 
tallement contre-elle, dequoy il promit de se venger, et odium 
aspera monet. 

• Partant conclud. comme au proces m r . de Seuin Raporteqr, 
Manen procureur. 

Du 7. May 1687. 

Ma chere femme, j ay compareu devant mes juges lors que j'y 
pensois le moins. Hier au matin etant encore au lit le concierge 
vint m'advertir quil me falloit aller a la Tournelle. Desque je feus 
habilleet que jeus fait ma priere a Dieu et implore sa grace pour 
me soutenir dans cette nouvelle tentation et l'assistance de son SK 
Esprit afin de pouvoir rendre raison de ma foy a ceux qui me de- 
voient interroger, on me mit les fers aux pieds et je fus port£ en 
chaise jusques a la grande porte du palais. De la je traversay 
toute la cour a pied, el fus conduit a la porte du bureau de la 
Tournelle attendant qu*on eut fait scrtir M r . Dupuy qui y avoit 
ete mene avant mov. 


tidings of Mademoiselle de Rozengues, his cousin, wife of the 1687. 
sieur Tiscier, a minister who had retired thither with her by per- 
mission of the king, and in order also to have tidings from the 
sieur de Fabreques, a minister, his intimate friend, who by the same 
permission had retired into Holland, not knowing whether he was 
at Amsterdam or the Hague. 

Finally, if the appellant had been guilty, Mr. Barbara, criminal 
judge of Castres, who was extremely intent upon his destruction, 
and who sought proofs in every direction, even to threatening the 
sieur Duraque to put him on trial for the matter of religion if he 
did not testify against the appellant, would not have failed to find 
[proofs] thereof. But the said sieur Duraque, whom the said 
Barbara himself went and took prisoner at the place called Sene- 
gats, and had him conveyed to prison at Castres, refused to burden 
his conscience by perjury. 

The aforesaid motives that obliged the appellant and his wife to 
leave their abode at Castres and in the country and go to a dis- 
tance, were strengthened by the excessive hatred of the sieur Cal- 
vet, at that time consul of Castres, of whom mention has been 
above made, who had sworn their ruin, and who had boasted that 
he would give them the largest billeting of troops, and would advise 
the soldiers to treat them more rigorously, through hatred because 
of the fact that the wife of the said appellant had caused him here- 
tofore to be condemned to the galleys by sentence of the judges in 
ordinary of Castres, in pursuance of which she had him at once 
brought to court ; which by a decree modifying the said sentence 
condemned him to a term of banishment, and to beg pardon of 
the said lady for the violence he had brutally committed against 
her ; for which thing he promised to revenge himself ; and " odium 
aspera movet." 

Accordingly concludes as in the suit. Mr. deSeuin, Raporteur ; 
Manen, Procureur. 


May 7, 1687. 

My dear wife, I have appeared before my judges when I least 
thought of doing so. Yesterday morning, while I was still in bed, 
the keeper came to apprise me that I must go to the Tournelle. 
So soon as I was dressed, and had made my prayer to God, im- 
ploring His grace to sustain me in this new trial, and asking the 
assistance of His Holy Spirit, that I might give a reason of my 
faith to those that might question me, my feet were put in fetters, 
and I was carried in a chair to the great door of the palace. From 
there I crossed the entire court on foot, and was led to the door 
of the bureau of the Tournelle, where I waited until M. Dupuy, 
who had been conducted thither before me, should be brought 



1687. Avant que j'entrasse le murmure de tous les plaideurs qui etoit a 
la porte de la chambre aussi bien que mon procureur ne me pre- 
sagoient rien de bon. II ni avoit personne qui douttat que la sen- 
tence de notre premier juge ne fut confirmee : tellement que je me 
trouvay sur le point d'etre bientot aux rang des galeriens. Cepen- 
dant Dieu fme] fit la grace de n'etre point trouble par une crainte 
qui ne paroissoit que trop legitime. 

J'entray et apres avoir prete le serment en la forme de notre Re- 
ligion, le president commenca a m' interroger, et je respondis 
presque avec autant de tranquillite, que si j'eusse parle a des per- 
sonnes de ma connoissance. Je garday pourtant devant mes juges 
tout le respect, et toute la moderation quil me fut possible ; mais 
aussi la justice de la cause que je soutiens fit qu'il ne parut point 
de timidite dans mes paroles ni dans mon action. 

Apres que le president m'eut fait quelques interrogats sur 
quelques faits de la procedure, je luy fis le detail de tout suivant 
et conformement a mes premieres auditions en donnant les memes 
raisons de ma conduite que j'avois donnees devant le premier 
juge, a savoir, l'etat oil tu te trouvois et le danger evident ou tu 
etois de perir toy et ce que tu portois si nous n'eussions trouve 
quelque espece d'azile pandant l'allarme qui s'etoit rependue par tout. 
Pourle reste je fis remarquer l'article 12 de l'Edit du Roy qui re- 
voque celuy de nantes, dans lequel art : il est permis a tous ceux 
qui n'ont pas abjure la Religion, d'aller librement par toutes les 
villes du royaume. 

Toutes les questions qu'on me fit sur le procedure eurent bientot 
fini. M r . le president me demanda si je voulois toujours persister 
dans ma religion ? A quoy je repondis qu'ouy. En suitte un autre 
juge me demanda ce que je pretendois faire dans le royaume, ma 
religion ni etant plus soufferte ? A quoy je repondis que j'attandois 
patiament ce que sa majeste ordonneroit a l'egard de ceux qui ne 
uoudroit pas abjurer la religion. M r , le president me demanda, si 
je ne savois pas quil etoit deffendu par le dernier Edit de sa majeste 
de faire aucun exercise de notre Religion, et si je ne voyois pas que 
par la j'etois dans la contrevantion aux ordres de sa majeste. Je 
repondis a cela que s'etoit de l'exercice public quil etoit parle dans 
l'Edit et qu'ainssi je n'etois point dans le cas. L'un des juges qui 
m'avoit deja interroge me parla ainssi. Vous n'ignores pas que la 
volonte du roy est qu'il ni ait qu'une religion dans son Royaume. 
Vous done qui etes fidelle suject de sa majeste (car vous avez tous- 
jours accoutume de dire que vous estes des sujects fidelles et obeis- 
sants) pourquoy ne voulez-vous pas maintenant obeir a sa volonte 
et embraisser la religion quil veut que vous embraissies ? Comme 
il acheva de prononcer ce qui est contend dans cette parenthese, je 
repondis que non seulement nous le disions mais que nous l'ettions 
en effet, et lors quil eut acheve je repondis que dans toutes les 
choses qui ne blessoient pas ma conscience, j'etois prest a obeir 
aux ordres de sa majeste avec une parfaite soumission, que mon 


Before entering, the murmurs of all the pleaders, who were at 16-87 
the door of the chamber, as was also my attorney, augured nothing 
in my favor. There was not one that doubted that the sentence 
of our first judge would be affirmed : so that I was on the point of 
being consigned soon to the galley-slave's bench. Nevertheless God 
granted me grace not to be disturbed by a fear that seemed only 
too well-grounded. 

I entered, and when I had taken the oath in the form of our 
religion, the president began to interrogate me, and I replied with 
almost as much composure as if I were conversing with my own 
acquaintances. Yet I maintained in the presence of my judges all 
the respect and moderation of which I was capable : but still more, 
it was due to the justice of the cause I upheld, that nothing of 
timidity appeared in my words or my bearing. 

The president having put several questions to me with reference 
to certain particulars of the proceeding, I gave him a full account 
of it, in accordance with my former hearings, assigning the same 
reasons for my conduct that f had assigned before the first judge: 
namely, the condition inwhich you were at the time, and the evident 
danger that existed of loss of life, not only to yourself, but also to our 
unborn child, unless we should be able to find some kind of refuge 
during the alarm that prevailed everywhere. I called attention 
moreover to the twelfth article of the king's edict revoking the 
Edict of Nantes, according to which it is permitted all those who 
have not abjured the [Reformed] religion, to come and go with free- 
dom through the cities of the realm. 

The inquiries concerning the proceedings soon came to an end. 
The president then asked me whether I purposed always to persist 
in my religion. I answered in the affirmative. Afterwards, 
another judge asked me what I had intended to do in the kingdom, 
seeing my religion was no longer tolerated within its bounds. To 
this I replied that my purpose was patiently to await whatever his 
majesty might ordain with reference to those who were not willing 
to abjure the [Reformed] religion. The president asked me if I 
did not know that it was forbidden by his majesty's last Edict to 
maintain any exercise of our religion, and if I did not perceive 
that therein I violated his majesty's orders. To this I answered 
that it was to the public exercise of our religion that the Edict re- 
ferred, and that hence I was not in that case. A judge who had 
previously interrogated me then spoke as follows : You are not 
unaware that it is the will of the king that there should be but one 
religion in this kingdom. You then, being a faithful subject of his 
majesty (for you are accustomed constantly to say that you are 
faithful and obedient subjects), why will you not now obey his 
will, and embrace the religion he wishes you to embrace ? As he 
finished speaking the words contained in the foregoing parenthesis, 
I answered that not only we said this, but that such we were in 
reality ; and when he had ended, I replied that in all that which 
did not wound my conscience, I was ready to obey his majesty's 
commands with entire submission ; that my soul and my con- 



j53^ ame et ma conscience relevoit de Dieu immediatement, et que 
j'ettois bien marri qu'il se trouvat un point ou il fallut que ma 
volonte fut contraire a celle du Roy. 

M r . le president me demanda pour la 2 d .e fois si j'etois en- 
tierem 1 . resollu a persister dans ma religion, a quoy je repondis 
qu'ouy, apres quoy un autre juge me parla en ces termes. Estant 
eclaire comme vous estes, vous devries profiter de vos lumieres 
pour reconnoitre la verite de la religion catholique Rom. et l'em- 
brasser. Nous ne vous regardons pas dit-il comme un de ces 
criminels que nous avons accoutume de voir a nos pieds : mais 
nous serons contraints de vous juger suivant les declarations du 
Roy et de vous condamner aux peines qui y sont portees. 

Un autre juge poursuivit a peu pres de la meme maniere me 
disant que mon opiniatrete seroit cause quils m'envoyeroit charge 
de chaines dans des lieux don je ne pourrois pas sortir quand je 
voudrois, et que je ne pouvois eviter cela que par la grace du prince 
a laquelle je devois avoir recours, II me representa comme ils sou- 
haitoient tous de meme que tous mes parens, et tous ceux qui me 
connoissoient, que je me misse en repos. Je repondis en leur 
protestant devant Dieu, que ce n'etoit point par opiniatrete que je 
perseverois dans ma Religion, et que c'etoit parce que je la recon- 
noises veritable, pure et conforme a la parole de Dieu. Je suis 
prest, leur dis-je, a suivre mon Sauveur partout ou il m'appellera. 
II a tout quitte pour moy, il est venu mourir pour moy sur une 
croix ; je suis oblige a tout abbandonner pour luy et a tout souffrir 
pour l'amour de luy. 

Un juge qui n'avoit point encore parle me demanda comment 
estions nous asseures de la verite de notre Religion. Je repondis 
que nous conferions la doctrine qui nous est proposee avec les 
Ecritures a l'exemple des fidelles de Beree dont il est parle dans les 
actes des apostres. II tacha d'eluder la force de c'est exemple et 
me demanda en suitte si je ne croyois pas que Dieu voulut sauver 
les ignorants aussi bien que les scavants? Je repondis qu'ouy. II 
me repliqua que les ignorants etoit incapables d'examiner la 
religion par l'Ecriture S'. e a quoy je repondis que dans l'Ecriture 
S l . e les ignorents pouvoit connoitre aussi bien que les servants tout 
ce qui est necessaire pour le salut, et par la etre en estat de rejetter 
tous les articles que Ton voudroit ajouter a ceux de la foy chre- 
tienne ; que S'. Paul presupposoit cette verite quand il disoit dans 
l'une de ces epitres (or quand nous meme, ou un ange du ciel vous 
evangeliseroit outre ce quil vous a ete" evangelise" quil soit en ana- 

Le juge dans beaucoup de paroles ne repondit rien a pro- 
prem 1 . parler, et a la fin de son discours il me demanda d'ou est ce 
que je scavois que l'Ecriture S l . e est l'Ecriture S'. e ? De l'Ecriture 
Ste l U y repondis-je ; et comme il mut repete" a. peu pres la meme 
question, j'adjoutay que l'Ecriture S l . e avoit des caracteres de 
divinite plus que suffisants pour se faire reconnoitre pour parole de 
Dieu, quelle etoit reconnue pour telle par tous les Chretiens, et que 


science had to do directly with God, and that I was exceedingly 1687. 
grieved that there should be a single point at which my will should 
be contrary to the will of the king. The president asked me for 
the second time whether I was wholly resolved to persist in my 
religion ; to which I answered, Yes. After this another judge 
addressed me in the following terms : Enlightened as you are, you 
ought to profit by the light you possess, and acknowledge the truth 
of the Roman Catholic religion, and embrace it. We do not, said 
he, regard you as one of the criminals whom we are accustomed to 
see at our feet : yet we shall be constrained to judge you accord- 
ing to the king's declarations, and to condemn you to the penalties 
therein prescribed. 

Another judge continued in much the same strain, telling me 
tl^at it would be owing to my obstinacy that they would send me 
loaded with chains to places of confinement from which I would 
not be able to come forth when 1 might wish to do so, and that I 
could avoid this only through the clemency of the sovereign, to 
which I ought to have recourse. He represented to me how 
greatly they, in common with all my kindred and my acquaintance, 
desired that I would put myself in a position of tranquillity. I 
replied, declaring as in the sight of God that it was not out of 
obstinacy that I persevered in my religion, but because I recognized 
it to be true, pure, and conformed to the word of God. I am 
ready, said I, to follow my Saviour whithersoever He may call me. 
He gave up every thing for me. He came to die for me upon a 
cross. I am constrained to abandon every thing for Him, and to 
suffer every thing for the love of Him. 

A judge who had not previously spoken asked me how we 
were assured of the truth of our religion. I replied that we com- 
pared the doctrine presented to us with the Scriptures, after the 
example of the believers of Berea, spoken of in the Acts of the 
Apostles. He endeavored to elude the force of this example, and 
asked me further if I did not believe that God would save the 
ignorant as well as the learned. I answered, Yes. He rejoined 
that the ignorant are incapable of examining religion through the 
Holy Scriptures. To this I replied that the ignorant can ascertain 
all that is necessary to salvation as well as the Avise, and thus be in 
a condition to reject whatever articles of belief men might seek to 
add to those of the Christian faith ; that the apostle Paul pre- 
supposed this truth, when he said in one of his epistles, " But 
though we, or an angel from heaven, preach any other gospel unto 
you than that which we have preached unto you, let him be 

The judge used many words, but made no reply worthy of the 
name, and at the close of his remarks asked me whence I knew 
that Holy Scripture is Holy Scripture? From Holy Scripture 
itself, I replied ; and when he repeated the question in much the 
same language, I added that Holy Scripture possessed marks 
of divinity more than sufficient to evidence itself to be the word 
of God ; that it was recognized as such by all Christians : and that, 

3 66 


1687. d'ailleurs tant d'efforts que les payens avoit fait pour l'eteindre sans 
pouvoir en venir a bout m'estoit un temoignage certain que c'etoit 
un livre divin, puis que la divine Providence avoit pris un soin si 
particulier de nous le conserver dans tous les siecles, et qu' enfin 
je ne reconnoisses que 1'Ecriture S l . e pour le fonclem 1 . et la regie 
de notre foy. II me fit en suitte quelques difficultes pour me per- 
suader que sans le secours de l'Eglise nous ne pouvions etre 
asseures que ce que nous apellons 1'Ecriture S l . e fiat la parole de 
Dieu, et conclud apres un long discours quil falloit reconnoitre 
l'Eglise avant que de pouvoir etre certains que 1'Ecriture S'. e fut la 
parole de Dieu. Sur cela je supliay la Cour de vouloir permetre 
que je fisse une question au juge que me parloit, et les juges 
s'estant regardes, M r . le president me dit que je le pouvois. 

M'adressant done au juge, je luy demanday dou est ce qu'il 
sgavoit qu'il y avoit une Eglise qui ne peut nous enseigner que la 
verite? Mon juge ne peut s'empecher d'avoir recours a 1'Ecriture, 
sur quoy je fis remarquer quil etoit constraint de poser aussi bien 
que moy 1'Ecriture pour premier fondement, et qu'ainssi toutes les 
difficultes qu'il pouvoit me faire pour me faire doutter que 1'Ecri- 
ture Sainte fut la parole de Dieu, setournoit maintenant contre luy. 
II continua a raporter des passages pour prouver la pretendue 
infaillibilite de l'Eglise visible, et conclut en disant que cette Eglise 
rendoit temoignage a 1'Ecriture, et 1'Ecriture a cette Eglise, et que 
j 'etoit un encheneure de verites qui etoit enseparable : mais cela ne 
pouvoit pas le tirer de ce pas la, et pour le reste les passages quil 
aporta pour la pretendeue infallibility de l'Eglise visible qui etoit 
tires des promesses que notre Seigneur J. C. fait a son Eglise, et 
des qualites quil luy atribue : ces passages dis-je ne pouvoient etre 
apliques legitimem'. qu' a l'Eglise qui est le corps des elus qui 
sont les vrais membres de Jesus Christ. 

J'aurois bien souhaite de luy faire voir comme les articles de notre 
religion sont bien autrem 1 . enchaines avec des passages de 1'Ecri- 
ture clairs et formels, apres quoy j'aurois bien voulu luy demander 
a quel passage de 1'Ecriture S l . e est enchaine le sacrifice qu' on 
pretent faire tous les jours a la messe du corps et du sang de Jesus 
Christ. J'aurois peu faire la meme question sur l'adoration qu'on 
y rend au sacrement de TEucharistie, ainssi sur la transubstantia- 
tion, sur le culte qu'on rend aux S l . s a leurs reliques, et aux images. 
J'aurois peu demander a quel passage de 1'Ecriture S'5 est enchaine 
le purgatoire, et ainssi de tout ce qui a ete adjoute a la religion 

Mais il fallut ecouter un autre juge, qui me fit un grand dis- 
cours dans lequel il m'estala les grandeurs et les prosperities de 
leglise Romaine et les calamites et les miseres de la notre : auquel 
je repondis par ces mots (notre regne n'est point de ce monde). 
Un autre me dit que si je croyois ma religion bonne il me falloit 
rester dans ma maison, y souffrir le logement des gens de guerre, 
y voir dissiper mon bien sans regret, et y mourir martir si on eut 

APPENDIX. 3 6 7 

moreover, the fact that the heathen had made so many efforts to j6g 7> 
destroy it without success, was to me a sure proof that it is a divine 
book, since the providence of God has taken so special a care to 
preserve it for us through all ages ; and finally that I acknowledged 
nothing as the foundation and rule of our faith save Holy Scrip- 
ture. He then raised some difficulties in order to persuade me 
that we cannot without the aid of the Church be assured that 
what we call Holy Scripture is the word of God, and after a long 
discourse concluded by saying that we must acknowledge the 
Church before we can be certain that Holy Scripture is the word 
of God. Whereupon I entreated the court to permit that I should 
put a question to the judge who had spoken to me. The judges 
interchanged looks, and the president told me that I might do this. 
Addressing the judge, then, I asked him whence he knew that 
there is a Church that can teach us nothing but the truth ? My 
judge could not do otherwise than resort to Scripture : whereupon 
I called attention to the fact that he was compelled like myself to 
lay down the Scripture for the first foundation ; and that all the 
difficulties which he had raised in order to make me doubt that 
Holy Scripture is the word of God, recoiled upon himself. He 
continued to allege passages to prove the pretended infallibility of 
the visible Church, and ended by saying that this Church testifies 
to the Scripture, and the Scripture to this Church ; and that I was 
one who linked together truths that were inseparable. But this 
did not serve to extricate him from his quandary, and indeed the 
passages that he cited in support of the pretended infallibility of the 
visible Church, drawn from the promises made by our Lord Jesus 
Christ to His Church, and from the characteristics that He ascribes 
to it, were such as could be rightfully applied only to the Church 
which is the body of the elect, who are the true members of Jesus 

I would have wished greatly that I might show him how the 
articles of our religion are linked — in a very different way — with 
passages of Scripture that are clear and explicit ; and then I 
would have liked very much to ask him with what passage of 
Holy Scripture is linked the sacrifice which they claim to make 
everyday, in the mass, of the body and blood of Jesus Christ. I 
might have made the same inquiry concerning the adoration paid 
therein to the sacrament of the Eucharist, concerning transub- 
stantiation, and the worship rendered to the saints, to their relics, 
and to images. I might have asked with what passage of Holy 
Scripture the doctrine of purgatory is linked, and so as to all that 
has been superadded to the Christian religion. 

But it was necessary to listen to another judge, who addressed me 
in a lengthy discourse, in which he spread before me the grandeur 
and prosperity of the Roman Church, and the woes and miseries of 
our own : which I answered in these words : " Our kingdom is not 
of this world." Another said to me that if I believed my religion 
to be good, I ought to have remained in my house, and endured 
the quartering of the soldiery upon me, looking on without regret 


1687. voulu, comme faisoit les anciens Chretiens, et non pas fuir comme 
j'avois fait. A cela je repondis que je pouvois justirier ma con- 
duite par un verset de l'Evangile, j'entendois ce que notre Seigneur 
disoit a ses disciples (quand on vous persecutera a un lieu fuyes en 
un autre), et outre cela leur dis-je j'ay donne une raison bien forte 
pour excuser mon absence s9avoir l'etat ou ma femme se trouvoit, et 
le peril evident ou elle etoit. 

M r . le president me demanda si j'auois eu soin de m'in- 
struire, je repondis qu'ouy. 11 me repliqua que c'etoit apar- 
am ( . dans les livres de nos ministres qui avoit accoutume de nous 
defigurer la religion catholique R. et que si j'eusse pris soin de lire 
les livres de leurs docteurs et de leurs conciles je ni aurois rien 
trouve de ce que les ministres supposoient a l'Eglise Romaine. 
A quoy je repondis que si la cour vouloit le permetre, je raporte- 
rois quelques passages de leurs docteurs et de leurs conciles que 
me faisoit de la peine et que je trouvois opposes a la purete de la 
religion chretienne. Sur quoy s'etant regardes et quelques uns 
d'entre eux se demandant ce que je voulois proposer, ils me firent 
connoitre quils n'avoit pas le loisir de m'entendre la dessus. Je 
me prepares a leur reporter le canon du 2d concile de Nicee qui 
commande l'adoration des images, accompagne d'un passage de 
S l . Thomas leur docteur angelique et d'un autre de Gabriel Biel 
un de leurs fameus theologien. 

Je leur allois raporter l'endroit du concile de Trente qui com- 
mende l'adoration souveraine du sacrement de l'Eucharistie, et le 
canon qui authorise la pratique d'offrir des messes a l'honneur des 
S l . s pour obtenir leur intercession, le canon du concile de Constance 
qui retranche la coupe au peuple avec si peu de respect pour la 
volonte de notre Seigneur, et pour la pratique de l'eglise pandant 
tant des siecles, et plusieurs autres choses de cette nature. 

Un autre juge me dit si j'avois leu le livre d'un demes compatri- 
otes (parlant de M r . Pelisson) ayant me dit-il tant de douceur et de 
docilite que vous en faites paroitre, je m'assure que vous recon- 
noitries la verite de la religion C R. et que vous n'auries pas fait 
difficulte de vous y renger. Je repondis que j'avois leu le livre de 
M r . Pelisson et que je ni avois rien trouve qui m'eut determine a 
cela ni qui m'eut donne seulement la moindre pens£e d'abandonner 
ma religion. Entin M r . le president me demanda pour la 
3 m . e fois si j'etois entierem* resolu a persister dans ma religion ? 
Je repondis que c'etoit la ma resolution et que j'esperois que Dieu 
me fairoit la grace de my tenir. 11 me demanda encore si je 
sgavois a quoy j'ettois condamne, et comme jeus repondu que 
j'avois ete condamne par le i e . r juge aux galeres, il me demanda si 
j'ettois appellant. Apres que jeus repondu qu'ouy, il me congedia, 
en me disant que la cour me rendroit justice. J'eprouve avec joye 
que Dieu me fortifie de jour en jour et me fait la grace de me dis- 


while my property was wasted, and suffering- martyrdom there, if t ao^ 
men willed it so, even as the early Christians did, and not have '' 

fled as I had done. To this I replied that I would justify my con- 
duct by a verse of the Gospel, referring to what our Lord said to 
His disciples, " When they persecute you in this city, flee ye into 
another : " and besides, I said, I have given a very strong reason 
in vindication of my absence, namely, my wife's condition, and the 
evident peril in which she was. 

The president asked me whether I had taken care to obtain 
instruction. I replied that I had done so. He rejoined that 
apparently I had sought instruction in the books of our ministers, 
who were accustomed to misrepresent the Roman Catholic 
religion to us; and that if I had taken pains to read the writings 
of their doctors and of their councils, I would have found in them 
nothing of all that our ministers attributed to the Roman Church. 
To which I made response, that if the court would permit, I 
would cite certain passages from their doctors and councils which 
gave me pain and which I considered to be opposed to the purity 
of the Christian religion. Upon this having looked at one another, 
and some having inquired among themselves what it was that I 
wished to state, they informed me that they had not the leisure to 
hear me with reference to these matters. 

I was prepared to adduce to them that canon of the second 
council of Nicasa which commands the worship of images, accom- 
panied with a passage from St. Thomas, their " angelical doctor," 
and another from Gabriel Biel, one of their famous theologians. 
I was about to quote that place in the decrees of the council of 
Trent where the supreme adoration of the sacrament of the 
Eucharist is enjoined, and the canon that authorizes the practice 
of offering masses in honor of the saints in order to obtain their 
intercession ; the canon of the council of Constance that removes 
the cup from the people — with so little deference to the will of our 
Lord and the practice of the Church during so many centuries ; 
and several other things of the same kind. 

Another judge remarked, that had I read the book of one of my 
countrymen (meaning M. Pelisson), possessing, said he, so much 
gentleness and docility as you display, I am sure you would 
recognize the truth of the Roman Catholic religion, and would 
find no difficulty in acquiescing in it. I replied that I had read 
M. Pelisson's book, and had found in it nothing that would influ- 
ence me to pursue such a course, or that even awakened in me the 
thought of abandoning my religion. Finally, the president asked 
me for the third time if I were wholly resolved to persist in my 
religion ? I replied that such was my resolution, and that I 
trusted that God would grant me grace to adhere to it. He inquired 
further if I knew to what I was condemned, and when I answered 
that I had been condemned by the first judge to the galleys, he 
asked me whether I were appellant ? Upon my affirmative answer, 
he dismissed me, saying to me that the court would do me justice. 
I feel with joy that God strengthens me daily, and gives me grace 

3/0 • APPENDIX. 

1687. poser a toute sorte d'evenem^ avec une entiere resignation a sa 
volonte. Tu peux t'imaginer que je souhaite avec passion de te 
voir avant qu'on me fasse transferrer. Je ne crois pas de rester 
long tems. Je te souhaite toutes sorte de benedictions. 

Du 10 may 1687. 

Mademoiselle ma mere 
vous verres par la lettre que j'ecris a ma femme, ce qui se parla 
lorsque je fus sur la selete. Graces a Dieu je ne fus point ettonne 
non plus que presentem'. par le crainte des peines qui me 
paroissoit presque inevitables. Si j'evite le galeres ce sera apara- 
ment pour aller dans cest exil qui effraye tant de monde ; mais 
j'espereque je trouveray partout bien [Dieu ?] qui seratousjours mon 
consolateur et qui me soutiendra jusqu'au dernier moment de ma 
vie : c'est luy qui me donne la force de regarder avec un visage 
asseure toutes les peines qu'on me prepare et qui maydera a les 
supporter constament a fin de luy etre fidelle jusqu'a la mort. 

II y a toutes les aparences que je ne seray ici que fort peu de 
jours. Vous vous imagines bien que la plus grande consolation 
que j'attends du cotte du monde est de vous voir avant que je 
parte. Je viens de voir un moment mad™ e de Moulens par une 
grille qui ma demande si je changeois de lieu. Je luy ay repondu 
que je n'en scavois rien, et elle ma dit quil ny avoit plus de retarde- 
ment pour elle et quelle partoit demain pour Montpellier. Je n'ay 
point encore veu mon procureur, j'ay seulement apris que notre 
affaire etoit renvoyee au greffe pour conclure, je ne sais point 
asteure [a cette heure] ce quil faut faire. Je souhaiterois bien de 
voir mon fils mais j'aprehende que cela ne puisse se faire qu'avec 
beaucoup d'embaras. Je luy [envoye mes] benedictions. Gardes 
tout ce qui pourra un jour le faire souvenir de moy, et de l'example 
que Dieu me fait la grace de luy dormer. Je souhaite toute sorte 
de benedictions a toute la famille. Dieu veuille vous tenir en paix. 
Je suis avec tout sorte de respect, mad lle ma mere, V. T. h. et 
obeissant serviteur. Mascarene, Signe. 

J'ay prig autres cinq ecus que j'ay presque deja acheves. Lecapi- 
taine du quel (?) vient de dire au garcon fayancier quil prit garde a 
luy, et quil le conduiroit apres quil seroit revenu de la conduitte de 
madame de Moulens. Ce matin 11 May mad me de Moulens est 
partie pour Montpellier et j'ay apris qu'on a ecrit pour scavoir ce 
que le Roy veut faire de nous n'ayant trouve de quoy nous con- 


to prepare for whatever issue with entire resignation to His will. 1687. 
You may imagine that I passionately desire to see you before my 
transportation. I do not think that I shall remain here long. I 
wish you every blessing. 


May 10, 1687. 

Madam my mother: 

You will see from the letter that I write to my wife, what was 
said when I was under examination. Thanks be to God, I was no 
more disturbed than I am this moment by the fear of the pen- 
alties which seemed to me almost inevitable. If I escape the gal- 
leys, it will apparently be to go into that exile which frightens so 
many people; but I hope everywhere to find God, who will always 
be my comforter, and who will sustain me to the last moment of 
my life. It is He who gives me strength to look with an assured 
countenance upon all the sufferings in preparation for me. and who 
will help me bear them constantly, to the end I may be faithful to 
Him until death. 

There is every appearance that I shall be here only a very few 
days. You can fancy that the greatest consolation I expect, on the 
side of the world, is to see you before I leave. I have just seen for 
a moment Madame de Moulens, through an iron grating. She 
asked me whether I was to be removed. I replied that I knew 
nothing about it, and she told me that there was to be no delay in 
her case, and that she was to leave to-morrow for Montpellier. I 
have not yet seen my attorney. I have only learned that our matter 
was referred to the clerk's office for conclusion. I do not know at 
the present hour what must be done. I should greatly wish to see 
my son, but I fear that this could only be done with mucn diffi- 
culty. I send him my blessing. Keep everything that may one 
day remind him of me and of the example that God is giving me 
the favor to set him. I wish every kind of blessings to all the 
family. May God keep you in peace. I am with every kind of 
respect, Madam my mother, your very humble and very obedient 
servant. (Signed) Mascarene. 

I have taken five more crowns, which I have already almost used 

up. The captain has just told the crockery-ware boy to take 

good care of himself, and that he would conduct him after he should 
have returned from conducting Madame de Moulens. This morn- 
ing, May nth, Madame de Moulens left for Montpellier, audi 
have learned that the king has been written to, to know what he 
wishes to be done with us, nothing having been found to condemn 
us for. 


1687. Confession de foy de M>. Mascarene par luy rendue a un 
grand vicaire, dans les prisons de L'hotel de ville de toulouse. 

1 Je ne veus pour objet de ma religion quun Dieu Pere Fils et 
S l . Esprit. 

2 Je ne veus l'adorer qu'en esprit et en verite. 

3 Je ne veus invoquer que luy. 

4 Je ne veus flechir religieusem* les genoux que devant luy. 

5 Je ne veus reconnoitre pour notre interceseur que Jesus 

6 ni d'autre chef de leglise que luy. 

7 ni d'autre Vicaire quil ayt laisse pour la conduitte de l'eglise 
universselle que son S l . Esprit. 

8 Je ne veux reconnoitre d'autre Sacrifice propitiatoire qu'une 
seule oblation une fois faite du corps et du sang de mon Sauveur. 

9 ni d'autres merites que nous puissions metre en avant pour 
etre exhauces dans nos prieres que les merites de Jesus-Christ. 

10 ni d'autres satisfactions dont nous puissions payer la justice 
divine que ses souffrances. 

1 1 ni d'autre purgatoire que son precieux sang. 

12 ni d'autre indulgence que Sa grace. 

13 je ne reconnois d'autre manducation de la chair de J. C. que 
la spirituelle dont il est parle au 6e de S l . Jean. 

14. enfin je ne reconnois personne qui ayt droit de retrancher le 
calice que Jesus Christ donna a ses comuniants en leur disant, 
beuves en tous et faites ceci. 

Ayant ces sentim ts dans le cceur je suis persuade, M r -, quil ni 
fn'yj a aucun de vous qui me conseillat de faire une profession 
exterieure de votre religion. D'autre cotte, je vous proteste, 
m r , avec toute la sincerite dont suis capable, quil m'est impossible 
de changer ces sentiments, quil n'est pas meme en mon pouvoir de 
souhaiter le changem*. et qu'au contraire je ne demande rien a 
Dieu avec tant ardeur que la grace dy perseveres 


Mr. Mascarene's Confession of Faith, handed by him to a Grand 1687. 
Vicar, in the prisons of the Hotel de Ville of Toulouse. 

1. I will have, as the object of my religion, only one God, Father, 
Son and Holy Ghost. 

2. I will adore Him only in spirit and in truth. 

3. I will invoke Him alone. 

4. I will bow my knees, religiously, only before Him. 

5. I will acknowledge only Jesus Christ as our intercessor ; 

6. And no other Head of the Church but Himself ; 

7. And no other vicar left by Him for the conduct of His Church 
universal than His Holy Spirit. 

8. I will acknowledge no other propitiatory sacrifice than the one 
sole offering, once made, of the body and blood of my Saviour; 

9. Nor other merits that we can set forth, in order to be heard in 
our prayers, than the merits of Jesus Christ ; 

10. Nor other satisfactions by which we can pay divine justice, 
save His sufferings ; 

11. Nor other purgatory [cleansing] than His precious blood; 

12. Nor other indulgence than His grace. 

13. I acknowledge no other feeding upon the flesh of Jesus 
Christ than the spiritual feeding of which it is spoken in the sixth 
chapter of St. John. 

14. Finally I recognize no one as having the right to withhold 
the cup which Jesus Christ gave to His communicants, saying to 
them, Drink ye all of it, and Do this. 

Having these sentiments in my heart, I am persuaded, Sir, that 
there is no one of you that would advise me to make an external 
profession of your religion. On the other hand, I protest, Sir, with 
all the sincerity of which I am capable, that it is impossible for me 
to change these sentiments, that it is not even in my power to de- 
sire the change, and that on the contrary, I ask of God nothing 
with so much ardor as the grace to persevere therein. 



Cantique compose dans les prisons de l'hotel de ville en 1687. 

O roy des roys souveraine puissance 
en qui j'ay mis toute ma confiance 
assiste moy par ta force invincible 
et Ton verra ce qu'on croit impossible 
entretiens dans mon cceur 
la celeste vigueur 
qui prend de toy sa source 
et sans jamais broncher 
on me verra marcher 
j.usqu'au bout de ma cource. 

[finirl Pour m'enpecher de fournir ma carriere 

on veut m'oter ce que jay de lumiere, 
et Ton metra bien tot tout en usage 
pour esseyer d'ebranler mon courage, 
deja prive du jour 
dans cest affreux sejour 
rempli d objets funebres 
on offre a tout moment 
a mon entendement 
ies plus noires tenebres. 

Puisque je vois 1'erreur et le mensonge 
ne permets pas que mon ame si plonge 
que ton Esprit qui deigne me conduire 
chasse du mien ce qui peut me seduire 
que les biens advenir 
m'otent le souvenir 
de ceux que j'abandonne 
au mileu des liens 
et des maux que je crains 
montre moy la couronne. 

Satan qui voit qu'un gennereux martire 
sera toujours fatal & son empire 
a pris les soins a me forger des crimes 
afin qu'on crut -mes peines legitimes 


seigneur rends ses desseins 1687. 

inutiles et vains 

et fait partout entendre 

que Ton poursuit en moy 

ta pure et sainte loy 

que Ton me veut deffendre. 


je t'ay suivi, je veux encor' te suivre 
prive de toy, seigneur je ne puis vivre 
Je suis a toy et je te sacririe 
ma liberte, mon repos, et ma vie 
Je scay que ton pouvoir 
egale ton vouloir 
et que ta providence 
malgre tous les humains 
peut m'arracher des mains 
de quiconque m'offence 

mais si ta main des prisons les plus fortes 
ne brise pas les grilles et les portes 
et pour bien tot metre fin a mes peines 
(aire tomber et mes fers et mes chaines 

au moins accorde moy 

l'esperence et la foy 

et cette patience 

que triomphe de tout 

et qui jusques au bout 

soutienne ma Constance. 

Coppie de Lettre de Mr. Mascarene a M r . le Baron de Montbeton. 
Monsieur et tres honnore frere en notre Seigneur Jesus Christ 
Bien loin d'avoir honte de votre chaine, je la regarde comme une 
marque et comme un gage certain de la couronne que Jesus Christ 
vous prepare dans le ciel. Je la regarde comme la joye des anges, 
la gloire de l'Eglise, I'edification et la consolation des fidelles, l'ad- 
miration et Fetonnement des ennemis de la verite, et comme un 
eguillon puissant pour porter ceuxqui sont tombes, a la repentance 
que vous faites eclater d'une maniere si illustre. Je souhaite que 
nos freres qui sont les compagnons de vos souffrances soient aussi 
les immitateurs de votre fermete, et que loin de tourner leurs 
regards du cote du monde ils ne regardent comme vous qu'a Jesus 



1687. le chef et le comsomateur de notre foy. Je vous prie de vous sou- 
venir de moy dans vos prieres comme je me souviens aussi de vous 
dans toutes les mienes. Dieu veuille vous benir et vous accom- 
pagner par tout. 

Copy of a letter of Mr. Mascarene to Baron de Montbeton. Sir 
and very honored brother in our Lord Jesus Christ. Very far from 
being ashamed of your chain, I regard it as a mark and a certain 
pledge of the crown which Jesus Christ is preparing for you in 
heaven. I regard it as the joy of angels, the glory of the church, 
the edification and consolation of the faithful, the admiration and 
astonishment of the enemies of the truth, and as a powerful stim- 
ulus to lead those that have fallen, to the repentance which you 
show forth in so illustrious a manner. I wish that our brethren 
that are the companions of your sufferings may also be imitators 
of your firmness, and that, far from turning their gaze in the 
direction of the world, they may like you look only to Jesus the 
author and finisher of our faith. I beg you to remember me in 
your prayers, as I also remember you in all mine. May God be 
pleased to bless you and accompany you everywhere. 


De M r le Baron de montbeton a m* Mascarene. 

Ecrite de Bordeaux lorsqu'il fut attache a la chaine. 

Votre billet m'est un cordiaque contre les foiblesses de l'ame. 
et pent me servir d'epitheme contre les sincopes et les maux de 
cceur gennereus confesseur de Christ, il vous confessera devant son 
Pere, brave athlete vous combates le bon combat, vous remporteres 
la couronne de gloire : pour ma chaine, mes amis savent, qu'en me 
l'attachant je dis, 

Benite soit la chaine 
qui m'attache a mon Dieu: 
Je n'ay douleur ni peine 
qui dans le sacre lieu 
ne soit un jour changee 
en douceurs en plaisirs 
heureuse destinee ! 
tu combles mes desirs 

Voila mon tres cher frere mes sentiments et l'etat de mon ame : je 

suis votre imitateur et de tout mon cceur votre obeissant serviteur. 

Nos tres cher compagnons vous embrassent de tout leur coeur. 

C. M. 


Answer of Baron de Montbeton to Mr. Mascarene, written from 1687. 
Bordeaux when he was made fast to the chain. 

Your note to me is a cordial against faintness of soul, and may 
serve me as an epithem against swoons and sickness. Generous 
confessor of Christ ! He will confess you before His Father. 
Brave athlete ! you are fighting the good fight ; you will win the 
crown of glory. As for my chain, my friends know that, when it 
was being made fast to me, I said : 

Now blessed be the chain 
That binds me to my God ! 
I have no grief nor pain 
But in His own abode 
Shall be exchanged, one day, 
For joys that never tire. 
O glorious destiny, 
That crowns my best desire. 

Such, my very dear friend, are my feelings, and such is the state 
of my soul. I am your follower, and with all my heart your obe- 
dient servant. 

Our very dear companions embrace you with all their heart. 

C. M. 

Note. — The foregoing papers of Jean Mascarene were pre- 
served in the family of his brother, Cesar Mascarene, of Castres 
(see above, page 125, note), and came into the possession of the 
American branch of the family about eighty years ago. In 1763, 
John Mascarene, of Boston (page 250, note), only son of Jean 
Paul, and grandson of Jean, visited England. Desiring to find 
out whether any of his father's relations were still living in Lan- 
guedoc, he made inquiry in London, and at the suggestion of a 
gentleman from that province he wrote to a" Mr. Mascarene," 
in Castres. The person addressed proved to be his cousin, a 
son of Cesar Mascarene, who at once replied, expressing the 
greatest joy upon hearing from him. (See the correspondence, 
a translation of which was published in the New England His- 
torical and Genealogical Register, Vol. IX. [1855], pp. 239-247.) 
It was through this relative that John Mascarene received copies 
of his grandfather's papers. 



[Bibliotheque de Geneve, Collection Court, No. 17, tome I,, folios 71-76.] 

1687 J e su ' s ' P ar ' a S race de Oieu, arrive en ces heureuses contrees en 

parfaite sante despuis le 17 du mois passe, apres une traversee de 
cinquante et trois jours, a conter despuis les dunes qui sont a 20 
lieues de Londres jusqu'a Boston, et je puis dire qu'il y a peu de 
navires qui passent un si peu de temps. Nostre navigation a este 
fort heureuze, et je puis dire qu'a la reserve de trois jours et trois 
nuits que nous avons eu un fort orage, tout le reste n'a este qu'un 
temps agreable et delicieux ; car un chacun menoit joye dans nostre 
bord. Les femmes, filhes et enfans ont este presque tous les jours 
sur le gailhard a se divertir. Nous n'avons pas eu le plaisir de la 
peche sur le banc, parce que nous n' y avons pas touche ; nous 
en avons passe a 50 lieues au sud, nostre route a presque tousjours 
este de Test a l'ouest. Nous sommes passes a la hauteur des Fe- 
jalles distans d'environ 60 lieues ; ce sont des isles qui appar- 
tiennent aux Portugais et qui sont a 400 lieues de TAngleterre. Si 
Ton n'aprehendoit les corsaires de Sales qui croisent souvent 
autour de ses isles, Ton iroit souvent mouiller dans ces ports, mais 
ces pirates font que Ton s'en tient esloigne du coste du Nord. 
Nous avons rencontre en merquantite de navires, lesunsvenant de 
la peche du banc, et les autres des isles de lAmerique. Entre 
autres nous avons rencontre un navire de la Rochelle, qui venoit de 
la Martinique charge de sucre, et qui auparavant avoit fait voyage 
en Guinee d'ou il avoit apporte 150 negres, et deux peres Capucins 
qui ont este obliges d'abandonner leur poste de Guinee, veu le peu 
de progres qu'ilz y faisoyent. Presque tout 1' equipage et le cap- 
itaine sont protestans. lis vinrent a nostre bord avec leur chaloupe, 
et nous promirent qu'ilz ne tarderoient pas longtemps a nous venir 
voir a Boston, pour faire reparation d'avoir malheureusement suc- 
combe. lis nous dirent de plus que presque tous les habitans des 
isles francoises protestans sont sortis ; nous en avons icy plusieurs 
a Boston avec toute leur famille. 

Par un navire arrive' des isles nous avons nouvelles que la plus 
grande partie de nos pauvres freres qui avoient este conduits a 
l'isle Saint-Martin se sont sauves dans l'isle Saint-Eustache qui 

1 By the kindness of M. Ph. Plan, Librarian of the Public Library 
of Geneva, I am enabled to give above a carefully collated transcript of 
this interesting document, which was originally published in the Bulletin 
de la societe de l'histoire du protestantisme francais, volume xvi., (F6v- 
rier, 1867,) pp. 69-81. 



[See above, volume I., page 233 ; volume II., pages 183-185, 202-204, 226, 258, 271, 300. ] 

By the goodness of God, I arrived in this favored land in perfect 1687. 
health on the seventeenth of last month, after a passage of fifty- 
three days — counting from the day we left the Downs, sixty miles 
from London, to the day we reached Boston — and I may say, that 
few ships make the trip in so short a time. Our voyage was a 
very happy one, and I may say that with the exception of three 
days and three nights, during which we experienced a heavy storm, 
the time passed agreeably and delightfully, every person on board 
enjoying himself. The women, the young girls and the children 
gathered on the deck, almost every day, for diversion. We did not 
have the pleasure of fishing on the Banks, inasmuch as we did not 
reach them, but sailed fifty leagues to the south of them, our 
course being almost uniformly from east to west. We reached the 
latitude of the Fayal islands, [the Azores,] passing within sixty 
leagues of them. These islands belong to the Portuguese, and lie 
at the distance of four hundred leagues from England. Were it 
not for the fear of the corsairs of Salee, [Morocco,] which fre- 
quently cruise in the vicinity of these islands, vessels would often 
visit their harbors ; but on account of those pirates they avoid 
them, keeping to the north. We met while at sea a great many 
ships, some coming from the fisheries on the Banks, and others 
coming from the islands of America [the West Indies]. Among 
the latter, we met a ship of La Rochelle, which was on her way 
from Martinique with a cargo of sugar, and which had previ- 
ously made a voyage to Guinea, whence she had brought one 
hundred and fifty negroes, and two Capuchin friars, who were 
obliged to abandon their post in Guinea, on account of the small 
progress they had been making there. The captain and nearly all 
the crew were Protestants. They came to us on their long boat, 
and promised us that they would not long delay to visit us in Bos- 
ton, and make reparation for having unhappily yielded [to the 
Church of Rome]. Moreover they informed us that almost all the 
Protestant inhabitants had left the French islands. We have sev- 
eral of them here in Boston, with their entire families. 

By a vessel lately arrived from the islands, we have had the news 
that the greater number of our poor brethren who were taken 
to the island of St. Martin had escaped to the island of St. Eus- 
tatius, which belongs to the Dutch : and it is hoped that the rest 
may soon be received. You have doubtless learned that one of the 

3 8o 


1687. appartient aux Hollandois, et Ton espere avoir bientot le reste. 
Vous aurez sans doubte sceu qu'ii se perdit un navire des trois qui 
conduisoit ces pauvres freres, duquel il ne se sauva que l'esquip- 
age. Dieu pardonne a ces cruels, qui sont cause de ces malheurs 
et les convertisse ! Par un autre navire arrive de la nouvelle 
Yhork, nous avons des lettres qui nous marquent que le gouver- 
neur de Kebecq avoit escrit une lettre fort choquante au gouver- 
neur de la nouvelle Yhork, sur ce qu'il avoit donne des munitions 
aux Iroquis qui sont en guerre avec les Francois, en luy disant 
que, s'il leur continuoit son secours, il les viendroit voir cest hiver. 
M. le gouverneur de la nouvelle Yhork luy fit responce comme il 
le meritoit, et a mesme temps fit faire une levee de 3 a 4 milles 
hommes tous Anglois, (n'ayant pas voulu detourner les Francois 
de leurs nouvelles habitations ou ilz ont besoin d'une grande 
assiduite au travail,) pour camper cest hiver sur la frontiere et 
observer les demarches des Francois. Le gouverneur de Vir- 
ginie a ordre de se tenir prest avec ce qu'il pourra lever de gens 
pour venir a son secours, au cas il en eut de besoin. Je croy que 
les mesmes ordres sont icy ; Boston seul peut fournir 1 5 milles 
hommes combatans, et s'il faut croire ce qu'on m'a dit, il en peut 
mettre 20 mille. S'il se passe quelqu'autre chose de nouveau, je 
ne manqueray pas a vous en faire part. Je respond presentement 
aux articles dont il vous a pleu me charger a mon depart, du moins 
a ceux desquels j'ay desja pris connoissance. 

Premierement pour venir dans ce pays, il faut s'embarquer a 
Londres, d'ou il part tous les mois l'un pourl'autre un navire. Le 
temps le plus propre pour s'embarquer est a la fin de mars, ou a 
la fin d'aoust et au commencement de septembre. Ce sont les 
veritables saisons, d'autant plus qu'il ne fait ni trop chaud ni trop 
froid, et que Ton n'est plus dans le temps des calmes qui sont 
frequents en este, et qui sont cause que les navires demeu- 
rent des 4 mois a passer de deca, outre que les chaleurs causent 
souvent des maladies dans le navire. L'on n'a point des fatigues a 
essuier, lors que Ton a avec soy des bons rafraichissemens et de 
toute sorte 111 est bien aussy d'avoir un chirurgien dans le navire 
ou l'on s'embarque, comme nous avions dans le nostre. A l'esgard 
du danger, il faut prendre garde de s'embarquer sur un bon navire 
et bien equipe du monde et du canon, et bien pourveu de vituailles, 
surtout que pain et l'eau ne manque pas. Pour la route j'en ay 
suffisamment parle cy-dessus, il n'y a du danger qu'en approchent 
les terres, et sur le banc de sable qu'on trouve. Nous avons sonde 
en deux endroits, au cap de Sable, que est dans le coste du Port- 
Royal ou Accadie, ou nous trouvames 90 brasses. Alors nous 
n'estions qu'a 20 lieues de terre ; nousprismes au large, et vinsmes 
sur le Banc Saint-George qui est a 80 lieues de Boston, ou nous 
trouvasmes 100 brasses. Du despuis, nous ne sondasmes plus, car 
trois jours apres nous vismes le cap Coot, qui est a 20 lieues de 
Boston du coste du Sud, et le lendemain nous arrivasmes a Boston, 
apres avoir trouve une quantite de fort jolies isles qui se trouvent 
devant Boston, la plus part cultivees et habitees par des peysans, 
qui font une tres-belle veue. Boston est situe au fond d'une baie 
qui aura de 3 a 4 lieues de tour, enclos des isles que je vous ay dit. 


three ships that carried these poor brethren was lost, and only the jgg* 
crew were saved. God forgive the cruel men who were the cause 
of these disasters, and convert them ! By another ship that has 
arrived from New York, we have had letters informing us that the 
governor of Quebec has written a very offensive letter to the gov- 
ernor of New York, regarding the supplies which he has given to 
the Iroquois, who are at war with the French ; telling him, that 
should he continue such aid, he will come to see him this winter. 
The governor of New York answered him as he deserved, and at 
the same time caused a levy to be made of three or four thousand 
men, all English, (as he was not willing to call the French away 
from their new habitations, where their most assiduous labors are 
needed,) to encamp this winter upon the frontier, and watch the 
proceedings of the French. The governor of Virginia has his orders 
to hold himself ready, with the men whom he may be able to raise, 
to come to his help, should he require it. I think the same orders 
have reached this place ; Boston alone can furnish fifteen thousand 
fighting men, and if I am to believe what is told me, can raise as 
many as twenty thousand. Should anything else of interest occur, 
I will not fail to inform you of it. I reply at present to the articles 
with reference to which you were pleased to charge me upon my 
departure; at least, to those concerning which I have already 
obtained knowledge. 

First, in order to come to this country, it is necessary to embark 
at London, from which place a ship sails about once a month. 
The most favorable time for embarking is the latter part of March, 
or the end of August and the beginning of September. These 
are the proper seasons ; all the more because the weather is then 
neither too hot nor too cold, and one does not experience the dead 
calms which occur frequently in summer, and on account of which 
vessels take four months to cross hither : besides which, the heat 
often produces sickness on ship-board. If one will provide himself 
with suitable refreshments of all kinds, he will not have to endure 
any discomfort. It is well also to have a physician on board, as 
we had in our ship. With regard to danger, one must be particu- 
lar to take passage on a good vessel, well equipped with men and 
with cannon, and well provided with victuals, and especially with 
an unfailing supply of bread and water. As to the route, I 
have spoken sufficiently on this point. There is risk only in 
approaching land, and on the sand-banks which one finds. We 
took soundings twice, off Cape Sable, which is in the neighborhood 
of Port Royal or Acadia, where we found ninety fathoms. We 
were then only twenty leagues from land. We stood off to sea, 
and came to St. George's Bank, eighty leagues from Boston, where 
we found one hundred fathoms. After this, we took no soundings ; 
for three days after we sighted Cape Coot, [Cod,] twenty leagues 
to the south of Boston ; and on the following day we reached Bos- 
ton, after meeting a multitude of exceedingly pretty islands in front 
of Boston, most of them cultivated, and inhabited by peasants, and 
presenting a very pleasing appearance. Boston is situated within a 
bay three or four leagues in circumference, and shut in by these isl- 
ands. Here ships ride in safety, in all kinds of weather. The town is 



1687. Quels temps qu'il fasse, les navires sont en seurete. La ville est 
bastie sur la pente d'une petite colline, et aussy grande que La 
Rochelle. La ville et le dehors n'ont pas plus de trois milles de 
circuit, car c'est presque une isle: Ton n'auroit qu'a couper des 
trois cent pas de largeur tout sable, qui en moins de deux fois 24 
heures rend Boston une isle que la mer battroit de tous costes. La 
ville est presque toute bastie de maisons de bois ; mais despuis que 
le feu a fait quelques ravages, il n'est plus permis de bastir de bois, 
de sorte qu'ilz se font presentement defort jolies maisons de brique. 
Je devois vous dire, clans le commencement de cest article, que 
Ton paye a Londres pour passer icy 20 escus, et 24 si Ton veut 
payer a Boston, de sorte qu'il vaut mieux payer icy qua Londres; 
Ton a un escu de quitte, parce que 100 livres de Londres font icy 
125 liv., de sorte que 20 escus a Londres Ton devroit payer icy 25, 
a raison de 25 p %, et Ton n'en paye que 24; cette augmentation 
d'argent est d'un grand secours aux pauvres refugiez, pour peu 
qu'ilz en apportent. 

2e, II n'y a icy point d'autre religion que la presbyterienne, 1'an- 
glicanne, l'anabatiste et la nostre. Nous n'avons point des 
papistes, du moins qui nous soyent cognus. 

3 e . Je respondray au troisiesme article touchant le R. lorsque 
j'en seray mieux informe. 

4'. Boston est situe soubz le 42 1-2 degre, de latitude septentrio- 
nalle. II est presentement jour a six heures du matin, et nuit a six 
heures; j'entends l'aube du jour, trouvant presque une heure de 
prescuspulle [crepuscule] jusqu'au lever du soleil. 

5 e . Je ne respond point a vostre 5 e article, n'ayant pas encore 
parcouru la campagne. Je dois partir dans deux jours pour Nora- 
ganzet. A mon retour, Dieu aidant, je vous diray la bonte et fer- 
tilite de la terre et de ce qu'il y croit. 

6 e . A l'esgard des acquisitions des terres, celles qu'on prend dans 
la contree de Noraganzet coutent 20 liv. sterlin pour cent acres a 
payer content, et terme 25 pour 3 ans ; mais Ton ne les paye point 
parce qu'on ne sait point si cette contree restera aux proprietaires 
ainsy mal nommes, ou au roy. Jusqu'a ce que cest affaire soit 
decide, Ton ne payera point, toutefois Ton ne peut estre oblige de 
payer que le prix suivant le contract passe par-devant 
les maires de la ville. L'on assure mesme que si le roy les a, Ton 
ne payera rien ou du moins fort peu, se contentant d'un petit droit 
seigneurial, moyenant quoy l'on peut vendre et engager, vous 
appartenant en propre. La contree de Nicmok appartient en 
propre a M. le president, et la terre ne coute rien. Je ne scay point 
encore la quantite qu'on en donne a chaque famille; quelques per- 
sonnes m'ont dit de 50 jusques a cent [acres], suivant les families. 

7° et 8 e . A respondre. 

9 9 . II depend de ceux qui veulent prendre des terres de les 
prendre a l'une des deux contrees, au bord de la mer ou dans 
les terres. Celle de Nicmok est dans la terre et a 20 lieues de 
Boston, et autant esloignee de la mer de sorte que, lorsqu'ilz veu- 
lent envoyer ou recevoir quelque chose de Boston, il faut voiturer 
par charette. II y a des petites rivieres et des estangs autour de 


built upon the slope of a little hill, and is about as large as La jOS-j. 
Rochelle. With the surrounding land it measures not more than 
three miles around, for it is almost an island. It would only be 
necessary to cut through the sand about three hundred paces, and in 
less than twice twenty-four hours Boston would be made an island, 
with the sea beating upon it on every side The town consists 
almost entirely of houses built of wood : but since the ravages 
made by fires, it is no longer allowed to build of wood, and several 
very handsome houses of brick are at present going up. I ought 
to have stated to you, at the beginning of this article, that the 
price paid in London for a passage hither is twenty crowns, and 
twenty-four crowns if one chooses to pay in Boston, so that it is 
better to pay here rather than in London ; one has a crown clear, 
since a hundred pounds of London make here one hundred and 
twenty-five pounds, so that twenty crowns in London ought to cost 
twenty-five crowns here, at 25 per cent., but cost only twenty-four. 
This increase in the value of money is of great advantage to the 
poor refugees, if they bring ever so little. 

II. There is no other religion here than the Presbyterian, the 
Anglican, the Anabaptist, and our own. We have no Papists, or 
at least none that are known to us. 

III. I will reply as to the third article, touching [the King], when 
I shall be better informed upon the subject. 

IV. Boston is situated in degree 42}^ north latitude. At present 
it is day at six o'clock in the morning, and night at six ; I mean 
the dawn, as there is almost an hour of twilight before sunrise. 

V. I do not answer as to your fifth article, not having yet trav- 
eled through the country. I am to leave for Narragansett two 
days hence. Upon my return, God helping, I will speak to you 
of the quality and fertility of the ground, and of its products. 

VI. With regard to the acquisition of lands, those that are taken 
up in the Narragansett country cost twenty pounds sterling per 
hundred acres, ready money ; and on time, twenty-five pounds at 
the end of three years : but the lands are not yet paid for, because 
it is not known whether that country will remain with the proprie- 
tors — improperly so called — or with the king. Pending the decision 
of this matter, no payments will be made upon the lands. How- 
ever, one can only be compelled to pay the price stated above, and 
according to the contract made in the presence of the mayor of the 
town. Indeed, it is said that should the lands fall to the king, 
nothing or very little will be paid, the crown contenting itself with 
a small quit-rent, in consideration of which one may sell or 
mortgage, as rightful owner. The Nipmuck country is the prop- 
erty of the president [of the Council], and the land costs nothing. 
I do not yet know how much land is given to each family : some 
persons have told me, from fifty to a hundred acres, according to 
the family. 

VII. and VIII. To be answered later. 

IX. It rests with those who wish to take up lands, to do so in 
the one or the other of the two countries, on the seaboard or 
inland. The Nipmuck country lies inland, twenty leagues from 



1687 cette habitation, fertilles en poisson, et bois plein de chasse. M. 
Bondet en est le ministre. II n'y a encore d'habitans que 52 per- 
sonnes. La contree de Noraganzet est a 4 milles de la mer, et par 
consequent elle a plus de commerce avec les isles maritimes, 
comme Boston, Plemud, et l'isle de Roderlan, qui n'en est qu'a dix 
milles. C'est une isle a ce qu'on m'a dit fort habitee, et d'un grand 
negosse, ce que je sauray moy mesme. II y a a Noraganzet envi- 
ron 100 personnes ; M. Carre en est le ministre. 

io e . L'on peut mener avec soy des engages de quelle vocation 
que ce soit ; il en faut necessairement pour travailler les terres. 
L'on peut tenir aussy des negres et negresses ; il n'y a point de 
maison dans Boston, pour peu de moien qu'ilz aient, qu'ilz n'en 
aient un ou deux. II y en a de ceux qui en ont cinq ou six, et tout 
cela gaigne bien sa vie. 

L'on se sert des sauvages pour travailler vos terres, moyennant 
un chelin 1-2 par jour, et nourris quy est 18 pences ; bien entendu 
qu'il leur faut fournir le bestail ou outilz pour travailler. II est 
mieux d'avoir des engages pour travailler vos terres. Les negres 
coutent de 20 jusqu'a 40 pistolles, suivant qu'ilz sont adroitz ou 
robustes ; il n'y a point de risque qu'ilz vous quittent, ni mesme 
des engages, car des aussy tost qu'un manque de la ville, l'on n'a 
qu'a advertir les sauvages, qui, moiennant qu'on leur promette 
quelque chose, et leur depeindre l'homme, il est bien tost trouve. 
Mais cela arrive rarement qu'ilz vous quittent, car ilz ne sauroient 
ou aller, ayant peu de chemins frayes, et ceux qui sont frayes s'en 
vont a des villes ou villages anglois, qui, en escrivant, vous renvoyent 
d'abord vos gens. II y a les capitaines de navire qui en peuvent 
enlever ; mais c'est un larrecin manifeste et quy seroit rigoureuse- 
ment puny. L'on peut bastir des maisons de brique et de char- 
pente a bon marche, pour ce qui est des materiaux, car pour la 
main des ouvriers elle est fort chere: l'on ne scauroit faire travail- 
ler un homme a moins de 24 p. par jour et nourry. 

u e , i2 e , i3 e . A respondre. 

I4e. Les pasturages abondent icy. L'on peut y elever toute 
sorte de bestiaux qui viennent fort bien. Un bceuf coute de 12 a 
15 escus ; une vasche, 8 a 10; des chevaux, de 10 jusqu'a 50 escus 
et en quantite. II y en a mesme des sauvages dans les bois, que si 
vous pouvez les avoir, ilz sont a vous. L'on prend quelquefois les 
poulains. Le bceuf couste 2. p. la livre ; le mouton 2 p. ; le cou- 
chon de 2 jusques a 3 p., suivant la saison ; la farine 14 chelins les 
U2 livres, toute passe"e; le poisson est a grand marche, et le legume 
aussy ; choux, navaux, oignons et carrottes abondent icy. De 
plus, il y a quantite de noies, chatagnes et noisettes sauvages. Le 


Boston, and equally distant from the sea; so that when anything 1687. 
is to be sent to or received from Boston, it must be carried by 
wagon. There are small rivers and ponds, abounding in fish, and 
woods full of game, around this settlement. M. Bondet is the 
minister of the place. As yet the inhabitants number only fifty- 
two persons. The Narragansett country lies four miles from the 
sea, and consequently has more trade with the maritime islands, 
such as Boston, Plymouth, and Rhode Island, which is only ten 
miles off. It is, I am told, a very populous island, and has a flour- 
ishing trade : of which I shall know for myself. There are in 
Narragansett about one hundred persons : M. Carre is the min- 

X. One may bring with him persons bound to service, of what- 
ever calling; they are indispensable in order to the cultivation of 
the ground. One may also hold negroes, male and female ; there 
is not a house in Boston, however small the means of the family, 
that has not one or two. Some have five or six, and all earn well 
their living. 

The savages are employed, for the tilling of the lands, at a shil- 
ling and a half, or eighteen pence per day, with their board. Of 
course they must be supplied with beasts or with tools for labor. 
It is better to have persons bound to service for the cultivation of 
the soil. Negroes cost from twenty to forty pistoles, according to 
their skill or vigor. There is no danger that they, or even that the 
bond-servants will leave you, for so soon as one is missing from 
the town, it is only necessary to give notice of the fact to the 
savages, and describe the person to them, promising them some 
reward, and the man is soon found. But it seldom happens that 
they leave you, for they would not know whither to go, few roads 
having been opened, and those that have been opened, leading to 
English towns or villages, which, upon your writing to them, 
would forthwith send back your people to you. There are ship- 
masters who might carry them off ; but that is a manifest larceny, 
and one which would be severely punished. Houses of brick, and 
of wood, can be built cheaply, as it regards the materials, for as to 
manual labor, that is very dear ; a man could scarcely be induced 
to work for less than twenty-four pence per day and his board. 

Articles XI., XII., XIII., to be answered later. 

XIV. Pasturage abounds here. All sorts of cattle can be 
raised, and they do well. An ox costs from twelve to fifteen 
crowns ; a cow, from eight to ten ; horses, from ten up to fifty 
crowns, and plenty of them. There are indeed wild ones in the 
woods, which you may appropriate if you can secure them. The 
colts are sometimes caught. Beef is sold at two pence per pound, 
mutton at two pence, pork at two pence to three pence, according 
to the season ; meal, already sifted, at fourteen shillings per 
quintal ; fish is very cheap, and so are vegetables ; cabbages, 
turnips, onions and carrots, are in abundance, Moreover, there 
are quantities of wild walnuts, chestnuts and hazel-nuts. The 

3 86 


1687. f ru 't en est petit, mais d'un gout merveilleux. L'on m'a dit qu'il 
y en a d'autre sorte que nous verrons dans la saison. L'on 
m'asseure que les bois sont pleins de fraises dans la saison. J'ay 
veu quantite de vigne sauvage, et mange du raisin qu'un de mes 
amis avoit conserve d'un fort bon gout, L'on ne doute point que 
la vigne ne se fasse tres-bien ; il y en a quelque peu de plantee dans 
la contree, qui a pousse. L'on a de la peine d'avoir du plant 
d'Europe. Si l'on en avoit peu avoir, l'on en auroit beaucoup plus 
plante. Ceux qui voudront passer de desga, doivent tacher d'en 
apporter avec eux du meilheur. 

i5 e , i6 e , i7 e , i8 e . A respondre. 

19A Les rivieres sont fort poissonneuses, et nous avons si grande 
quantite de poisson de mer et riviere qu'on n'en fait point de cas. 
II y a icy toute sorte de gens de mestie, et surtout des charpentiers 
pour la construction des navires. Le lendemain de mon arrivee, 
j'en vis mettre un a l'eau de 300 tonneaux, et du despuis on en a 
mis deux autres un peu moins grans. Cette ville icy fait grand 
negosse dans les isles de l'Amerique et en Espagne. Ilz portent 
dans les isles de la farine, du bceuf salle, du cochon salle, de 
la mourue, de la futaille, du saumon salle, du maquereau salle, des 
oignons et des huitres salees dans des barilz, desquelles il se peche 
icy une grande quantite ; et pour leur retour ilz apportent du 
sucre, du cotton en laine, de la mellasse, de l'indiguo, du racoul et 
de pieces de 8 R. Pour ce qui est du negosse d 'Espagne, ilz n'y 
portent que du poisson sec, que l'on a icy de 8 a 12 chelins le 
quintal, suivant sa qualite ; leur retour est en huiles, vin et eau de 
vie, et autres marchandises qu'ilz font passer a Londres, car l'on ne 
peut rien faire apporter icy, venant de 1'estranger, qui n'ait aupar- 
avant passe a Londres et paye le demi-droit, apres quoi l'on peut 
le transporter icy ou l'on paye pour tout droit demy pour cent pour 
1'entree, car de sortie les marchandises ne payent du tout rien. 

20 e . A respondre. 

2i e . II faut se desabuser que l'on fasse icy des avantages aux 
refugies. A la verite du commencement l'on leur a donne quelque 
subsistance, mais a present il ne faut rien esperer pour ceux qui 
n'apporteront rien. A Nicmok, comme j'ay dit cy-devant, l'on donne 
des terres pour rien, et a Noraganzet il les faut acheter 20 a 25 liv. 
sterlin les cent acres, de sorte [que] qui n'apporte rien icy ne 
trouve rien. II est bien vray qu'il y fait tres-bon vivre, et qu'avec peu 
de chose Ton peut faire un bon establissement. Une famille de 3 
ou 4 personnes peut avec 50 pistolles faire un joly establissement ; 
mais il n'en faut pas moins. Ceux qui en portent beaucoup, le 
font a proportion. 

22 e et 23 e . A respondre. 

24 e . L'on peut venir dans ce pays, et s'en retourner tout de 
mesme comme en l'Europe, L'on y est fort libre, et l'on y vit sans 
aucune constrainte. Ceux qui souhaitent de venir clans ce pays 


fruit is small, but wonderfully palatable. I am told that there are 
other varieties, which we shall see in their season. I am assured 
that the woods are full of strawberries in their season. I have 
seen a quantity of wild vines, and have eaten grapes of a very good 
flavor which one of my friends had preserved. No one doubts that 
the vine will do very well ; some plants that have been set out in 
the country have put forth. Difficulty has been experienced in 
obtaining young vines from Europe. Had it been found practi- 
cable to procure them, many more would have been planted. 
Those who intend to come over, should endeavor to bring with 
them some of the best kinds. 

Articles XV., XVI., XVII., XVIII., to be answered later. 

XIX. The rivers abound with fish, and we have so much, both 
of sea and of river fish, that no account is made of it. There are 
persons here of every trade, and particularly carpenters for ship- 
building. The day after my arrival, I witnessed the launching of 
a vessel of three hundred tons, and since then, two others, a little 
smaller, have been launched. This town carries on an extensive 
trade with the islands of America, [the West Indies,] and with 
Spain. To the islands they take meal, salt beef, salt pork, cod- 
fish, staves, salt salmon, salt mackerel, onions, and oysters — a great 
quantity of which are caught here — preserved with salt in barrels ; 
and upon their return they bring sugar, cotton-wood, molasses, 
indigo, racoul [?] and pieces of eight [reals]. As for the trade 
with Spain, they carry thither nothing but dry fish, which can be 
had here at eight to twelve shillings per quintal, according to the 
quality. Their return cargo consists of oils, wine, brandy and 
other merchandise, which they pass [through the custom-house] at 
London ; for nothing can be brought hither, from foreign parts, 
without having passed at London and paid the half duty, after 
which the goods may be transported to this place, where for all 
duty one pays half per cent, impost ; for nothing at all is paid 
upon exports. 

Article XX., to be answered later. 

XXI. The impression that advantages are granted here to the 
refugees is one that needs to be dispelled. At first, indeed, some 
supplies were given them, but at present, nothing is to be hoped 
for in behalf of those who bring nothing. At Nipmuck, as I have 
before stated, lands are given away; and at Narragansett they 
have to be bought at twenty to twenty-five pounds sterling per 
hundred acres, so that he who brings nothing hither finds nothing. 
It is quite true that there is very good living here, and that, with a 
very little, one can keep house very comfortably. A family of 
three or four persons can keep house very nicely upon fifty pistoles ; 
but nothing less would suffice. Those who bring many [persons] 
spend in proportion. 

Articles XXII., and XXIII., to be answered later. 

XXIV. One can come to this country and return just as in 
Europe. One is entirely free here, and lives without any con- 
straint. Those who wish to come to this country, should become 


3 88 


1687. icy, doivent se faire fridanniser a Londres pour estre libres de 
negossier toute sorte de marchandises, et voyager dans les isles 
angloises, sans quoy il ne se peut point. 

25 e , 26° et 27 e . A respondre. 

Les articles que je manque a respondre sont ceux desquelz je ne 
puis point donner aucune raison, parce qu'il faut m'en informer 
exactement, et le voir moy mesme. Je vous ay dit cy dessus que 
l'argent de Londres donne de promt 25 p. %. Quoy que Ton voye 
cet advantage, il est pourtant mieux de porter des marchandises 
sur lesquelles Ton gagne pres de 100 p. % compris le 25 de 
change, car Ton n'achete icy qu'en troc des marchandises, 
et si vous donnez de l'argent, il ne vous est point du tout avanta- 
geux. Par autre occasion, je donneray le prix des marchan- 
dises, et les sortes qui sont propres pour ce pays icy, ce que 
je ne puis faire encore, ne faisant que d'arriver. Si j'estois 
arrive un mois ou deux plutost, j'aurois peu voir les recoltes 
qui se font dans ce pays icy. J'y ay este assez a temps pour avoir 
veu une quantite procligieuse de pommes, desquelles Ton fait du 
cidre qui est merveilleux. 120 pots necoutent que 8 chelins, et au 
cabaret on le vend 2 p. le pot, 2 p. le pot de la biere. II y en a de 
la petitte qui ne coute que 5 a 6 chelins 120 pots. Je dois prendre 
chambre avec un de mes amis, et faire nostre ordinaire ensemble 
pcur passer nostre hiver, qu'on nous dit estre icy fort rude et long, 
et Teste extremement chaud, ce que j'esprouveray, si Dieu me fait, 
la grace de le passer, et donner une relation exacte de toutes 
choses. A Boston le 15-25 novembre 1687. 


Despuis mon arrivee, il n'est parti que deux navires par lesquels 
je me suis donne l'honneur de vous escrire. Ma premiere lettre 
estoit dattee du 15-25 novembre 87, ou j'ay respondu a plusieurs 
articles de vostre memoire, et par celle cy je tacheray a respondre, 
a quelques autres. Ma deuzieme lettre estoit du i er decembre par 
laquelle vous aurez heu la relation exacte de mon voyage fait a 
Noraganzet, et le nombre des families qui y sont establies. J'ay 
respondu au 2 e article de vostre memoire touchant les religions ; 
mais j'ay oublie a vous dire qu'il y a icy un temple d'anabatistes, 
car pour les autres sectes dont je vous ay paiie dans ma relation 
de Noraganzet, c'est seulement pour ce pays-la et non pour Boston, 
car nous n'avons icy autres religions que l'anglicane, la presbite- 
rienne, I'anabaptiste et la nostre. Pour des papistes, j'en ay decou- 
vert depuis que je suis icy 8 ou 10, trois desquels sont Francois et 
viennent a nostre Eglize, et les autres sont Irlandois, a la reserve 
du sirurgien [chirurgienj qui a famille. Les autres ne sont icy que 

3. Ce 3 8 article ne m'est pas encore bien cogneu, quoy que je 
me sois exactement informe des personnes qui sont en quelque 
maniere distingues des autres, ejt que j'ay creu m'en devoir eclaircir. 
Cependant ils ne savent rien, peut estre veulent ilz ignorer ; toutes 


naturalized in London, in order to be at liberty to engage in traffic I 687. 
of all kinds, and to voyage among the English islands ; without 
this, it cannot be done. 

Articles XXV., XXVI., XXVII., to be answered later. 

The articles upon which I fail to reply are those concerning 
which I can give no satisfaction, because it is necessary that I 
should inform myself accurately about them, and see for myself. 
I have above mentioned to you that English money yields twenty- 
five per cent, profit. In view of this advantage, it is better, not- 
withstanding, to bring goods, upon which one gains nearly a hund- 
red per cent, including the exchange at twenty-five per cent., for 
purchases are made here only by way of barter, and if you pay in 
money, it is not of any advantage. By another opportunity, I will 
state the prices of goods, and the kinds that are suited to this 
country, which I cannot do yet, having but just arrived. Had I 
reached here a month or two earlier, I might have seen the gather- 
ing in of the crops. I came in season to see a prodigious quantity 
of apples, of which they make cider that is marvelous. A barrel 
costs only eight shillings, and in the taverns they sell it for two- 
pence per quart, and beer for twopence. There is a kind of small 
beer that costs only from five to six shillings per barrel. I am to 
take rooms with one of my friends, and we shall board together 
for the winter, which, they tell us, is very severe and very pro- 
tracted, whilst the summer is extremely hot. Of this I shall judge 
by experience, should God permit me to live through it, and to 
give an exact account of all things. 

Boston, November 15/25, 1687. 


Since my arrival, only two vessels have sailed from this place, 
by both of which I have had the honor to write to you. My first 
letter was dated the 15/25 November, 1687, in which I answered 
several of the articles of your memorandum : and in the present one 
I shall endeavor to reply to certain others. My second letter was 
of the first of December ; by which you will have had an exact 
account of my trip to Narragansett, and the number of the families 
that are settled there. I have replied to the second article of your 
memorandum, touching religions ; but I forgot to tell you that the 
Anabaptists have a place of worship here. As for the other sects 
of which I spoke to you in my account of Narragansett, what I 
said related only to that country, and not to Boston : for we have here 
no other religions besides the Anglican, the Presbyterian, the 
Anabaptist and our own. As to Papists, I have discovered eight 
or ten since I have been here. Three of these are French, and 
attend our Church. The others are Irish, save the surgeon, who 
has a family. The rest are here only transiently. 

III. This third article is not yet well known to me, though I 
have made particular inquiry of persons who are in some sense 
distinguished from others, and who I thought might enlighten, me 
upon the subject ; yet, they know nothing about it. Perhaps they 


16S7. f°' s ^ n 'y a P as ^ e doubte que tout ne soit soubmis aux ordres de 
S. M. B. et que nous refugies ne soyons icy en toute seurete. Nous 
n'avons icy autre cour qu'un presidial qui juge du civil et du cri- 
minel, compose dun president et 12 conseillers qui ont les niesmes 
loix et coutumes qu'ilz avoient cy devant. Tout ce qu'ily adeplus, 
c'est que M. le gouverneur assiste au conseil toutes les fois qu'il 
lui plait, et c'est lui qui tient la balance. On a despuis peu aug- 
ments les droits du vin ; ce qui ne payait que dix chelins la pipe a 
la coutume en paye a present 30 ; et les cabaretiers qui ne payoient 
que 50 chelins par pipe de vin qu'ilz vendoient, en payent a present 
100, et 1 2d. par gallon d'eau de vie, 3od. par baril de cidre, et 30 p. 
par baril de biere. Pour les autres marchandises, elles payent a 
l'ordinaire J4 p. % Outre ce presidial, il y a 8 juges a paixqui sont 
pour les affaires civilles qui surviennent dans la ville. Ce n'est pas 
qu'ilz puissent entierement deffinir aucune affaire ; si les parties 
aiment la chicanne, ilz en appellent au presidial, ou au conseil de 
24 qu'on n'assemble que dans des affaires de la derniere conse- 

5° . Je ne puis respondre a cest article qu'en partie, n'ayant point 
veu encore de fruit sur les arbres ; mais je S5ay bien que pour des 
figuiers, orangers, citronniers, oliviers, grenadiers, amandiers et 
muriers, il n'y en a point, le pays estant trop froid. Cependant je 
puis vous assurer que j'ay passe des hivers en Languedoc plus rudes 
que celluy cy. Nous n'avons eu que tres-peu de glace et deux fois 
de la neige, d'un pied de hauteur chaque fois. II est vray aussy que 
des Anglois m'ont dit qu'il y avoit plus de 50 ans qu'on n'avoit veu 
un hiver si doux ; mais ce que j'admire de ce pays icy, c'est qu'il 
ne pleut jamais passe 3 jours du mois. Depuis que je suis arrive, je 
l'ay remarque ; apres quoy vous avez des jours serains, un air subtil 
et frais, ce qui fait qu'on voit tres-peu de maladies, et beaucoup 
de gens de bonne appetit. Le terrain est icy de differente bonte, 
comme je vous ay deja dit. II y en a de sablonneux, d'autre noir, 
d'autre jonastre, et d'autre roux ; a la reserve du sablonneux, tout 
le reste produit fort bien. L'on recueille icy quantite de bled d'Inde, 
qui ne vaut a present que 16 d. le boisseau ; l'on y recueille aussy 
du bled, froment et segle, mais non pas en grande quantite, et tout 
y vient fort bien, les legumes aussy ; pour la vigne elle y viendra 
fort bien ; l'on ne fait seulement que d'en planter. II est arrive une 
coche de Fayalles qui a apporte du plant. Les Francois s'appliquent 
autant qu'ilz peuvent a la faire venir. 

7 e . L'on cultive la terre avec la charrue, et apres que le terre est 
bien preparee, l'on fait avec une cheville un trou en terre et l'on 
y met 4 ou 5 grains de bled d'Inde. Les trous sont distans egalle- 
ment les uns des autres. Et lors que le bled est haut, l'on rehausse 
le pied de terre autant qu'on peut, afin que le vent ne le coupe, 
lorsqu'il vient a estre charge de ses espis. L'autre bled se seme 
comme en Europe. 


choose to ignore it. However, there is no doubt at all that every- 1687. 
thing is subject to the orders of his Britannic Majesty, and that 
our refugees are in complete security here. We have here no 
court besides an Inferior Court, which tries both civil and criminal 
cases. It is composed of a president and twelve councilors, who 
observe the same laws and customs as heretofore. The only 
additional feature is, that the governor attends the Council when- 
ever he so pleases, and has the casting vote. The duty upon wine 
has lately advanced ; for, whereas ten shillings per butt were 
formerly paid at the customs, thirty shillings are paid now ; and 
the tavern-keepers who paid only fifty shillings per butt for the 
wine they sold, now pay one hundred, and twelve pence per gallon 
of brandy, thirty pence per barrel of cider, and thirty pence per 
barrel of beer. Upon other goods, one-half of one per cent, is paid 
ordinarily. In addition to this inferior court, there are eight 
justices of the peace, who take cognizance of civil cases that occur 
in the town. It is not within their province to issue any case. If 
the parties are anxious for litigation, they appeal from them to the 
Inferior Court, or to the Council of Twenty-four, which meets 
only for transactions of the last importance. 

V.% I can reply to this article only in part, since I have not yet 
seen any fruit on the trees ; but I know very well that of fig, orange, 
lemon, olive, pomegranate, almond and mulberry trees, there are 
none ; the country being too cold. Nevertheless, 1 can assure you 
that I have passed winters in Languedoc severer than the present 
one. We have had very little ice, and snow only twice, to the 
depth of a foot each time. It is also true that the English tell 
me that for more than fifty years there has not been seen so mild 
a winter. But what I admire in this country is, that it never rains 
more than three days in the month. Since my arrival, I have 
remarked this. After which, you will have serene days, an atmo- 
sphere subtle and fresh, the effect of which is that one sees very 
little sickness, and a great many people with excellent appetites. 
The soil here varies in quality, as I have already told you. There 
is some that is sandy, some that is black, some yellowish, some 
red. All these, except the sandy soil, are very productive. A great 
deal of Indian corn is raised here ; it brings at present onlv sixteen 
pence per bushel. Wheat and rye are raised also, but not in large 
quantities ; and both do very well. So, also, with vegetables. As 
for the vine, it will thrive very well ; they have only begun to plant 
it. A vessel has just arrived from Fayal, bringing some young 
vines. The French are doing their utmost to procure it. 

VII. The land is tilled by means of the plow, and when the 
earth has been well prepared, a hole is made in the ground with a 
peg, and four or five kernels of Indian corn are placed in it. The 
holes are made at equal distances from one another. Then, when 
the stalk has reached a certain height, the earth around its base is 
raised as much as possible, in order that the wind may not break 
it when it comes to be loaded with ears. Other corn is sown as in 


1687. 8 e . Les terres ne sont icy chargees d'aucun impot, jusqua pre- 

sent. Je vous ai dit de la maniere qu'on les peut acquerir, a Nora- 
ganzet. II y a icy diverses families francoises qui ont achete des 
habitations des Anglois toutes faites, et qu'ilz ont eu a grand mar- 
che\ M. de Bonrepos, frere a nostre ministre, en a achete une a 
quinze milles d'icy, et a une lieue d'une ville fort jollie, et ou il y 
a grand negosse, qu'on appelle Sellem, pour 68 pistolles de 10 livres 
de France l'une. La maison est fort jolie, et elle n'a jamais este 
faite pour 50 pistolles. II y a 17 acres de terre toutes defrichees, 
et un petit verger. M. Legare, un marchand orphevre francois, en a 
achete une a 12 milles d'icy du coste du sud, sur le bord de la 
mer, ou il a une fort jolie maison et 10 acres et Yz de terre pour 
80 pistolles de 10 liv. de France la piece. II a encore sa part dans 
des comunaux, ou il peut envoyer paistre ses bestiaux, et faire 
couper du bois pour sa provision, et pour en vendre icy, le pouvant 
envoyer commodement par mer. II se trouve tous les jours des occa- 
sions semblables, et de metairies a ferme autant qu'on veut, et a 
un prix modique. M. Mousset, un de nos Francois, se trouvant 
charge de famille, en prend une a ferme que Ton luy donne a 8 pis- 
tolles l'annee ; il y a une bonne maison, et 20 acres de terres de- 
frichees. II peut faire 6 a 7 barils de cidre, et le maistre luy donne 
le revenu de deux vaches. Si nos pauvres freres refugies quits'en- 
tendent a travailler les terres, venoient de desca, ilz ne pourraient 
que vivre fort comodement et gagner du bien, car les Anglois sont 
beaucoup feneans, et ne s'entendent qu'a leur bled d'Inde et en 

II n'y a pas icy a Boston passe 20 families francoises, et tous les 
jour elles diminuent parce qu'elles s'en vont a la campagne acheter 
ou prendre de terres a ferme, et tacher a faire quelque establisse- 
ment. L'on en attend ce printemps de tous les costes. II vient d'ar- 
river deux jeunes hommes de la Caroline, qu'ilz donnent quelque 
nouvelle du pays : premierement ilz disent qu'ilz n'ont jamais veu 
un si miserable pays, ni un air si mal sain. Ilz y ont des fievres 
pendant toute l'annee, desquelles rarement ceux qui en sont at- 
teint en relevent; que s'il yen a quelqu'un qui en rechappe, ilz 
deviennent tout bazannes, comme sont ces deux qui sont arrives, 
qui font compassion. De plus les chaleurs y sont si apres, qu'il est 
presque impossible de les supporter, et qui leur infectoit les eaux, 
et par consequant leur causoit les maladies, n'ayant autre boisson 
que celle la. Ilz nous donnent de plus nouvelle qu'avant leur de- 
part il estoit arrive un navire venant de Londres, ou il y avoit 
130 personnes, comprins 1 'equipage du navire, desquels il en est 
mort 115, des qu'ilz ont este a terre, tout par de fievres malignes 
qui se mirent parmy eux. II y a environ 80 personnes qui s'en 
viennent de la Caroline pour venir s'establir icy ou a la nouvelle 
York. M. Gaillard, que mon pere connoit, est arrive avec toute sa 
famille en Caroline, et M. Brie de Montpelier. M. Delbos se porte 
bien, et devoit partir Dar la premiere occasion pour la nouvelle 
York ou pour icy. 


VIII. Lands, up to the present, are not burdened with any tax. 16S7. 
I have told you in what manner they may be acquired in Narra- 
gansett. There are several French families here, that have bought 
habitations already improved from the English, and have obtained 
them on very reasonable terms. M. de Bonrepos, our minister's 
brother, has purchased one at a distance of fifteen miles from this 
place, and within one league of a very pretty town, having a con- 
siderable trade, which they call Salem, for sixty-eight pistoles of 
ten livres of France each. The house is very pretty, and was 
never built for fifty pistoles. There are seventeen acres of land, 
completely cleared, and a small orchard. M. Legare, a French 
merchant — a goldsmith — has purchased a property twelve miles 
south of this place, on the sea-coast, where he has a very pretty 
house, and twelve acres and a half of land, for eighty pistoles of 
ten livres of France each. Besides, he has his share in the com- 
mon lands, to which he can send his cattle for pasture, and where 
he can cut wood for his own use, and to sell here, as he can readily 
send it by sea. Similar opportunities occur daily ; and of farms on 
lease, as many as are wanted may be had, and at low prices. M. 
Mousset, one of our Frenchmen, being burdened with a family, has 
taken a farm on lease for which he pays eight pistoles a year. 
There is a good dwelling-house upon it, with twenty acres of 
cleared land. He can make six or seven barrels of cider, and the 
owner gives him the use of two cows. If our poor refugee breth- 
ren who understand farming should come here, they could not fail 
to live very comfortably, and gain property ; for the English are 
very lazy, and are proficient only in raising their Indian corn and 

There are not over twenty French families here in Boston, and 
they are diminishing in number every day, because they go off into 
the country to buy or lease lands and attempt a settlement. Others 
are expected this spring from every quarter. Two young men 
have just arrived from Carolina, who give some account of the 
country. In the first place, they say, they have never before seen 
so miserable a country, nor an atmosphere so unhealthy. Fevers 
prevail all the year, from which those who are attacked seldom 
recover; and if some escape, their complexion becomes tawny, like 
that of the two who have arrived here, and who are pitiable to 
behold. Moreover, the heat is so intense as to be almost unendur- 
able, and as to infect the water, consequently producing sickness, 
as they have no other beverage. They bring us also the tidings 
that before their departure a ship had arrived from London, with 
one hundred and thirty persons on board, including the crew; of 
whom one hundred and fifteen died so soon as they landed, all 
from malignant fevers which spread among them. Some eighty 
persons are coming from Carolina to settle here, or in New York. 
M. Gaillard, whom my father knows, has arrived in Carolina with 
his whole family ; also, M. Brie, of Montpellier. M. Delbos is well, 
and was to leave by the first opportunity for New York or for this 



i2 e . J'ay respondu a cest article touchant les sauvages dans ma 
relation de Noraganzet. 

I3 e . Pour des betes feroces, nous avons icy quantited'ours, et de 
loups en grand nombre qui font du ravage aux nioutons, lors qu'on 
ne prend pas bien ses precautions. Nous y avons aussy quantite de 
couleuvres sonnantes, mais elles ne se voyent pas encore. J'ay veu 
seulement de petis serpens de grosseur de 3 pouces et longs a pro- 
portion ; il y en a beaucoup, car on les voit de 7 a 8 ensemble. 
Tous ces animaux fuyent l'homme, et Ton ne voit pas qu'ilz fassent 
du mal a personne. 

I5 e . Les Anglois qui habitent les contrees sont comme ailleurs 
bons et mauvaix ; mais Ton en voit plus des derniers que des pre- 
miers, et pour vous le dire en peu de mots, il y en a de toute, et 
par consequent de toute sorte de vie et de mceurs ; ce n'est pas 
qu'il y arrive parmy eux de debat ni querelle, mais cest qu ilz ne 
menent pas bonne vie. II y en a qui ne font autre formalite de ma- 
nage que de se toucher la main, et vivent bien ensemble; d'autres 
qui ont 60 ans et ne sont pas encore baptizes, parce qu'ilz ne sont 
point membres. II y a environ un mois que Ton baptisa a nostre 
Eglize une femme de 45 ans et 5 de ses enfans. Son ainee pouvoit 
avoir 16 ans ; on ne la voulut point baptizer aux presbyteriens, 
parce qu'elle ne s'estoit pas faite membresse. 

i6 e . II n'y a rien a craindre du coste des sauvages, car ilz sont en 
petit nombre. Les dernieres guerres qu'ilz eurent avec les Anglois, 
il y a 12 ans, les on reduits a petit nombre, et par consequent hors 
d'estat de se deffendre. 

I7 e . L'on trouve de la pierre rassiere pour batir, et de la brique 
autant qu'on en veut. Elle coutte 16 chelins le millier. 

i8 e . II ne se fait point du sel dans ce pays ; on le porte de l'ille 
de la Tortille. Ceste annee, il est revenu plusieurs navires des isles 
vuides, faute du sel et du sucre, les pluies ayant tout desole ; et 
la mer est entree dans les salins, qui a tout fondu, de sorte que le 
sel qui ne valait que 9 chelins la barrique, en vaut a present 14 ; et 
comme les batiments commencent a partir pour la peche, il pour- 
roit venir plus cher. 

2o e . A la reserve des peleteries, toute autre sorte de marchandizes 
sont bonnes pour icy, et surtout la draperie, toiles bleues, toiles 
blanches, toiles peintes, ou indiennes de Levant, cables et manoeu- 
vres de navires, et toiles de Hollande pour les voiles. Sur toutes ces 
marchandises Ton peut conter de 80 a 100 p. %, comprins le 
25 p. % de change de la monnoie ; le tout se doit embarquer a 
Londres et payer le demi-droit, lorsqu'on les porte d'ailleurs a 
Londres, car tout doit y passer avant venir icy. 


XII. I replied to this article, relating to the savages, in my 1687. 
account of Narragansett. 

XIII. With regard to wild beasts, we have here a quantity of 
bears, and wolves in great numbers, who commit many depreda- 
tions among the sheep, when due precautions are not taken. We 
have also a quantity of rattlesnakes, but they are not to be seen as 
yet. I have only seen some small serpents, three inches thick and 
of proportionate length ; there are many of them, for one sees 
seven or eight of them together. All these creatures flee at the 
approach of man, and it does not appear that they harm any one. 

XV. The English who inhabit these countries are, as elsewhere, 
good and bad ; but one sees more of the latter than of the former 
class, and to tell it to you in few words, there are all kinds, and 
consequently all kinds of life and manners. It is not that strife 
and quarrels occur among them, but it is that they do not lead a 
good life. There are some that practice no other formality of mar- 
riage than that of taking each other by the hand; and they live 
together peaceably : there are others, sixty years of age, who have 
not yet been baptized, because they are not members. About a 
month ago, a woman forty-five years of age, was baptized in our 
Church, with five of her children. Her eldest, a girl, may have 
been sixteen years of age. They would not baptize her among the 
Presbyterians, because she had not become a member. 

XVI. There is nothing to fear from the savages, for there are 
very few of them. The last wars they had with the English, twelve 
years ago, reduced them to a small number, and consequently they 
are not in a condition to defend themselves. 

XVII. Stone suitable for building purposes is to be found, and 
of brick as much as one may want. It costs sixteen shillings per 

XVIII. No salt is made in this country; it is brought from the 
island of Tortola. This year, several ships have come back empty 
from the islands, for want of both sugar and salt, the rain having 
totally destroyed them, and the sea having made its way into the 
salt-works, and completely melted them ; so that salt that brought 
nine shillings per barrel is now worth fourteen ; and as the ships 
are about to start for the fisheries, it may become dearer still. 

XX. With the exception of peltries, every kind of merchandise 
is suitable for this place ; and especially woolen stuffs, blue and 
white linens, calicoes, cables, and rigging for ships, and holland for 
sails. Upon all these goods, one can count on eighty per cent, to 
a hundred per cent, profit, including the twenty-five per cent, profit 
on exchange. The whole should be shipped at London, and the 
half [per cent.] duty paid, if the goods be brought to London from 
elsewhere ; for all goods must be passed there before coming here. 

39 6 




[See above, pages 112-114, 182, 183.] 

Je veux faire une relation de notre sortie de France jusqu'a la 
Caroline, puisque vous le souhaitez. Nous avons souffert pendant 
8 mois les contributions et les logemens des gens de guerre, pour 
la religion, avec bien du mal. Nous primes done resolution de 
sortir de F ranee la nuit, et de laisser les soldats dans le lit, et lais- 
ser la maison toute garnie. Nous fumes a Romans (en Dauphine) 
nous cacher pendant dix jours, cependant qu'ils faisoient la 
recherche pour nous trouver; mais l'hotesse etant secrette ne nous 
declara point, car on vint demander si on nous avait vus. De la 
nous fumes passer a Lyons, de la a Dijon, d'ou mon frere aine vous 
£crivit une lettre et une de Langres ; je ne sgais si vous les avez 
recues. II vous marquoit que nous sortions de France. Nous 
passames chez M de de Choiseule, ou nous ne fimes rien du tout : 
elle etoit morte, et son beau-fiis etoit maitre en tout ; de plus, il 
nous fit bien connoitre qu'il voyoit que nous voulions sortir de 
France, que si nous voulions lui demander quelque chose, il nous 
declareroit. Nous poursuivimes notre chemin pour aller a Metz 
en Lorraine, d'ou nous nous embarquames sur la riviere de la Mo- 
selle pour aller a Treves ; de la nous fumes a Cocheim et a Cob- 
lentz ; de la a Cologne, ou nous quittames le Rhin pour aller passer 
dans des carioles, d'ou nous fumes a Vesselle (Wesel) ou nous 
trouvames un hote qui parloit un peu francois, qui nous dit qu'il 
n'y avoit que trente lieues de la a Lunebourg. 

Nous savions que vous etiez la en quartier d'hiver, car nous 
avions rec,u une de vos lettres quinze jours avant de sortir de 
France, qui nous apprenoit que vous passiez la 1'hiver. Notre 
defunte mere et moi priames instamment notre frere-aine de vou- 
loir passer par la ou nous laisser avec elle, cependant qu'il vous 
pourroit aller voir lui-meme ; e'etait dans le plus fort de 1'hiver — 
mais il ne voulut jamais, n'ayant que la Caroline en son esprit, de 
peur de perdre quelque occasion pour y venir; ce qui m'a cause 
tou jours un grand chagrin quand j'ai pense a vous, et avoir perdu 
une si belle occasion pour vous voir, au moins encore une fois. 
Que j'ai eu de regret de voir un frere avoir si peu de naturel ! que 
je lui ai reproche de fois! maisil etoit notre maitre, il nous falloil 
faire tout comme il vouloit. Apres nous passames en Hollande 
pour aller en Angleterre. Je ne me souviens pas bien dans 
quelle annee e'etoit ; en quatre vingt quatre ou en quatre 
vingt cinq ; e'etoit l'annee que le Roi Charles d' Angle- 
terre est mort (Fevr. 1685). Nous fumes trois mois a Londres 
pour attendre un vaisseau pret pour Caroline. Etant embar- 
ques nous fumes bien mal ; la fievre pourpreuse se mit dans 
notre vaisseau, dont il en mourut beaucoup ; notre defunte mere en 
mourut, £tant agee. Nous fumes neuf mois avant d'arriver en Car- 
oline ; nous fumes a deux ports, un portugais, et une isle appellee 


Bennoude, appartenant a l'Angleterre, pour racommoder notre jggj- 
vaisseau, a cause d'une grande tempete ou nous fumes bien mal 
traites. Notre capitaine de vaisseau ayant fait quelque friponnerie 
fut mis en prison et le vaisseau saisi. Notre argent ayant ete en- 
tierement depense, ce fut avec la plus grande difhculte que nous 
procurames passage dans un autre vaisseau. Apres notre arrivee 
en Caroline nousavons souffert toutessortes de maux ; notre frere 
aine mouriit un an et demi apres notre arrivee ici d'une hevre, n'etant 
pas accoutume au rude travail ou nous etions exposes. Nous nous 
sommes vus depuis notre sortie de France en toute sorte d'afflic- 
tions, en maladie, peste, famine, pauvrete, travailler bien rudement. 
j'ai bien ete dans ce pais six mois sans avoir goute de pain, et que 
je travaillois a la terre comme une esclave, et meme j'ai bien passe 
trois ou quatre annees avant d'en avoir quand je voulus. Dieu 
nous a fait une belle grace d'avoir pu resister a toutes sortes 
d'epreuves. Je crois que si je voulois vous faire un detail de toutes 
nos aventures je n' aurois jamais fait. II suffit que Dieu a eu pitie 
de moi, et a change mon sort a un plus heureux, gloire lui en soit 


Henricus Selyns, Minister of the Protestant Reformed Dutch 1683 
Church in New York, to the Boston Ministers. i May- 

New York, May 8 | 18, 1683. 8 | 18. 

Ego solus sum, et huic et circ [ ] jacentibus Ecclesijs solus a 
sacris sum, singulis hebdomadibus ter in hac urbe, et aliquibus 
plus alicubi concinando. Excep [ ] Rev. d°. Petro Daille, qui 
Galliam deseruit persecutionis causa et qu [ ] concionatur, et d. 
Petro van Zuuren, qui non in hac urbe, sed qu [ ] dam in pagis 
eloquiorum Dei promulgator est. Sunt viri, vita gemini et ficlei. 2 


I am alone, and alone am ministering in sacred things to this 
church and to circumjacent churches, by preaching three times 
every week in this city, and in some [weeks] oftener elsewhere : 
except the Reverend M r . Daille, who forsook F ranee on account 
of persecution, and who preaches [to the French], and M r . Peter 
Van Zuuren, who is a promulgator of the oracles of God in certain 
country places. They are men of similar life and faith. 

The same to the Classis of Amsterdam, in Holland. 

Domine Peter Daille, late professor at Salmurs, [Saumur] has 

1 James Allen, minister of the First Church in Boston, 166S to 1710 ; 
Increase Mather, minister of the Second or North Church. 1664 to 1723 ; 
and Samuel Willard, minister of the Third, or South Church, 1678 to 

2 (Mather papers, (MSS.) Vol. V. No. 17. In Prince Library, 
Boston Public Library.) 



1683. become my colleague. He is full of fire, godliness and learning. 
Banished on account of his religion, he maintains the cause of 
October Jesus with untiring zeal. 1 
21 I 31. 



1686, Clarissimo, doc.tissimoq. Domino Crescentio Mathero Verbi 
May Divini fideli Ministro in urbe Bostoniensi. 

Reverendissime ac doctissime Vir : 

Quod mei memineris in litteris, quas ad dominum Sleins colle- 
gam meum doctum, scripsisti, perjucundum fuit : cum te bene erga 
me affectum esse manifestum sit. Qua de re opera pretium fore 
duxi, si tibi renunciarem, me viri pietate, charitate, doctrinaq. 
insignis, magni facere benevolentiam. Quam, sibi alijsq. Gallis 
profuturam, non fovisse Dominum Vandenbosh mirum est. Sed 
rogo te, celeberrime Domine, ne molestia a Domino Vandenbosh 
illata in causa sit, cur minus faveas Gallis, qui iam adsunt in 
vestra urbe, quiq. ad earn sese recepturi sunt. Unius culpa alijs 
innoxijs neque imputari, neque creare damnum debet. Itaque 
pristina charitatis ergo fideles istos profugos, gravissimamq. perse- 
cutionem passos, documenta te daturum spero : Neque etiam 
dubito quin ad Ecclesiam Gallicam Bostoni restituendam manum 
adhibere velis. Ad earn rem operam meam offero, ut non bene 
antea gesta resarciantur. Tibi collegisq. tuis doctis gaudium 
debitum pro mcestitiaimmerita efflorescat. Sumus fratres, fraterna 
igitur amicitia colenda est ! Hoc efficere pro viribus mihi mens 
est. Tibi collegisq. tuis inclytis (quibus plurimam etiam salutem 
dico) significando me esse Reverende ac doctissime Vir obsequen- 
tissimum addictissimumque Sruum [servumj tuum. 


Datum in Urbe Eboracensi die 2° men. maij, annoq. 1686. 

( Translation?) 

To the most illustrious and learned Increase Mather, faithful min- 
ister of God's word in the city of Boston. 

Most Reverend and learned Sir : 

It was exceedingly pleasant that you remembered me in the 
letter which you wrote to Mr. Selyns, my colleague : since it is 
clear that you are well disposed to me. Wherefore I thought that 
it would be worth while, if I announced to you in return, that I 
consider of great account the good will of a man illustrious for 
piety, charity and doctrine. Which [good will], that Mr. Vanden- 
bosch did not cherish, as likely to be of service to himself and other 

1 Memoir of Henricus Selyns, in Anthology of New Netherland, by 
Henry C. Murphy. New York, 1S65. 

2 Mather Papers, in the Prince Library ; Public Library of the City of 


Frenchmen, is surprising. But I beg you, most celebrated sir, 1686. 
that the annoyance occasioned by Mr. Vanderbosch may not be 
the occasion of your favoring less the French who are now in your May 
city, and who shall betake themselves thither. The fault of a 2. 
single person ought neither to be imputed to others, nor to do 
them harm. I hope, therefore, that you will give, as of old, proofs 
of your charity to those faithful refugees, who have suffered 
the most severe persecution. Nor do I doubt that you will be 
willing to lend a hand to the restoring of the French Church in 
Boston. For this matter I offer my help, that affairs previously 
not well managed may be mended. May merited gladness arise 
for you and your learned colleagues, in place of undeserved sad- 
ness. We are brethren ; therefore fraternal friendship ought to be 
cultivated ! It is my intention to effect this according to my 
strength, signing myself as being, to you and your illustrious col- 
leagues (to'whom I also send hearty greeting), Reverend and most 
learned Sir, your most obedient and devoted servant, 



Reverende Vir 

Dominus Selyns in genere solummodo mihi retulit, qua in par- July, 
ticulari de Domino Van den Bosk ipsi scripseras. Sed ab aliis 
audivi vos iure merito ej infestos esse, quod rempublicam eccle- 
siamq. vestram male habuerit. Nos etiam experimur dictum Van- 
denbosh omnia agere perverse, cum in animum multorum Gallo- 
rum inducere conatus fuerit Dominum Deschamps (qui in Bostoniae 
vixit) admittendum esse ad sacram synaxim, etiam si consistorium 
nostrum contrarium censuerit, quod tumultus quosdam in eccle- 
sia nostra, antea pacata excitavit. Sed ut alia multa praetermittam, 
ille adversus fklem datam, et id quod honestum iustumq. est duas 
partes (quae degunt ruri) ecclesias nostras sibi arripuit, ita ut eccle- 
sia nostra, quae ante adventum memorati Vandenbosh intime con- 
juncta, et, ut ita dicam, unum cor, unaq. anima erat, iam in partes 
abierit. Rogo te Reverende Vir ut mihi rescribas, eaq. a Domino 
Vandenbosh acta enarres. Ille Doctor, qui tibi reddet hasce meas 
litteras, est optimus homo, reformatae nostras religionis, peritissimus 
in arte sua. Passus est maximam jacturam, ita ut omnes sarcinos, 
omniaq. medicamenta injuste amiserit. Vuult emere Bostonia 
medicamenta et ea quae necessaria sunt ut uitam quaerat, artem 
suam profitendo. Sum certus, Reverende Vir, te velle, si opus sit, 
suppetias ipsi ferre. Mihi gratum feceris si eum adjuueris, hanc 
rem te rogo, et tibi Deo ego et ille rependemus grates. Non licet 
mihi per tempus alia addere ; quia navis iam parat iter. Itaque 
finem facio tibi collegisq. tuis doctis salutem plurimam impertiendo, 
omniaque prospera et fausta praeeundo. Sum Reverende Vir 
obsequentissimus et addictissimus seruus tuus. DAILLAEUS. 

Datum in Urbe Eboracensi Julij an. 1686. 

1 Mather Papers, in the Prince Library ; Public Library of the City of 


1 6 S6. ( Translation^) 

July. Reverend Sir : 

Mr. Selyns related to me in general only what you had written 
to him in particular concerning M. Vandenbosch. But from others 
I have heard that you are justly hostile to him, because he acted 
badly to your State and Church. We also find by experience that 
the said Vandenbosch acts perversely in everything ; since he 
attempted to suggest to the mind of many Frenchmen, that Mr. 
Deschamps (who lived in Boston) ought to be admitted to the holy 
meeting, although our Consistory decided the contrary, because he 
excited certain tumults in our Church, which had previously been 
peaceful. But to pass over many other matters, he, contrary to 
pledges given, and to what is honorable and just, snatched away to 
himself two parts [two-thirds] of our Church (which reside in the 
country); so that our Church, which, before the arrival of the 
above mentioned Vandenbosch was intimately joined together, and, 
so to speak, one heart and one soul, now went off into [distinct] 

I beg you, Reverend Sir, to write to me in reply, and narrate 
what has been done by Mr. Vandenbosch. The Doctor who will 
give you this letter of mine is an excellent man. of our reformed 
religion, most skilled in his art. He suffered the greatest danger, 
so that he lost unjustly all his baggage and all his medicines. He 
wishes to buy medicines in Boston, and those things that are 
necessary for him to gain his living by practicing his art. I am 
certain, Reverend Sir, that you will be willing, if need be, to give 
him assistance. You will oblige me if you aid him. This thing I 
beg of you, and, God [assisting], he and I will repay you. 

I cannot on account of the time add other matters, because the 
ship is getting ready to start. Therefore I make an end by send- 
ing to you and your learned colleagues hearty salutations, and 
praying for every thing prosperous and favorable. 

1 am, Reverend Sir, 
Your most obedient and devoted 

servant, Daill£. 

New York, July, 1686. 


Doctissime Vir 

Cum sis maxime propensus (ut fama est) ad beneficiendum 
ecclesijs, earumq. ministris, credidi te aequi benig. consulturum, si 
hisce literis multa cum reverentia a me rogatus esses, ut libellum 
supplicem hie inclusum praslegas plurimum venerandas societati 



vestrse, et ut velis operam navare ad auxilium mihi necessarium 1706 
procurandum. Decet ministrum, omnia tentare antequam deserat 
suum gregem. Si potes efficere, Doctissime Vir Dne, ne hoc September 
accidat meo respectu, mihi comparando supplimentum unde pos- 
sim sustentari, promovebis rem gratissimam Deo, vestrae admo- 
dum inclytae Societati gloriosam, atque ecclesiae utilem ob benev- 
olentiam tuam eximiam multum tibi obstrictus ero, et tibi omnia 
prospera et fausta semper precabor, sicuti nunc facio Doctissime 
Vir obsequentissimus tuus P. Daille. 1 

Datum Bostoniae octavo die Septembris 1706. 


Most learned Sir : 

Inasmuch as you are very greatly inclined (as is reported) to 
confer benefits upon the churches and their ministers, I have 
thought you would take it in good part should I very respectfully 
request you, by this letter, to read the inclosed petition to your most 
venerable society, and to consent to exert yourself to procure me the 
help that I need. It is proper that a minister try every resource 
before forsaking his flock. If you can prevent this from happen- 
ing in my case, most learned Sir, by securing me the means for 
my support, you will advance a cause most pleasing to God, honor- 
able to your very illustrious Society, and useful to the Church. 
For your rare kindness I shall be under great obligations to you, 
and I shall ever pray for your prosperity and happiness as I now 
do, most learned Sir. Your most obedient, 

P. Daille. 


[See above, page 303.] 

From " The Charitable Samaritan, a Sermon by Ezechiel Carre\ 1689, 
Minister of the French Colony in Narrhaganset." Printed in 
Boston. 1689. 


Let us, my Brethren, make some Reflections on the four sorts of 
persons which here present themselves. You see here first, a man 
wounded. Second^, The Thieves that assaulted him. Thirdly, 
A Priest and a Levite that abandoned him. Fourthly, A Samari- 
tan that comforted and healed him. 1. In Beholding this man 
Lying by the way so cruelly Murdered, you will be apt to Bemoan 
and Deplore his hard hap, Sinners, and yet you little think that you 
yourselves are that man ; seek then after no other Subject of your 
Complaints than your selves, and as Jesus Christ said to the 

1 Letter-books of the Gospel Propagation Society. 


1689. Inhabitants of Jerusalem, Daughters of Jerusalem weep not for 
me, but weep for your selves. One may say here the same thing 
to you : Miserable Mortals, bewail not the hap of this poor 
wounded person, but bewail your own ; Sinners, consider then 
your miserable condition, you are this man half dead, and strecht 
out by the way. "lis you that sin hath mortally wounded, you 
were born, and you live in this Estate ; and that which is more to 
be Lamented is, that though this misery be so great, yet we know it 
not. The pride of men carries them for the most part to believe 
they are able of themselves to come forth of this Calamity, and 
that they have strength enough to raise themselves out of that 
condition ; no, no, my Brethren, that is not in the least the Truth 
of the Fact. Quit your selves of these unjust and bold Sentiments. 
Free-will is but a Chimera that Cheats almost none but the fol- 
lowers of Antichrist. To discover the vanity of these pretentions, 
you need only consult your own experience. How many times 
have you undertook the over-coming your passions without ever 
prevailing ? Sinners, do you not perceive in your hearts an invinci- 
ble torrent of corruption ? Assure your selves, that you are in no 
capacity to succeed without the Assistance of Heaven ; acknow- 
ledge then the necessity of Grace, implore with humility the 
Efficacy of the Holy Ghost ; never appear before God without a 
lively feeling of your misery, and if you find in you any good Dis- 
position, give all the glory thereof to God. But in avoiding this 
Precipice, my Brethren, take heed of falling into another opposite 
thereto. Do not from this miserable Estate wherein you are, take 
up a pretence to sit still with folded Arms in the work of your 
Salvation, say not through weakness and culpable Remissness as 
that slothful Sinner, seeing I am not able to raise my self, I must 
wait until Grace Convert me ; Oh my Brethren, God acts not with 
us, as with insensible Stocks, he cannot Convert you without your 
selves, you must give him a Subject to work upon, at least you 
must present the sick person to him, if you would have him healed, 
you must then put your selves into a Condition to receive his 
grace ; is it not true, that if this wounded man had not been in the 
way, the Samaritan had not met him ; and is it not true, that if he 
had not been in a posture to move pity, this Charitable man had 
gone by him without saying any thing to him ? There are also 
some certain steps that the Sinner must make for to prepare a way 
for grace ; he must be found in the way, which he doth, when he 
is found hearing the Word of God, in God's House ; and when he 
gives attention to the Preachings of his Servants, and when he 
implores help from God for his Conversion, and when he fervently 
desires the same. Oh then it is that he is powerfully assisted, and 
receives the impressions of Grace ; Seek and you shall find, Knock 
and it shall be opened unto you, (Matt. 7.7.) 2. But if you should 
agree with me, that you are that man half dead, overthrown by 
the way side, I am sure you will not so easily conclude, who are 
the other persons of the second Rank, you'l say without doubt. 
that it is none of you that were these infamous Robbers that 
Assassinated this man, you abhor their action, yet permit me to 
tell you, That you are the persons again, of whom mention is made 


in the second place. Yes, it is you Sinners (in a sence) that are 
these Thieves ; suffer me to say of this Parable, as Nathan said of 
his to David, 'Tis thou that art the man, 2 Sam. 12. This offends 
you, but have patience a little, and see the proof. Thou slanderer 
that Rendest thy Brother in secret thou ought not Refuse to be 
put in this Rank, dost not thou in a sence Murther thy Brother by 
thy Calumnies ? These are stabs thou piercest him withal, stabs 
without doubt more cruel, than the wounds of the Body, since 
thou assaultest his honour, which is more dear to him than his 
life. Revengeful person ! thou that seekest all occasions to be 
revenged on thy Brother, and that keepest an implacable hatred in 
thy heart against him. Thou art a Murderer of him, in the 
opinion of a great Apostle, John 3.15. Unjust Merchant! Thou 
deservest to be placed in this Rank, thou who makest use of a 
thousand Frauds, and a thousand subtile shifts in thy Dealing, to 
enjoy the Goods of thy Brother, ah in so doing thou Robbest him. 
I tell thee then, as Nathan said to David, Thou art the man. 
Wretched Father ! Thou oughtest to be put into the number of 
these Robbers ; thou who by thy Debauchery or Idleness, causest 
those which God hath given thee to bring up, to dye with Hunger, 
thou Stickest a Dagger in their bosoms, since by thy evil manage- 
ment, thou reducest them it may be in their necessities to seek 
their Livings by unlawful ways : Thou art this Thief, since thou 
takest from them, that which God hath appointed for their subsist - 
ance : to wit, thy Labour and pains, but thou art a far worse 
Robber, and more cruel Murtherer by thy fatal Example. I say to 
thee once again, Thou art the man. Finally, We will put amongst 
this Troop of Robbers and Murderers, those Wretches who bare 
away the Goods of their Brother by Gaming : And I positively 
assert, That there is no person, who gives his mind to Gaming, but 
forms a resolution to rob his Neighbor, I speak not here of those 
slights and cheats that accompany Gaming, I speak of that which 
is the most innocent in these sort of things (if at least one may say, 
there is any thing innocent in them) which is, that each Gamester 
purposeth to win, and one of necessity must win, behold the Rob- 
ben', according to the Law of right, which defines Robbery, by 
enjoying the Goods of another contrary to the will of the Posses- 
sor ; so that following this Maxime, wherever there are two Game- 
sters, there are two Thieves, the one by inclination, the other real 
and Effective : because he which loses, desires to win, and would 
not willingly see his money in the others hands. But you will say, 
I am no High-way Robber, as those were who assaulted this poor 
man ; you are not High-way Robbers, it is true, but is your cruelty 
the less extream, is he that stabs another without giving him 
warning, or in embracing him less criminal, than he that kills by 
open Force or Threats. 3. But another will say, I am none of 
these Thieves and Murderers, since I am no calumniator, nor 
Gamester, nor Debauched, nor Revengeful, &c. I do no hurt to 
any; thou bad Christian, it is not sufficient not to do evil, but thou 
must also do good : the bad rich Man was not in Hell for doing 
evil to Lazarus, but it was because he did no good to him. This 
Priest and this Levite will very well shun the judgment of God in 



i6Sq tnat they Killed not this Man; but I know not whether they will 
escape punishment for not relieving him when they might have 
done it : this I know of a surety, that liberality is one of the princi- 
pal points on which Jesus Christ will examine Men at the last day, 
and that hard heartedness to-wards the Distressed will be motive 
sufficient for Damnation. I was an hungry and you gave me not 
to eat, thirsty and you gave me not to drink, I was a stranger and 
you took me not in, &c. Depart from me you cursed into ever- 
lasting fire prepared for the Devil and his Angels, Matt. 25. 41, 
42, &c. I make no doubt but you will consent with me in this, 
and in your heart blame this want of Charity in the Priest and 
Levite, who passed by without succouring this poor man : but you 
consider not that every day you do the same ; all those times that 
you know the necessity of your Brethren and do not concern your 
selves about the remedy thereof, do not say that you know not any 
that are poor and indigent, or that have need of your help, Ah ! 
have you not them every day before your eyes ? Many whom the 
Robbers of Persecution have reduced almost to the condition of 
this poor wounded man in my Text (that is to say) who are half 
dead with miseries, for they cannot properly be said to live that 
are in such a condition : they maybe said to be half dead. How 
many times have you passed by them with an heart as indifferent 
as this Priest, and this Levite shewed to this wounded man, not- 
withstanding, they are your Brethren, of the same blood, of the 
same Nation, of the same Religion. Ah my Brethren ! you ought 
to lay their poverty to heart, since it is caused for the best of all 
causes in the World, to-wit, that of Jesus Christ : how much 
should that move us since thereby Christ presents occasion to us 
to exercise our Charity in such manner as may be most agreeable 
to God (Gal. Chap. 6, ver. 10,) how much should it animate us ! 
since it confirms us in our holy Profession, for so many persons 
would not expose themselves to such harsh miseries, and all for a 
lye. Brethren, you that have saved something from this Shipwreck 
have compassion according to your Ability. Let it be known that 
the same interest inspires you in your mutually assisting one the 
other. 4. But Christians, limit not your Charity only to your 
Brethren, else what do you more than the Turks and Pagans, Do 
good to all even to your very Enemies, Imitate this Samaritan 
towards this Jew. These two Nations (as you know) hated one 
another mortally, and were of different Religions, nevertheless this 
Samaritan passes all that by, and shows to this poor afflicted man 
all the good Offices he was capable to perform. Let the very 
seeing the miserable, suffice you for the finding objects worthy 
your pity. And for to overcome the utmost Efforts of the hard- 
heartedness of Mankind ; remember what Jesus Christ hath done 
for you, he stript himself of his glory, he made himself poor and 
miserable, yea mortal, for the Love he bore to you, will you then 
refuse to give him some small portion of your Temporal Goods ? 
For inasmuch as you give it unto one of these little Ones, you give 
it unto him, Matt. 25, 40. The poor are the Treasurers of Jesus 
Christ, he charges to his own account that which you bestow on 
them, and he will largely pay you the Interest another Day. If 


you advance some part of your Goods to the poor, he will Restore 16S9. 
you an hundred fold in the world to come. He will do much more, 
he hath promised to give you Heaven for a cup of cold Water. Of 
all the Goods you possess, you shall carry nothing with you, you 
shall have nothing Remaining to you, but what you have (as it 
were) Deposited into the hands of our Lord, Then make to your 
selves Friends of this corruptible Riches, so that when you fail, 
they may receive you into Everlasting Habitations. Amen. 

To God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, the Adorable Trinity, 
be Honour and Glory, for ever, Amen. 


Abjuration of the Roman Catholic 
Faith, ii. 81 

Abjurations of Protestantism in 
Canada, i. 118, 119 

Acadia, Settlement of, under the 
Protestant De Monts, i. 79-100; 
Its Climate and Soil,i. So; Cho- 
sen as the Mission-field of the 
Jesuits, i. 104 ; Lost to the Jes- 
uits, i. 106 ; Grant of, to Sir 
William Alexander, by James I., 
i. 112; Varying Fortunes of, i. 
128 ; Five Times Seized by the 
English, i. 12S ; Comparative 
Toleration in, i. 129; Se'tlersin, 
From La Rochelle and Vicinity, 
i. 131 ; Efforts to Exclude Hu- 
guenot Settlers From, i. 142-145 

Adams, John, ii. 211 

Agenois, In Guyenne, ii. 139 

Aigle, 1', In Normandy, ii. 81 

Aigna, The Dreaded Demon of the 
Brazilian Savages, i. 49 

Alabama, ii. 38 

Alaire, i. 326 

Alard,ii.266; Murder of the Daugh- 
ter of, ii. 274 ; Two Children 
of, Carried by the Indians to 
Quebec, ii. 274 

Alard, Jacob, ii. 317 

Albany, N. Y. (Orange). Settle- 
ment of Walloons at, i. 171 

Albany, N. Y., Huguenots From 
Canada, Remove to, i. 124 

Albert, Captain, Goes With Ri- 
baut to Florida, i. 60 ; Left in 
Command of Charlesfort, i. 63 ; 
Murdered, i. 63 

Alexander, Sir William, After- 
wards Earl of Stirling, i. 112 ; 
Obtains Grant of Nova Scotia 
from James I., i. 112; Sends an 
Expedition to seize Acadia, i. 

Allaire, Alexandre, i. 231, 281, 
291 ; ii. 210 

Allaire and Company, Louis, ii. 

Allaire, Antoine, Sieur du Bug- 
non, i. 281 ; ii. 210 ; Catharine, 
ii. 103; Jean, i. 281, ii. 210; 
Louis, i. 287, ii. 201, 204, 210, 
298, 310 

Allaire Family, of La Rochelle, 
The, i. 281 

Allen, Hon. Zachariah, ii. 328 

Alms' Chests in the Huguenot 
Churches, ii. 232 

Alms-giving Neglected in the 
French Church in Boston, ii. 
232, 304 

Alva, The Duke of, i. 187 

Amail, Marie, ii. 58 

Amboise, Peace of, i. 63 

America, Emigration to, Contem- 
plated by Many of the French 
Refugees in England, ii. 166 ; 
The Persecuted Huguenots in 
France Contemplate, ii. 166 ; 
Plans of, ii. 166-171 

Amian, ii. 298 

Ammonet, Jacob, ii. 51 

Amsfort, [Ameisfoort,] Holland, 
ii. 239 

Amsterdam, Holland, Fugitives to, 
ii. 28 

Amsterdam, Short Stay of the 
Brownists in, i. 154 

"Anciens." See Elders. 

Anderson, Garland, ii. 81 

Anderson, Rev. James, ii. 81 

Andrivet, Jean, ii. 33, 118 

Andros, Sir Edmund, Governor of 
New England, Affirms the Right 
of Rhode Island to the Narra- 
gansett Country, ii. 294 ; The 
French Settlers Make Complaint 
to, ii. 301 



Angers in Anjou, ii. 170, 297 

Angevin, Zacharie, ii. 51 

Angles, in Languedoc, ii. 124, 125 

Anglois, Philippe 1'. See English, 

Angoumois, Province of, Refugee 
from, ii. 42 

Anjou, ii. 170, 297 

Annapolis, Nova Scotia. See Port 
Royal. Besieged by the French, 
i. 141 ; Expedition Under Sir 
William Phips for the Capture 
of, ii. 218 

Anseme in Picardy, ii. 95 

"Antarctic France," i. 32, 40, 56 

Anthon en Perche, Province of 
Maine, ii. 98 

Antilles, The, i. 201-237 ; The 
Resort of French Commerce, i. 
201 ; A Refuge for the Protest- 
ants of France During the 
Half-century Preceding the Rev- 
ocation, i. 201 ; Discovery and 
Occupation of, i. 202 ; Of Vol- 
canic Origin, i. 203 ; Religious 
Toleration in, i. 204 ; Notwith- 
standing Government Orders, i. 
204 ; Large Protestant Popula- 
tion of, i. 205 ; Piotestant Rites 
of Worship Freely Observed in, 
i. 204; Supplied With Ministers 
by the Synod of the Walloon 
Churches of Holland, i. 206 ; 
Huguenot Families From, Settle 
in Mass., New York, and South 
Carolina, i. 209, seq. ; Approach 
of Persecution in, i. 21 1 ; List 
of Huguenot Names in, i. 211 ; 
Instances of Persecution in, i. 
215, 216 ; Transportation of 
French Protestants to, i. 217 ; 
Instances of Kind Treatment in, 
i. 226,229 ! Flight From, i. 229- 
231 ; Severity Toward the Hu- 
guenots in, relaxed, i. 233 ; Con- 
siderable Numbers remain in, i. 
233 ; Return of Colonists in 
America to, i. 234 ; French 
Merchants in New York Send 
Their Sons to, i. 234 

Antoine, King of Navarre, at the 
Head of the Huguenot Party, i. 

Antwerp, Walloon Church of, i. 

Anvuille, sieur d', ii. 71 

Appalachee Bay, Florida, Contem- 
plated Settlement on, ii. 177 

Appleton, Eliza, ii. 250 

Apre, Jean, i. 183 

Aracheguene, Adrienne, ii. 77 

Arces, in Saintonge, Refugees 
From, ii. 39. 

Archambeau, Timothee, ii. 27 ; 
Etienne, ii. 27 ; Jeanne, ii. 27 

Ardouin, Madeleine, ii. 60 

Argall, Samuel, Destroys the Set- 
tlements on Mount Desert and 
at Port Royal, i. 105 

Arnaud, Andre, ii. 33, 298, 300 ; 
Jahel, ii. 33 ; Stephen, ii. 33 

Arnold, Capta'n, of Providence, 
R. I., ii. 288 

Arondeau, Jacques, ii. 22 ; Pierre, 
ii. 22 

Arras. Walloon Church of, i. 149 

Ars, Isle of Re, i. 302 

Artois, Province of, i. 149 ; Wal- 
loon Churches in, i. 149 ; Refu- 
ses to join the United Nether- 
lands, i. 150 ; Some Protestants 
in, Remove to Holland, i. 150 ; 
Refugees from, ii. 95, 96 

Arvert, The Forest of, ii. 46 

Arvert, in Saintonge, ii. 29-31 ; 
Refugees from, ii. 31, 32 

Ashurst, Sir Henry, ii. 216 

Ashurst, Sir William, with others, 
A Committee for the Relief of 
the Refugees, ii. 179, 180 

Assire, Pierre, ii. 74 

Atherton Company, Agents of the, 
in London, ii. 170; The, ii. 291- 
302, 310 

Annas Martin, Goes With Ribaut 
to Florida, i. 60 

Atlantic Ocean, Discomforts and 
Dangers Experienced by the 
Refugees, in Crossing the, ii. 
181-183, 185, 186 

Aubin, Jean, ii. 28 

Auboyneau, Jean, i. 287 ; ii. 33 

Aubry, Messire, a Priest in De 
Monts' Expedition, i. 89 ; His 
Adventure, i. 91. 

Audebert, Anne, ii. 31 ; Elizabeth, 

ii. 59 
Augustine, John, ii. 193 
Aulnay in Poitou, refugees from, 

ii. 61 
Aumant, Jean, ii. 80 
Aunant, Jean, ii. 132 



Aunis, the Smallest of the Provin- 
ces of France, i. 263 ; the Birth- 
place of American Huguenots, 
i. 264 ; Originally a Part of 
Saintonge, i. 264 ; Settlers from, 
in Acadia, i. 132 ; Commence- 
ment of Severe Persecution in, 
i. 312 ; Demuin Appointed Gov- 
ernor of, i. 312 ; Quartering of 
Soldiers in, i. 312 ; the Drag- 
onnades in, i. 313, 314 

Arnou, Governor of Aunis, i. 313 ; 
Summons the Leading Protest- 
ants of La Rochelle, i.313 

Avillaisnez, L. (Laville, aine ?), ii. 

Avranches in Normandy, ii. 313 

Aycrigg, Colonel Benjamin, ii. 28 

Aydelott Family, ii. 143 ; Isaac, ii. 
143 ; Rev. Dr. B. P., ii. 143 

Aymon Goe? with Ribaut to Flor- 
ida, i. 60 ; With Laudonniere, 
i. 65 

Ayrault, C, i. 326 

Ayrault, Daniel, i. 304 ; ii. 214, 
298, 311; Nicolas, ii. 298 ; Pierre, 
i. 304, ii. 170; Physician of the 
Narragansett Colony, ii. 295, 
297 ; Character of, ii. 298, 302 ; 
Narrative of the French Troubles 
by, ii. 307, 309 ; Remains in 
Narragansett After the Disper- 
sion, ii. 311 ; Unites with Ber- 
non and Others in a Petition for 
Aid in Maintaining a Minister of 
the Church of England, ii. 321 

Bacot Family, the, ii. 64, 65; 

Pierre, ii. 64; Thomas W., 

ii. 65 
Badeau, Claude, ii. 140 ; Elie, ii. 

37. 140. 
Badeau Family, the, ii. 158 
Bahama Islands, ii. 200 
Baillergeau, Jacob, ii. 50 
Balaguier, Jean, ii. 134; Barthele- 

my, ii. 134 
Balarand, Louise de, ii. 130 
Ballaud, Louis, Goes with Ribaut 

to Florida, i. 70 
Ballou, Maturin, ii. 315 ; Hosea, ii. 

Baluet, Judith, ii. 52 
Barand, Janice, Wife of Elie Bou- 

dinot, i. 299 

" Barbarie's Garden," New York, 

ii. 140 
Barbarie, Jean, ii. 139 ; Pierre, ii. 


Barbauld, Eze'chiel, i. 304 ; Jane, 
i. 290 

Barbezieux in Angoumois, i. 304 ; 
Refugee from, ii. 42 

Baibier, Claude, i. 179 

Barbot, Jacques and J>-an, i. 309 

Barbut, GuilJaume, ii. 134, 210, 
233, 266, 269, 281, 298, 310 

Barcelona, Spain, Besieged by the 
French, ii. 237 ; Relieved by an 
English Fleet, ii. 237 

Bard Family, the, ii. 117 

Barde, Jacques, ii. 118 ; Peter, 
John, Samuel, ii. 118 

Barger, Philippe, ii. 210 

Barnstaple, England, Refugees in, 
ii. 149 

Baron, Francois le, ii. 312 ; Laza- 
rus le, ii. 312, 313 

Barre, de la, Governor of Can- 
ada, i. 142 ; Warns the Govern- 
ment of the Danger of Permit- 
ting the Huguenots to Establish 
Themselves in Acadia, i. 143 

Bane, Jean, ii. 21S ; Nicolas ac- 
companies Villegagnon to Brazil, 
i. 60 ; Accompanies Ribaut to 
Florida, i. 60 

Banhelemy, i. 65 

Bas, le, Family, ii. 71, 72. 

Bas, Jacques le, ii. 71 

Basking Ridge, New Jersey, ii. 

Basset, David, i. 145 ; ii. 210 ; 
FranQois, i. 232 ; ii. 25, 26, 196 ; 
Jean, ii. 26 ; Rev. Dr. John, ii. 
26 ; Pierre, Doctor, ii. 26, 210 

Bastion de l'Evangile, le, a La 
Rochelle. i. 175 

Bataille, Isaac, ii. 74 

Baton, Isaac, ii. 95 

Baudon, Judith, ii. 64 

Baudouin Family, of La Rochelle, 
the, i. 2S0, 326 

Baudouin, Jean, ii. 269, 281, 284, 
318 ; Pierre, sieur de la Laigne, 
i. 2S0 : Pierre, i. 2S0, 287 ; ii. 
201, 211 ; Takes Refuge in Dub- 
lin, ii. 205 ; Emigrates to 
America, ii. 205 ; Settles in 
Casco, Maine, ii. 205 ; His Pe- 
titions to Governor Andros for a 



Grant of Land, ii. 205, 206, 207, 
210, 239 ; Descendants of, ii. 

Baudrit, i'. 266 

Bayard, i. 151 ; Nicholas, i. 151 ; 
ii. 140 ; Lazare, i. 152 ; Baltha- 
zar, i. 152 ; ii. 148, 248 ; Samuel, 
i. 152 ; Peter, i. 152 

Bayley, J. Roosevelt, Archbishop, 

ii- 75 
Bay Path, The, ii. 255 
LJayeux Family, The, ii. 70, 71 
Bayeux, Thomas, ii. 70, 71 
Beadle Family, The, ii, 191 
Beam, Province of, the Roman 

Mass Excluded in the, i. 82 ; ii. 

147 ; Fusileers from, i. 315 
Beau, le, Goes with Ribaut to 

Florida, i. 70 
Beaubattu, David, i. 118 
Beauchaire, Sieur de, Goes with 

Ribaut to Florida, i. 69 
Beauchamp, Jean, ii. 103, 298, 310, 


Beaumont, le Sieur de, Goes with 
Le Monts to Acadia, i. 89 

Beaussais in Poitou, Refugees 
from, ii. 60 

Beauvois, Jacques de, i. 183 

Bedlovv's Island, i. 179 

Belgium, South-western Provinces 
of, i. 149 

Belhair, ii. 298 

Belleville, Jean, i. 305 

Bellomont, Richard Coote, Earl of, 
Governor of New York and 
Massachusetts, Favors the Plans 
of Gabriel Bernon, ii. 216, 217, 
320 ; Testifies to the Worth of 
the Huguenot Refugees in Mas- 
sachusetts, ii. 233, 273, 279, 282, 
333 ; His Opinion of the Narra- 
gansett Country, ii. 299 ; Let- 
ter of, to Gabriel Bernon, ii. 
319 ; At Newport, ii. 321 

Bellot, i. 70 

Belong, Elizabeth, ii. 64 

Benech, Antoine, ii. 143 ; Fran- 
cois, ii. 142 

Benet in Poitou, Refugees from, 
ii. 58, 59 

Bennet, William Adrianse, i. 177 

Benoit, Jacques, ii. 50 

Benon in Aunis, Refugees from, 
i. 300 

Bentyn, Jacques, i. 177 

Berchaud, Elie, i. 296; Jeanne, i. 
296, ii. 138 

Bergerac in Guyenne, ii. 138, 

Bergeron, Jacques, ii. 57, 58 

Bergier, a Rochellese Merchant, i. 
142 ; Forms a Company to Pros- 
ecute the Shore Fishery in Aca- 
dia, i. 143 ; "A Most Obstinate 
Huguenot," i. 143 

Berkeley, Dean, ii. 326 

Bermuda, Island of, i. 235 ; ii. 182; 
Huguenot Families from St. 
Eustatius Remove to i. 235 

Bernard, Paid, i. 308 ; Joseph, i. 

Bernardeau, Daniel, i. 288 

Bernon Family, of La Rochelle, 
The, i. 277-279 

Bernon, Andre, i. 278,279; Inter- 
view of, with the Governor Ar- 
nou, i. 320; Death of, i. 319, 

Bernon Arms, i. 277 

Bernon de Bernonville, i. 278, 
279; Bernon de la Bemoniere, 
seigneurs de l'lsleau, 1. 278 

Bernon, Gabriel, i. 127, 12S, 277, 
287; in Canada, i. 127, 323: Re- 
turns to La Rochelle, i. 324 ; 
Writes to a Friend in Boston, i. 
3 I 3~3 I 5 > Imprisoned in La 
Lanterne, i. 324 ; his Property 
in La Rochelle, ii. 215; Es- 
capes to Holland, ii. 215; 
Proceeds to London, ii. 215 ; 
Reaches Boston, ii. 201, 204, 
215, 259; Undertakes to Set- 
tle a Plantation in Oxford, 
Massachusetts, ii. 169, 215; Per- 
sonal Appearance of, ii. 262 ; 
Character of, ii. 262; Relations 
of, to Dudley, ii. 262 ; Engages 
in the Manufacture of Naval 
Stores, ii. 216; Visits England 
twice, ii. 216; His Plans Advo- 
cated by Lord Bellomont, ii. 
216; Engages in Other Business 
Enterprises, ii. 217; Removes to 
Rhode Island, ii. 220, 316: En- 
gages, with Daniel Ayrault, in 
the West Indian Trade, ii. 316 ; 
Other Projects of, ii. 317, 
318 ; His " Chamoiserie " at 
Oxford, ii. 283; His Fortified 
House, ii. 287; Lord Bellomont 



Writes to, ii. 319; A Member 
of the French Reformed Church 
in Boston, ii. 220, 322; Unites 
with the Church of England, ii. 
322 ; Joins with Ayrault and 
Others in a Petition for Aid to 
Maintain a Minister of the 
Church of England, ii. 321; Is 
Active in the Formation of the 
First Three Episcopal Churches 
in Rhode Island, ii. 322, 323; 
His Zeal for Religion, ii. 323; 
Visits England a Third Time, ii. 
323; His Loyalty to the British 
Crown, ii. 323; His Pronounced 
Protestantism, ii. 324; His Sec- 
ond Marriage, ii. 325; His Last 
Years, ii. 326 ; Death of, ii. 
326; Obituary Notice of, ii. 326; 
Mural Tablet to, ii. 322; De- 
scendants of, ii. 327 

Bernon, Gabriel, Junior, ii. ; Death 
of, ii. 317 

Bernon, Jean, Sieur de Luneau, i. 
321-323; Jean, Mayor, i. 279; 
Jeanne, ii. 210 

Bernoniere, La, ii. 262 

Bernon, Raoul, i. 279 ; Nicolas, 
Mayor of la Rochelle, i. 279; 
Samuel, Sieur de Salins, i. 128, 
321-323; ii. 324; Susanne, ii. 212 

Bcrnonville, ii. 263 

Berou, Gabrielle, ii. 98 

Berri, Province of, Refugees from 
the, ii 105, 106 

Berteaud, Jean, ii. 80 

Berthon de Marigny, Pierre, 
Leader of the Narragansett Col- 
onists, ii. 49, 171, 295 

Bertolet Family, The, ii. 77 

Bertolet, Jean, ii. 77 

Berton, Peter. See Berthon. 

Bertonneau, Elizabeth, ii. 61 ; 
Jacques, i. 306 ; Sara, i. 310 

Bertrand, i. 65 

Bertrand du TufTeau, Isaac, ii. 169; 
Associated with Bernon, Under- 
takes a Plantation in Oxford, 
Massachusetts, ii. 169, 257 : Ar- 
rives in Boston, ii. 258 ; Obtains 
a Grant of Land in Oxford, ii. 
258; Marriage of, ii. 259; 
House of, ii. 266, 267 ; Magis- 
trate, ii. 267 ; Abandons the 
Settlement, ii. 276; Goes to New 
Rochelle, N. Y., ii. 281 

Bertrand, Marguerite, Wife of 
Jacques de Lancy, ii. 69 

Berwick, James, Duke of, Marshal 
of France, False Report of the 
Death of, ii. 237 

Besart, Franf^ois, ii. 122 

Besly Family, The, i. 307 

Besly, Anne, Wife of Guillaume le 
Conte, Jr., ii. 75 

Besly, Olivier, i. 307 

Bessonet, Claude de, ii. 118; Dan- 
iel, ii. 118 ; Charles, ii. 118 

Bessonet Family, The, ii. 117 

Bethnal Green, London, ii. 157 

Bethlo, Isaac, i. 179 

Beverwyck, (Albany, N. Y.) i. 190 

Bibaud, Franfois, i. 118 

Biencourt, Jean de. Proprietor of 
Port Royal. See Poutrincourt. 

Biencourt, De, Son of De Poutrin- 
court, i. 133 ; Bequeaths his 
Proprietary Rights to Charles de 
la Tour, i. 133 

Billard. Marie, i. 2S8 

Billbaud, ii. 20 

Billebeau, Jacques, ii. 15; Jean, ii. 

Biscon, Isaac, i. 311 ; ii. 210 ; 
Jean, i. 311 ; Samuel, i. 311 

Bisset, Abraham, ii. 41 ; Elie, ii. 


Biiheur, Marie, ii. 41 

Black James, an Indian, Informa- 
tion of, ii. 280 

Blanchard, Mathfese, i. 188 ; Set- 
tles in Esopus, i. 189; Two Chil- 
dren of, Taken by the Indians, i. 
195 ; Marie, Wife of Antoine 
Cri-pel, i. 193 ; Captured by the 
Indians, i. 195 

Blenac, Count de, Governor-Gen- 
eral of the Antilles, i. 227 ; En- 
deavors to Prevent the Flight of 
the Huguenots from the Islands, 
i. 231 

Bliss, Catharine du, i. 296 

Block, Adriaen, i. 171 

Blois in Orleanais, ii. 97 

Blom, Hermanus, Minister, Ap- 
pointed to Officiate at Esopus, i. 
192 ; His Wife and Child Cap- 
tured by the Indians, i. 196 

Blond, Antoine le, ii. 213 

Blondeau, Francois, ii. 37 

Blonderie, Sieur de la, Goes with 
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69 



Blond, Jacques le, ii. 83 

Bochet, Nicolas, ii. 104 

Bodin. See Boudin. 

Bohain in Picardy, Refugees from, 
ii. 92, 93 

" Bohemiahs, The." See Bahama 

Boinest, ii. 65 

Boisbelleau, Jean, i. 232 ; ii. 27 ; 
Marc, ii. 27 

Bois-le-Comte, Sieur, a Nephew of 
Villegagnon, i. 35 

Boisseau, Jacques, ii. 27; Jean, ii. 27 

Boisselet, Jeanne, i- 288 

Boiteux, Gabriel le, i. 290 ; Paul 
and Pierre, i. 290 

Bolbec in Normandy, ii. 82 

Boles, Jean, Martyred, i. 54 

Bon, Francois, i. 1S3 

Bondet, Daniel, Huguenot Min- 
ister, Missionary to the Nip- 
muck Tribe of Indians, ii. 256 ; 
Pastor of the Huguenot Colony 
in Oxford, Massachusetts, »i. 
256, 259, 225 ; Supplies the 
Vacant Church in Boston, ii. 
226 ; Complains of the Sale of 
Rum to the Indians, ii. 272, 
273 ; Leaves Oxford, ii. 276, 285 

" Bondet Hill," Oxford, Mass., ii. 

Bongrand, Louis, i. 232 ; ii. 132 

Bonhoste, Jonas, ii. 103 

Bonneau, Anne, ii. 61 ; Antoine, 
i. 291, 296 

Bonneau Family, The, i. 291; Louis, 
i. 291 ; Marie, ii. 77 ; Tor- 
terue, ii. 210 

Bonnefous, Marthe, ii. 143 

Bonnerme, Surgeon in De Monts' 
Expedition, i. 89 

Bonnet, Daniel, ii. 38, 56, 57, 59 

Bonnet Family, The, ii. 57, 158 ; 
Adventures of, ii. 57 ; Certificate 
of, ii. 57 

Bonneville, George de, ii. 76 

Bonnin, Aman, ii. 52, 63 ; Gousse, 
ii. 52 

Bonrepos, David de, Huguenot 
Minister, in St. Christopher, W. 
S. i. 211, 231, ii. 203, 204, 225 ; 
In Boston, ii. 225, 226 ; In New 
Rochelle, Stat en Island, and 
New Paltz, ii. 225 
Bontecou, Daniel, i. 307 ; Pierre, 
i. 307 

Bontecou Family, The, i. 307 
Bordeaux in Guyenne, ii. 34, 137; 
Fugitives from, ii. 138, 140, 141, 


Bordel, Jean du, Goes to Brazil, i. 
33 ; Martyred, i. 53 

Bosc, Jacques du, ii. 134 ; Andre', 
ii. 134 

Bosson, Jeanne de, ii. 121 

Bostaquet, Dumont de, ii. 163 

Boston, Massachusetts, The Hu- 
guenot Settlement in, ii. 188 ; 
Motives for Settling in, ii. 189 ; 
A Deputation From La Rochelle 
Visits, ii. 194 ; Arrival of Desti- 
tute Fugitives in, ii. 195 ; Arri- 
val of Refugees From St. Chris- 
topher in, ii. 198; Letter From 
La Rochelle to an Unknown 
Person in, i. 314, 315, ii. 198 ; 
Huguenot Settlers in, ii. 14,26,32, 
41, 63, 74, 83, 94, in, 131, 134, 
142, iS3, seq. ; A Fluguenot's 
First Impressions of, ii. 202 ; 
310 ; Some of the Refugees Set- 
tle in the Vicinity of, ii. 203, 204; 
Narrative of a French Refugee 
in, ii. 183, 1S4, 185, 202, 203, 
226,258,271,300. Appendix. 

Bos'on, Proximhyof, to Acadia, i. 
129 ; Dangerous, i. 142 

Boston, French Church in, ii. 133, 
142 ; Origin of, ii. 220 ; Kindness 
of the Public Authorities to, ii. 
221 224; Place of Worship of, 
ii. 221 ; King William III. 
makes a donation to, ii. 221 ; 
land for the site of a house of 
worship purchased for, ii. 222 ; 
" Temple " of, erec'ed, ii. 222, 
223, 240 ; Ministers of : Laur- 
entius Van den Bosch, ii. 224 ; 
David de Bonrepos, ii. 225 ; 
Pierre Daille, ii. 226 ; Andre Le 
Mercier. ii. 239 ; Elders of, ii. 
2 33 I Weakened by Van den 
Bosch, ii. 224 ; Built up by De 
Bonrepos, ii. 226 ; Fluctuating 
Character of, ii. 226 ; Without a 
Pastor for eight years, ii. 226 ; 
Supplied by Carre, Bondet, and 
Walter, ii. 226 ; Prosperity of, 
under Daille, ii. 226 ;- Assists the 
French of Oxford, ii. 234, 281 ; 
The English Occasionally attend, 
ri. 228 ; Liturgical Worship of 



ii. 231, 232 ; Decline of, ii. 241 ; 

Dissolution of, ii. 245 
Bouche, Simon, i. 182 
Boucher, Louis, ii. 210 
Bouchet, Stephen, ii. 205 
Boudin, or Bodin, Jean, ii. 38, 39 
Boudinot, Elie, i. 288, 29S, ii. 28 ; 

Will of, i. 298-9 ; Benjamin, 

i. 299, 302 
Boudinot, Jean, of Marennes, i. 

299, 302 
Boudinot, Madeleine, i. 299, 302 ; 

ii. 70 
Boudinot, Susanne, i. 299, 302 ; ii. 

Bouin en Forgt, ii. 123 

Bouniot, Ezechiel, ii. 298, 310 

Bounty, the Royal, ii. 155, 157, 

175. 176 
Bouquet, Francois, ii. 16 
Bourdeaux, Evremond de, ii. 117 ; 

Jacques de, ii. 117 
Bourdet, Pierre, i. 288 ; Samuel, 

i. 288, 291 
Bourdieu, du, Family, ii. 85, 86 ; 

Isaac, Ministre, ii. 167 ; Jean 

Armand, ii. 167 ; Olivier, ii. 85 ; 

Pierre, ii. 86 ; Samutl, ii. 85, 86 
Bourdille, ii. .267 
Bourdon, Pierre. Goes to Brazil, i. 

33 ; Many ted, i. 53 
Bourioli. le Sieur la Motte, Goes 

with De Monts to Acadia, i. 89 
Bouteiller, Jean, i. 291 ; ii. 28 
Boutignon, Perinne, ii. 52 
Boutigny, Paroisse de, ii. 104 
Boutilier, Jean, Judgment Against, 

Rendered by the Council of 

Martinique, i. 216 ; Reaches 

New York, i. 231 
Boutineau, Etienne. ii. 211, 248, 

266, 281 ; Isaac, ii. 33 ; Stephen, 

i'- 33 

Bouyer, Etienne, i. 232, ii. 31 

Bouyer, Jean, ii. 138 

Bovie, Jerome, i . 186 

Bowdoin College, Maine, ii. 249 

Bowdoin Family, The, ii. 247, 248 

Bowdoin, James, Son of Pieire 
Baudouin, ii. 248 ; James, Son 
of James, ii. 248 ; His Public 
Career, ii. 249 ; Governor of 
Massachusetts, ii. 249 ; His 
Character, ii. 249 ; James, Son 
of Governor Bowdoin, ii. 250 

Boyd, Jean, i. 296, ii. 138 

Boyer, Charlotte, ii. 3t 

Brabant, Province of, Walloon 
Churches in the, i. 149 

Braintree, Mass., Huguenots set- 
tle in, ii. 204, 213 

Brazil, attempted Protestant Settle- 
ment in, i. 21-57 ; Long unoccu- 
pied, i. 26 ; Claimed by Portugal, 
i. 26 ; Portuguese Settlements in, 
i. 27 ; Villegngnon Proposes to 
Establish a Protestant Colony in, 
i. 27. See Villegagnon 

Brebeuf, The Jesuit, Miraculous 
Conversion of a Huguenot Sol- 
dier, by means of the Relics of, i. 
119, 121 

Bremar, Solomon, ii. 95 

Bressan, Jean, ii. 117 

Kretagne, France, Linen Manufac- 
tures of, i. 181; Emigration from, 
i. 182 ; Flight from, After the 
Massacre of St. Bartholomew's 
Day, i. 149 ; Refugees From, ii. 
81, 84-90, 315 

Breteau, Francois, i. 1S3 

Bretin Dit Laronde, Pierre, ii. 298 

Bricou, Marianne, ii. 56 ; Pierre, 
ii. 61 

Bridon, Francois, ii. 14, 15, 39, 
210, 233 

Brie, M., ii. 123 

Briell, Toussaint, i. 179 

Btigaud, Marie, i. 311 ; Moi'se, ii. 

Brinqueman, Francoise, ii. 139 
Bristol, England, Huguenot Refu- 
gees in, i. 289, 292 ; ii. 37, 38, 
39, 40, 57, 60. 61. in, 140, 158 ; 
French Church in, ii. 1 58-161 ; 
Bishop of, ii. 150 ; Chapel of the 
Gaunt in, ii 159 
Bristol, Rhode Island, ii. 313 
Biokin, John, ii. 151 
Brooklyn, N. Y., i. 177 
Browning, Arthur Giraud, ii. 157 
Brownists, the. See Puritans 
Brouage in Saintonge, ii. 21, 22 
Broucard, Bourgeon, i. 188 
Broussard, Marie, ii. 212 ; Isaac 
Saviot, dit Deschamps, i. 297 ; 
Judith, ii. 61 
Browne, John, ii. igi 
Brugnet, Marie, ii. 79, 80 
Bruyas, the Jesuit Jacques, ii. 333, 

Brun, Agnes Constance le, i. 292 




Brun, Jean le. See Biowne, John 
Brun, Moi'se le, i. 309 ; Veuve, i. 

Bruneau, Arnaud, Sieur de la Cha- 

boss.&ie, i. 283, 285 ; Henri, i. 

284, 285, 297 ; Paul de Rive- 

doux, i. 283, 285, 297 
Buccaneers of the West Indies, i. 

218 ; Anecdote of one of the, i. 

Buckingham, Duke of, sent by 

James 1. to relieve La Rochelle, 

'• i x 3 ; Ignominious Failure of, 

i. 113 

Bureau, Anne, wife of Benjamin 
Faneuil, ii. 208, 209,268 ; Fran- 
ce's, i. 287, ii. 208, 209, 2ir, 281, 
266, 267 ; Thomas, ii. 209, 219, 

Buretel, (Burtel,) Pierre, i. 297 

Burgeaud, Jeanne, wife of Elie 
Prioleau, ii. 44 ; Madeleine, i. 

Burgundy, The Dukes of, i. 277, 
278 ; ii. 324 

Burlington, New Jersey, ii. 32, 134 

Bushwick, Long Island, N. Y., i. 

Butler, Mary, ii. 191 

Bussereau, Paul, ii. 298 

Butt, Thomas, a native of Alveton, 
Co. of Stafford, England, ii. 258, 
266, 269 

Buvier, Antoinette, ii. 118 

BuzanQais in Berri, Refugees from, 
ii. 106 

Cabot Family, The, ii. 191 

Cadiz, Spain, a Transport Ship 

in the Harbor of, i. 223 
Caillaud, Isaac, i. 231 
Caillebceuf. Laac, ii 61 
Cairon, Jean, Minister, ii. 145 
Cajarc in Guyenne, ii. 145 
Caen, Emery d -, Holds the Mon- 
opoly of the Canadian Fur-uade 
for a Year, i. 115 ; Guillaume 
de, Sieur de la Mothe, i. 106 ; 
At the Head of ihe Compagnie 
Montmorency, i. 106 ; A Hu- 
guenot, i. 106 ; Assembles the 
Sailors at Quebec for Worship, 1. 
Caen, in Normandy, Religious 
Toleration in, Under the Edict 

of Nantes, i. in ; Protestantism 
in, ii. 67 ; " Temple " of, ii. 67 ; 
Protestant Congregation of, ii. 
68 ; Persecution in, ii. 68 ; 
Refugees from, ii. 69-72 ; ii. 


Calais, France, i. 179 

Callard, Marie, ii. 97 

Calli&res, Louis Hector de, Gover- 
nor of Canada, sends Two En- 
voys to Lord Bellemont, ii. 333 

Calvin, Chartier and Richer Wrne 
to, i. 41 ; Villegagnon Wriies 
to, i. 42 ; Villegagnon's Changed 
Opinion of, i. 44 ; In Poitiers, 
France, i. 81, 262 

Calvinism in France. See Prot- 
estantism in France. 

Calvin's Liturgy, ii. 231, 232 

Calvin'sRelations Wild the English 
Reformers and Bishops, ii. 162 ; 
His Position Upon Ecclesiastical 
Polity and Ceremonial, ii. 162 

Camp, Laurent de, i. 183 

Campbell, Mr., ii. 319 

Campbell, Sarah, ii. 247 

Canada, Included in De Monts' 
Commission, i. 101 ; Settlement 
of, i. 101 ; Unrestiicted Religious 
Liberiy in, i. 102 ; Calvinist 
Traders and Sailors in, i. 102, 
107 ; Closed to Huguenot Set- 
tlers, i. 108, 109 ; To be the 
Patrimony of the Church of 
Rome, i. 11 1 ; Seized by Eng- 
land, i. 112 ; Recovered by 
France, i. 115 

Canadian French and Indians, In- 
cursions of the, in Massachusetts, 
ii. 275-280, 2S5-2S9 

Canaveral, Cape, i. 73, 76 

Canche, Ami, i. 231, ii. 49 

Caner, Mary, ii. 315 

Canet in Languedoc, ii. 121 

Canon, i. 187 ; Jean, ii. 94 

Cante, Pierre, ii. 266, 269 

Canterbury, The Archbishop of, 
With Others, a Committee for 
the Relief of the Refugees, ii. 


Canterbury, the Walloons in, i. 

Canton, Peter, ii. 211, 266, 269, 
„ 273, 281 

Cardaillac in Guyenne, ii. 145, 2S2 
Carion, Moi'se, ii. 134 



Carleton, Sir Dudley, English Am- 
bassador at the Hague, i. 158 ; 
Favors the Project of the Leyden 
Walloons, i. 163 
Carmarthen, Lord, ii. 216 
Carmeau, Nicolas, Goes to Brazil, 

i. 33 

Caron, Nicolas, ii. 83 

Carouge, Jean, i. 28S 

Carre, Ezechiel, Huguenot Minis- 
ter, i. 303, 304 ; ii. 170 ; Min- 
ister of Narragansett, ii. 226 ; 
Supplies the Vacant Church in 
Boston, ii. 226; ii. 295, 297, 306, 
310, Leaves Narragansttt, ii. 310; 
Disappears from view, ii. 310; 
His Published Sermon, ii. 303, 
307, Appendix 

Carre, Jean, Minister, ii. 49 ; 
Jeanne, ii. 44 ; Louis, ii. 49 

Carrelle, near Angles, in Langue- 
doc, ii. 125 

Carriere, Jean, ii. 83 

Carron, Claude, ii. 64 ; Michel, ii. 

Cartier, Jacques, Explores the 

Coast of New France, i. 84 
Casco, now Portland, Maine, ii. 

205, 206 
Casee, i. 1S7 

Casier, Philippe, i. 182, 188 
Casjou, Jean, i. 179 
Cassagne, The Sieur La, ii. 133 
Castaing, Physician, ii. 177, 180 
Castres in Languedoc, Protestant- 
ism in, ii. 123 ; Huguenot Ref- 
ugees from, ii. 1 24-1 31 
Catskill Mountains, i. 189 
Caudebec, Jacques, ii. 19, 83 
Caussade in Guyenne, ii. 138 
Caverns, Meetings in, ii. 40 
Cawgatwo, a Wapaquasset Indian, 

ii. 280, 286 
Cazalet, Noe, ii. 121, 122 
Cazneau, (Cazaniau,) Paix, ii. 201, 
211 ; Isaac, ii. 211, 266, 268, 
Cellars, or Underground Habita- 
tions, Used by the Early Settlers, 
ii. 295, 296 
Certificates of Abjuration, ii. 120, 

Specimen of, ii. 120, 121 
Chaboissiere, Chateau de la, i. 284 
Chabot, Jean, ii. 142, 211; Bernard, 

ii. 142 
Chabossiere, Sieurs de b, i. 2S4 

Chadaine, Jean, ii. 21, 298 ; Marie, 

ii. 20 ; Jeremiah, ii. 33 
Chaigneau, Pierre, i. 288 
Chaillaud, Tare, Journal of, ii. 29— 


Chaille Family, The, i. 294, 295 ♦ - 

Chaille, i. 326 ; Mo'ise, i. 294 ; 
Pierre, i. 294 

Chaine, Antoine du, i. 183 

Chaine, La, Fort of, in La Ro- 
chelle, i. 274 

Chalais in Saintonge, Refugees 
from, ii. 42 

Chalifour, Charles-Gabriel, i. 118 

Challeux, Nicolas le, Goes with 
Ribaut to Florida, i. 70 ; Serves 
as a Religious Teacher, i. 70 ; 
His Account of the Expedition, 
i. 70 

Challion, Catharine, ii. 104 

Chambers, Thomas, Patentee of 
Esopus, i. 190 

" Chamoiserie" (Wash - Leather 
Manufactory), Bernon's, at Ox- 
ford, ii. 283, 288, 318 

Champagne, Marie, i. 118 

Champagne, Province of, Flight 
from the, ii. 108-111 

Champenois, Daniel, ii. 56 

Champflour, de, Bishop of La 
Rochelle, ii. 324 

Champlain, Samuel de, Accompa- 
nies De Monts to Acadia, i. 90 ; 
Lands at Quebec, i. 101 ; Gov- 
ernor of Quebec, i. 115 

Champout, Pierre, i. 118 

Champs, des, Surgeon in De 
Monts' Expedition, i. 89 

Channel Islands. See Jersey, and 

Chapelcupe, Nathanael, ii. 28 

Chaperon, Pierre, ii. 74 

Chapman, Rev. Jedediah, ii. 75 

Chardavoine, Elie, ii, 38 

Chardon, Madeleine, ii. 64 ; Pierre, 
ii. 63, 211, 233 

Charie, Claude, i. 183 

"Charitable Samaritan, the," ii. 
303. Appendix 

Charlesfort Built, i. 62; Aban- 
doned, i. 63 

Charles I., of England, Declares 
Himself the Protector of the 
Protestants of France, i. 112 

Charles II., of England, Issues a 
Proclamation with Reference to 



the " Distressed Protestants "of 
France, i. 254 ; Promises Let- 
ters of Denization, i. 254 ; Or- 
ders Collections to be made for 
Their Relief, i. 255 

Charles V., Wars of, i. 21 ; In- 
clines to Terms of Peace with 
France and the Protestant States 
of Geimany, i. 26 

Charleston, South Carolina, Hu- 
guenot Church of, ii. 44 ; First 
Pastors of, ii. 44 ; Members of, 

"• 45 
Charlton, Rev. Richard, ii. 70 
Charnise, Charles de Menou d'Aul- 

nay, Sieur de, i. 135; Contentions 

of, with Charles de la Tour, i. 

135-138 ; Baibarity of, i. 138 ; 

Death of, i. 138 
Charon, Ester, ii. 25 ; Jean, ii. 25; 

Pierre ii. 25 ; Elie, ii. 25, 196 
Chartier, Guillaume, Minister, Goes 

to Brazil, i. 33 ; Visits the 

Newly-formed Church in Paris, 

i. 34 ; Writes to Calvin, i. 41 ; 

Is Sent Back to France by Ville- 

gagnon, i. 43 ; His Subsequent 

History, i. 44 ; Letter of, to 

Calvin, i. 329-332. 
Charuyer, Marie, ii. 61 
Chastaignier, Alexandre Thesee, i. 

284, 297 ; Hector Francis, i. 

325 ; Henri Auguste, i. 284, 

297 ; Philippe, Abbess, i. 2S4 ; 

Roch, i. 297, 325 
Chasies, Aymar de, Commissioned 

by Henry IV. to Colonize 

America, i. 85 
Chateaubriand, Edict of, June 27, 


Chatcaudun in Orleanais, ii. 97 

Chatelas in Saintonge, ii. 36; Birth- 
place of Jacques Fontaine, ii, 36 

Chatellerault in Poitou, ii. 49 ; Ref- 
ugees from, ii. 49, 50, 64, 171, 

Chatillon-sur-Loing, Coligny's Es- 
tates at, i. 34 

Chatonnay in Poitou, i. 282 

Chaudore, le Sieur, Goes With De 
Monts to Acadia, i. 89 

Chaume, la, in Poitou, ii. 17 ; Ref- 
ugees from, ii. 52 

Chauveau, Mai tin, i. 65 

Chauvin, Pierre, Seigneur de Ton- 
tuit, a Huguenot, Commissioned 

by Henry IV. to Colonize Amer- 
ica, i. 84 

Checkley, John, his " Modest 
Proof," ii. 325 

Cheever, Ezekiel, ii. 221 

Chenac in Saintonge, Refugees 
from, ii. 40 

Chenay in Poitou, ii. 60 ; Refugees 
from, ii. 61 

Chenevard (Chesnevert), Jean 
Michel, ii. 335 

Chentrier. See Chintrier 

Cherigny, Claude, ii. ro5 

Cherveux in Poitou, ii. 59 ; Refu- 
gees from, ii. 59, 314 

Chevalier, Jean le, ii. 80 ; Marie, i, 
309 ; Nicolas, ii. 191 ; Pierre le, 
ii. 80 ; Family of, ii. 80, 81 

Chezean, Adam de, i. 303 ; ii. 21 1 

Chintrier, Elizabe h, Marie, i. 297 

Choisiiile, Madame de, ii. 1 13 

Chrestien, Marie, ii. 42 

Church, French, in Boston. See 
Boston, French Church in 

Church, French, in Narragansett, 
ii. 298 

Church, French, in Oxford, ii. 263 

Churches, Huguenot. See " Tem- 
ples " 

Civil War, the First, i. 59 

Clement, Bastien, i. 182 

Clements, Richard, ii. 205, 207, 

Cler, Jeanne le, ii. 32 

Clercq, Jean le, i. 182 

Clere, Elizabeth le, ii. 32, 59 

Claude, Jean, His Book Publicly 
Burned in London, ii. 156 

Cloux, Marie du, Wife of Jesse de 
Forest, i. 174 ; Returns to Hol- 
land, i. 175 

Cochivier, Alexandre, i. 183 

Coit, Mary Anne, ii. 250 

Colbert, Minister of Louis XIV., 
Advocates Colonization, i. 21 

Colier, Henri, ii. 103 

Coligny, Gaspard de, Admiral, En- 
tertains the Plan of Establishing 
Colonies of French Protestants in 
America, i. 21 ; Devoted to the 
Interests of France, i. 22 ; In 
Accord with the Protestant Move- 
ment, i. 22 ; Sagacity of, i. 25 ; 
Obtains Consent of Henry II. to 
the Scheme of Colonization, i. 
-26 ; Imprisonment of, i. 55 ; 



Undiscouraged by the Fail- 
ure of the First Attempt to 
Found a Colony, i. 56 ; Con- 
sulted by Catharine de Medici, 
Recommends Toleration, i. 58 ; 
Sends an Expedition to Florida, 
Under Ribaut, i. 60 ; Decides 
to Join the Huguenots in the 
Field, i. 62 ; Sends a Second 
Expedition, Under Laudonniere, 
i. 63 

Coligny, the Island of, i. 31; Forti- 
fied, i. 31 ; First Religious Serv- 
ice on, i. 37 ; Order of Pub- 
lic Worship Established on, 
i. 40 ; Colonv on, Broken up, i 

Colineau, Matthieu, ii. 43, 44 

Collardeau, Jeanne, ii. 41 

Collin, Jean, i. 304 ; Paul, i. 304 ; 
ii. 298, 310, 331 ; Pierre, i. 


"Colloque," or Provincial Synod, 
of the Reformed Churches of 
France, i. 25 

" Colloques " of the French Prot- 
estant Churches in England, ii. 

Commission of Henry IV. to De 
Monts for the Settlement of 
Acadia, i. 84, 341-347 ; Its 
Liberal Terms, i. 86, 97 ; Ob- 
jected to, i. 97 

Commissioner for the Town of New 
Oxford, Mass., ii. 267 

Comtat, Jean, i. 44 

Concourt in Artois, ii. 95 

Conde, Prince of, i. 57 ; Takes 
the lead of the Huguenot Party, 
i. 62 ; Viceroy of New France, 
i. 103; ii. 136 

Confession, Public, of Apostacy, 

ii. 33, IC3 

Confiscation of the Property of 
Refugees, ii, 85, 86 

Conformist Church of Bristol, 
England, French, ii. 161 

Conformist Churches in England, 
French, ii, 161, 162 ; Proportion 
of the, ii. 165. See Non-con- 
formist Churches 

Conformity to the Church of Eng- 
land, the French Refugees Differ 
as to, ii. 161 ; Motives for, ii. 
161, 162 ; Obstacles to, ii. 163, 

Connecticut, Boundary Disputes of, 
with Rhode Island, ii. 293 

Connecticut, Huguenot Settlers in, 
i. 304, ii. 60, 103, 132, 146, 

Connecticut River, Settlement of 
Walloons on the, i. 171 

Conseiller, Jean le, i. 182 

Consistoire, or Church Session, in 
the Reformed Churches of 
Fiance, i. 25 

Constable of the French Planta- 
tion, Oxford, Mass., ii. 267 

Contesse, Marie, i. 305 

Conversion, Boasted, of Hugue- 
nots in Canada, i. 118 ; Marvel- 
ous Instance of, i. 1 19, 120 

Conversions, Insincere, Brought 
About by the Infliction of Legal 
Disabilities, and by the Bru- 
talities of the Dragonnades, i. 

Conversion of Seamen, i. 213, note 
Conversion of the Heathen, 

Prayers at La Rochelle for the, 

i. 95 

Convicts, Permission to Choose Re- 
cruits for Expeditions to America 
from, i. 28, 89 ; Troubles of 
Villagagnon from , i. 30 ; Con- 
spiracy of, i. 31 ; Punishment of, 
i. 32 

Corbusier Family of Bermuda, i. 


Corguilleray, Philippe de, Sieur du 
Pont. See Pont, du 

Cork, in Ireland, ii. 21, 22 

Corlear's Hook, i. 177 

Cormie, Smon, i. 183 

Cornilly, Pierre, of Siintonge, ii. 
266, 269 

Cosette Goes with Ribaut to Flori- 
da, i. 70 

Cossart, Jacques, i. 183 

Cothonneau, Elie, i. 305 ; Guil- 
laume, i. 305 ; G., i. 326 

Cottin, Daniel, ii. 93 ; Jean, ii. 
92 ; His bequests, ii. 93 

Cou, De, ii. 32. See De Cow. 

Coudret, Jean, ii. 37. 298, 310 

Couillandeau, Pierre, ii. 33 

Coulombeau, Jeanne, ii. 22 

Coulon in Poitou, ii. 58, 59 

Coulon, Jean, i. 305 ; ii. 56 

Couly, Marie, ii. 97 

Courdil, Jean, Minister, ii. 133 



Coursier, Anne, i. 305 ; Marie, i. 

Cousseau, Jacques, i. 182 
Coutant, Ester, i. 306 
Couturier, Jeanne, ii. 38, 59 
Couverts, Jean, i. 183 
Coxe, Doctor Daniel, Proprietary 

of Carolana and Florida, ii. 177 
Coysgame, ii. 214 
Cozes in Saintonge, Refugees 

from, ii. 40 
Cramahe, Chateau of, i. 284 
Cramahe, Seigneurs de, i. 284 
Crequi, Count, Settles in the West 

Indies, i. 209 
Cressy, Seigneur de, i. 298 
Crispel, Antoine, i. 188 ; Settles 

in Esopus. i. 189 ; Wife and 

Child of, Taken by the Indians, 

i. 195 

Croiset, Suzanne, i. 289 

Cromrnelin, Charles, ii. 91 ; Dan- 
iel, 11.91', 92; Family, the, ii. 91, 
92 ; Jean, ii. 91 

Cromwell, Oliver, Grants a Tract 
of land in Nova Scotia, to 
Charles de la Tour, i. 139 

Crotte, Nicaise de la, i. 7° 

Crucheron. i. 187 

Cura^oa, W. I., Island of, Indian 
Prisoners Sent by Stuyvesant to, 
i. 194 

Daillain, Esther, ii. 80 

Daille, Pierre, Huguenot Minister, 
ii. 210, 212, 221, 222 ; Pro- 
fessor in the Academy of Sau- 
mur, ii. 227 ; Banished from 
France, ii. 228 ; Sent to America 
by the Bishop of London, ii. 
221, 236; Ministers to the 
French Refugees in New York, 
ii. 221, 226 jinNewPaltz, N-Y., 
ii. 19; I lis Piety and Learning, 
ii. 227, 228, 239 ; Becomes Pas- 
tor of the French Church in 
Boston, ii. 226 ; His Relations 
to the Ministry of Boston, ii. 
226; His Correspondence wiih 
Increase Mather, ii. 224, 225 ; 
His Straitened Circumstances, ii. 
234, 235 ; Receives aid from the 
Public Treasury, ii. 235 ; Ap- 
plies to the Society for the Prop- 
agation of the Gospel in For- 

eign Parts, ii. 235 ; Testimonies 
to the Worth of, ii. 235, 236 ; 
Was Episcopally Ordained, ii. 
236 ; His Congregation not 
Conformable to the Church of 
England, ii. 236 ; Letter of, to 
Bernon, ii. 236, 237 ; Death of, 
ii. 237 ; Will of, ii. 238, 239 ; 
Letters of, Appendix ■ Martha, 
Widow of, ii. 238. (First wife, 
Esther Latonice, died December, 
1696. Second wife, Sytie 
Duyckinck ) 

Daille, Paul, Brother of Pierre,ii.238 

Damour, Anne, ii. 20 

Darlington County, S- C, ii. 65 

Dauphiny, Province of, Refugees 
from, ii. 114-118 

David Family, the, of La Rochelle, 
i. 283 , Jean and Josue, i. 283, 
288 ; Jean, ii. 298, 310 ; Josue, 
Senior and Junior, ii. 298, 310 ; 
Madeleine, ii. 42 ; Martin, Goes 
to Brazil, i. 33. 

Deaf-mutes, Instruction of, i. 301 

Deblois, ii. 25,211 ; Gilbert, Louis, 
Stephen, Susanne, ii. 26 

Debray, Pierre, i. 65 

Dechezault, E. , i. 326 

Decoux, Marie, ii. 32 

De Cow, Isaac, ii. 32 

Decrees, Royal, in France. Abridg- 
ing the Liberties of Protestants : 
Permitting Children to Renounce 
the Faith of their Parents, i. 243 ; 
Suppressing Schools, i. 244 ; 
Suppressing Academies, i. 245 ; 
Closing Churches, i. 246 ; Exclu- 
ding Pro:estants From Civil and 
Municipal Charges, i. 247 ; From 
Professions and Trades, i. 248 ; 
Quartering Troops Upon Prot- 
estant Families, i. 248 : See 
Dragonnades. Forbidding the 
Protestants to Leave the King- 
dom, i. 256; Announcing "An 
Infinite Number of Conversions," 
i. 256; Proclaiming the Extirpa- 
tion of Heresy, i. 257 

Deerfield, Mass., Massacre at, ii. 288 

Deerpark, Orange County, New 
York, ii. 19, 38 

Dehaies, Jean, i. 65 

Dehays, Susanne, ii. 104 

DeJacheval, Pierre, ii. 28 

Delafon, Jean, ii. 28 



Delaforetre, Peter, ii. 176 

De la Grange, i. 179 

Delancey, Stephen, ii. 28 

De Lancy (De Lancey). See 

Lancy, de 
Delavergne, Pierre, ii. 28 
Dellaclose, Rachel, ii. 191 
Delaware, Waldenses Settle in, i. 

186 ; Huguenot Settlers in, ii. 

35, 133 
Delaware River, Settlement of 

Walloons on the, i, 171 
Dellius, Godfrey, Minister of the 

Protestant Reformed Dutch 

Church, in Albany, N. Y., ii. 


Dtmeon, Pierre, ii. 27 

Demuin Appointed Governor of 
Aunis, i. 312, 294 

Denis, Andre, ii. 40 ; Jean, ii. 28 ; 
Nicolas, Goes to Brazil, i. 33 

Denization. See Naturalization 

Denmark, the King of, Invites the 
Persecuted Huguenots to his 
Kingdom, i. 256 

Denonville, Marquis de, Governor 
of Canada, i 127 

Depont, Gabriel, i. 287 ; ii. 204, 
332 ; Jacques, i. 287 ; ii. 204, 
212, 266, 269, 281, 332 

Depont, Gilbert, ii. 212 

Desbrosses, Elie, ii. 54 ; Legacy 
of, to the French Church in New 
York, ii. 54 ; Jacques, ii. 53 

Desbrosses Street, New York, ii. 54 

Descairac. Alexander, Minister, ii. 
160 ; Death of, ii. 160 

Deschamps, Isaac Saviot Brous- 
sard, ii. 212, 310 

Desert, Mount, French Settlement 
on the Island of, i. 105 

Desplanques, Ebe, i. 70 

De Vaux. See Vaux, De. 

Detraction, Le Mercier's Treatise 
against, ii. 243 

D'Harriette, Benjamin, i. 288 

Dickestean, Master, ii. 272 

Die in Dauphiny, ii. 114, 116 

Dieppe in Normandy, Ville- 
gagnon's Expedition Puts in for 
Shelter at, i. 28 ; Ribaut Ar- 
rives in, i. 62 ; Ribaut Sails 
from, i. 70 

Dieppe in Normandy, Protestant- 
ism in, ii. 78 ; Persecut'on in, ii. 
78 ; Refugees from, ii. 79, 80 

Dismal Swamp, The, ii. 178 
Dolphin, The Ship, ii. 259 
Dorchester, Massachusetts, ii. 245 
Douay, Walloon Church of, i. 149 
Doublet, Jean, ii. 18 
Doucet, Matthieu, i. 118 
Doucinet. Etienne, i. 288 ; Su- 

sanne Marie, ii. 20 
Douw, Gerard and Allege, i. 293 ; 
Sarah, Wife of Jacob Theroulde, 
i. 293 
Doyceux, Anne, ii. 20 
Dragaud, Jean, ii. 21 ; Pierre, ii. 

Dragonnades, The, in Canada, i. 

126 ; In France, i. 248-250 
Drelincourt's Consolations, ii. 326 
Droilhet. Paul, ii. 42, 131 
Drouet, i. 70 
Drune, Simon, i. 182 
Dublin, Ireland, ii. 61 
Du Bois, Catharine, Wife of Jean 
Cottin, ii. 92 ; Chretien, i. 187 ; 
Jean, Goes with Ribaut to Flor- 
ida, i. 70 ; Jean, ii. 20, 31, 32; 
Jacques, ii. 28 
Du Bois, Louis, i. 187 ; Emigrates 
to Mannheim, i. 188 ; Marries 
Catharine Blanchard, i. 188 ; 
Removes to New Netherland, 
i. 189; Settles in Esopu«, 
(Kingston, N. Y.,) i. 189 ; His 
Wife and Three Children Taken 
Prisoners by the Indians, i. 195 ; 
His Vigor and Presence of Mind, 
i. 199 ; Removes to the Wallkill 
Valley, i. 199 ; Founds New 
Paltz, i. 199 
Du Bois, Philip, ii. 20 
Dubosc, Isaac, ii. 34, bo ; Susanne, 

i«- 33 
Du Buisson, Jean Baptiste du Poi- 
tiers, Sieur, i. 128, 129 
Duche, Antoine, i. 294 
Duche, family, the, i. 294, 295 
Duchemin, Daniel, i. 231 ; ii. 71 
Dudley, Joseph, One of the Pro- 
prietors of Oxford, Massachu- 
setts, ii. 258 ; Visits Oxford 
With Bernon, ii. 260 ; Character 
of, ii. 261 ; Governor of Mass., 
ii. 287 ; His Dealings With Ber- 
non, ii. 289, 290 
Dudley, Thomas, ii. 205 
Dugua, Jeanne, ii. 59 
Du Gua, Peter, ii. 175 



Dugue, Jacques, ii. 64 ; Judith, 
Wife of Samuel du Bourdieu, ii. 
85 ; Marie, ii. 134 ; Pierre, 
Isiac and Elizabeth, ii. 106. 

Dulac, Jacques, i. 70 

Dumaresq, Captain Philip, ii. 193 

Dunot, Franchise, ii. 17 

Dupee, James A., ii. 233 

Dupee, (Du Tay ?) Marthe, ii. 135, 

Dupeu, Elie, ii. 266, 268, 281 ; 
Jean, ii. 266, 281 

Dupeux, Elie, ii. 14 

Dupeux, Jean, ii. 14 

Duplessis-Mornay, in Orleanais, 
ii. 97 

Duplessis, FranQois, ii. 336 

Dupon, Anne, ii. 41 

Dupont, Abraham, ii. 74 

Dupuis, Frangois, i. 182 ; Jean, ii. 


Dupuis Family, the, ii. 233 

Dupuy, Andie, ii. 27 ; Captain 
Barthelemy, Escape of, ii. 109, 

Dupuy, Elizabeth, ii. 106 

Dupuy of Caraman, ii. 127 

Durand of Dauphiny, His Nar- 
rative of his Escape, ii. 114-117; 
His Impressions of London, ii. 
151 ; His Project of Emigration 
to America, ii, 167 ; His Prep- 
arations, ii. 171 

Durand, Pierre, ii. 21, 61, 332 ; 
Rene de, ii. 1 14 

Durant, of Geneva, ii. 76 

Duras in Guyenne, ii. 139 

Durham, New Hampshire, ii. 275 

Durie, Juste, i. 188 

Durouzeaux, Daniel, ii. 41 

Dushaise, David, ii. 175 

Dutais, Marie, ii. 21, 56 ; Jeanne, 
ii. 21 

Dutaies. See Tay, Du. 

Dutarque, Louis, ii. 95 

Du Tay, Jeanne, ii. 21 

Dutee (Du Tay). See Jer?uld 

Duthais, Daniel, ii. 176 

Duval, Francois, i. 70 

Duyou, Chretien, i. 188 

East Greenwich, Rhode Island. 

See Greenwich, East 
Eastern Provinces of France, 

Flight from the, ii. 107-118 

Edgartown, Massachusetts, ii. 141 

Edicts, Royal, with Reference to 
Protestantism : Edict of Cha- 
taubriand, June 27, 1551, i. 23 ; 
Edict of July, 1561, i. 58 ; Edict 
of January, 1562, i. 59 ; Edict 
of Pacification, August 8, 1570, 
i. 148, Edict of Nantes, April 13, 
1598, i. 79 ; Revocation of, see 

Edicts, Proscriptive, in the Antilles, 
i. 212 ; Unenforced for Many 
Years, i. 213 ; Strict Orders for 
the Enforcement of, i. 227 

Elders of the French Church in 
Boston, ii. 233 ; Petition the 
Council for Leave to Solicit 
Funds for the Erection of a 
House of Worship, ii. 221, 222 ; 
Office of, ii. 232 ; Seats of, ii. 
232 ; Petition the Council for 
Aid in the Support of Their 
Minister, ii. 233-6 

"Eleatheria.'' See Eleuthera 

Eleuthera, One of the Bahama 
Islands, Persecution in, ii. 200 

Eliot, John, " the Apostle to the 
Indians," ii. 168, 277, 315 

Elizabeth, New Jersey, ii. 138 

Ely, William D., ii. 266 

Emigrants, Large Body of, Under 
Olivier de la Muce, ii. 176 

Emigration, Outfit for, ii. 171 

England Welcomes the Eleeing 
Huguenots, i. 254. See Charles 

England, the Church of, Extends 
a Welcome to the French Prot- 
estant Refugees, ii. 157 ; Early 
Relations of, to the Continental 
Churches and Reformers, ii. 162; 
Popularity of, in 1688, ii. 164 

England, the Refuge in, ii. 148 ; 
Hospitality of, ii. 148 ; the Ref 
ugees in, ii. 148 ; A Refugee's 
Impressions of, ii. 1 53 

English, Philip, ii. 191-193 

" English's Great House," ii. 192 

" Engages," or Bondsmen, in the 
Antilles, i. 218 ; Anecdote of 
one of the, i. 218 

Equier, Jean, ii. 33, 101 

Eilach, D', Accompanies Laudon- 
niC're to Florida, i. 63 

Erouard, Jacques, i. 306 ; Charles, 
i. 306 



Erving, John, ii. 248 
Escape ot the Huguenots from the 
Antilles, Methods of, i. 230, 231, 


Escape of the Huguenots from 
France, Methods of, i. 251-253 

Esopus, (Kingston, N. Y ,) i. 189, 
190 ; Settlement of Walloons at, 
i. 189 ; Attacked by the Indians, 
i. 191 

Esopus Creek, i. 193 

Esopus Indians, The, i. iqp ; At- 
tack the Dutch Settlements on 
the Hudson River, i. 191; In- 
vest Wiltwyck, i. 192 ; Stuyve- 
sant's Severity to, i. 194 ; De- 
stroy the New Village, i. 194 ; 
Take Prisoners the Wives and 
Children of the Walloon Settlers, 
i. 195 ; Pursued by Captain 
Krygier, i. 197 ; Almost Ex- 
terminated, i. 199 

Esquier, Claude and Jean, ii. IOI 

Estrees, d', The Count, ii. 23 

Eugene, Prince, ii. 237 

Exoudun in Poitou, i. 301 

Factors, Huguenot, of Rochellese 
Merchants, i. 121 ; Hold Reli- 
gious Meetings in Quebec, i. 
122 ; Complained of, to the 
Government, i. 122 
Faget, Jean, ii. 42 
Falmouth, Maine, ii 193, 207 
Faneuil, Andre, i. 287 ; ii. 201, 204, 

208, 209, 212, 246 
Faneuil, Benjamin, i. 281, 287 ; ii. 
201, 204, 208, 209, 212, 246 ; 
Letter of, ii. 219 
Faneuil Family of La Rochelle,i. 281 
Faneuil Hall, Boston, ii. 209, 247 
Faneuil, Peter, Character of, ii. 
246, 247 ; Personal Appeaiance 
of, ii. 246 ; Charities of, ii. 247 
Faneuil, Pierre, Father of Ben- 
jamin, Jean and Andre, i. 281 
Fanton, Elizabeth, i. 309: Rachel, 

ii. 61 
Farge, de la, Priest, ii. 31 
Farnham, South, Virginia, ii. 144 
Faucheraud, Charles, ii. 16 
Fauconnier, Pierre, ii. 63, 64 
Faugeres, in Languedoc, ii. 134 
Favieres, Etienne Boyer, ii. 31 ; 
Jacques, ii. 31 

Febure, Jeanne le, Wife of Pierre 
de St. Julien, Sen., ii. 85 

Ferre, Susanne, ii. 105 

Feveryear, Edward, ii. 191 

Figeac in Guyenne, ii. 145 

Filou Family, the, i. 304 

Filoux, Nicolas, i. 304 

Fiquinville, Accompanies Ribaut 
to Florida, i. 60 

Fire Island Inlet, L. I., i. 185 

Fisheries, American, i. 83 

Fitch, Captain Daniel, Leads an 
Expedition in Pursuit of the In- 
dians that Attacked Oxford, ii. 

Five Nations, the, ii. 280 

Flanders, Defeat of the French in, 
ii. 237 

Flanders, Province of, Walloon 
Churches in the, i. 149; Settlers 
from, i. 182, 187 

Flandreau, Jacques, i. 192 

Fleuriau, Marie, ii- 49 ; Marguer- 
ite, Wife of Pierre Berthon de 
Marigny, ii. 49 ; Marquise, ii. 
49 ; Pierre, i. 231, ii. 49; Pre- 
geante, Wife of Louis Carre, ii. 

Fleury de la Plaine, Abraham, ii. 

64 ; Charles, ii. 64 ; Isaac, ii. 64 

Flight of the Protestants of 
France, from Persecution Under 
Louis XIV., i. 250-254 

Florida, Attempted Protestant Set- 
tlement in, i. 57-77 ; First Ex- 
pedition, i. 60 ; Second Expedi- 
tion, i. 63 ; Third Expedition, i. 
70; Emigration of French Prot- 
estants to, ii. 176. See Ribaut 
and Laudonniere 

Flucker, Thomas, ii. 248 

Foix, Comte de, ii. 144, 146, 147 

Foix, Louise de, i. 280 

Fontaine, Elizabeth, ii. 182 ; 
Jacques, ii. 45 ; Flight of, ii. 
46-48, 164 

Fonteyn, Charles, i. 182 
i Fore, Daniel, i. 118 

Forest, de, i. 151 

Forest, Gerard de, Petitions the 
Burgomasters of Leyden, i. 174 

Forest, Jesse de, a Leading Wal- 
loon of Leyden, i. 158 ; Pre- 
sents a Petition for Himself and 
Others, to the English Ambas- 
sador, i. 158 ; Petition of, i. 348, 



349 ; Submits His Plan of Emi- 
gration to the States of Holland, 
i. 166 ; Petitions the States- 
General, i. 167 ; Is Permitted 
to Enroll Colonists, i. 168 ; Sails 
for New Netherland, i. 169, 
173 ; Death of, i, 175 ; Children 
of, i. 174 

Forest, The Primeval, ii. 255, 259 

Forestier, Charles, Jean and The- 
ophile, ii. 40, 298 

Forestier Family, the, ii. 40 

Fort, The Huguenot, at Oxford, 
Massachusetts, ii. 263-265 ; The 
Settlers Take Refuge in the, ii. 
275 ; Palisaded, ii. 287 

Fortune, Passengers on the, i. 158 

Foucault, Andre, ii. 55 

Fouchard, Jean Jacques, ii. 139 

Foucheraud, Elizabeth, ii. 41 

Fougeraut, Marie, ii. 33 

Fougeray, Le Sieur, Goes with De 
Monts to Acadia, i. 89 

Fougie, Amadee, i. 182 

Fournie, Adrien, i. 182 

Foye, Captain John, ii. 193, 259, 
260 ; Jeffrey, ii. 193 

France, Arnaud, i. 310, 326 

France, Northern Provinces of, i. 
179; Emigration from, i. 179, 182 

France, The Reformed Churches 
of, Their Early Relations to the 
Church of England, ii. 162 

Francis I. Professes a Desire for 
the Reformation of Abuses in 
the Church of Rome, i. 22 ; Be- 
comes the Foe of the Reforma- 
tion, i. 23 

Frankenthal, in the Palatinate, i. 

"French Houses" in Oxford, Mass., 
The, ii. 266-269, 278 

French Protestant Refugee Con- 
grega'ions, in Holland, Switzer- 
land, and Germany, ii. 163 ; in 
England, ii- 161 

French River, Oxford, Mass. See 
Maanexit, The. 

Frenchtown, Rhode Island, ii. 

Frene, Madeleine du, ii. 103 
Fresne, Catharine, ii. 117 
Fresneau, Andre, i. 289 
Frete, Francois, i. 118 
Frezeau de la Frezelifire, Bishop of 

La Rochelle, ii. 324 

Friars and Pries's in the Antilles, 

Their Vigilance, i. 214 
Friars, Franciscan, in Canada, i. 

102, 107 
Fromaget, Charles, ii. 49 
Frontenac, Count, Governor of 

Canada, i. 101 
" Frontier Towns " of Oxford and 

Woodstock, Mass., ii. 279, 287- 
Fruschard, Judith, ii. 52 
Fublaines, near Meaux, Refugees 

from.tii. 104 
Fume, Claude, ii, 37 ; Daniel, ii. 

37, 38 
Fundy, Bay of, i. 92 

Gaillard, Daniel, ii. 39 ; Joachim, 
ii. 123 ; Pierre, ii. 32, 59 

Gaineau, Etienne, i. 182 

Galay, la Veuve, ii. 298, 310; Jean, 
ii. 298 

Gallais, Jean, i. 307 ; Marie, i. 307 

Gallaudet, E. M., LL.D., i. 301 

Gallaudet Family, the, i. 301 

Gallaudet, Pierre Elisee, Dr., i. 
300, 301 ; Memorandum of, i. 

Gallaudet, Rev. T., D.D., i. 301 

Gallaudet, Rev. T. H., LL.D., i. 

Gallopin, Jacques, ii. 81 

Galway, the Earl of (Henri, Mar- 
quis de Ruvigny,) Recommends 
Gabriel Bernon, ii. 216, 319, 
320 ; Brilliant Achievements of, 
ii. 237 

Gambie, Pierre, i. 65 

Cancel, Jean, ii. 74 

Gannepaine, i. 187 

Garde, Isaac de la, ii. 139 

Gardien, Jean, Goes to Brazil, i. 

Garfield, President James A., ii. 


Garhere, ii. 315 

Garillion, Madeleine, ii. 80, 117 

Garlin, Marie, ii. 103 

Garneau, F X., Observations of, 
upon the Exclusion of Hugue- 
nots from Canada, i. 117 

Garnie, Jeanne, ii. 21 

Gamier, Daniel, i. 309 ; Isaac, i. 
309 ; Jean, ii. 18 

Garonne River, ii. 29 

Garric. See Garrigues 



Garrigues Family, the, ii. 123 

Garrison, Isaac, ii. 143 

Gas, du. See Dugua 

Gascherie, Etienne, i. 293 ; Jean, 
i. 293 ; Judith, i. 293 

Gast, Leonore, ii. 42 

Gastigny, James, ii. 157 

Gaudineau, Gilles, i. 232 ; Active 
in Public Affaiis, ii. 53 ; Im- 
prisoned by Leisler, ii. 53 ; 
Jacques, ii. 53 

Gaunt, Chapel of the, Bristol, Eng- 
land, ii. 159 

Gautier, Elizabeth, ii. 27 ; Jacques, 
ii. 135 ; Jean, ii. 18 

Gazeau, Bastian, ii. 212 

Gendre, Daniel le, ii. 74, 298 

Gendre, Le, i. 65 

Gendron, FranQoise, ii. 25 ; Phil- 
ippe, ii. 64 ; Jean, ii. 64 

Genejoy, Etienne. i. 182 

Genne, Marie, Wife of Olivier du 
Bourdieu, ii. 85 

GSnes, Estienne de, i. 65 

Geneston, Sieur de, goes with De 
Monts to Acadia, i. 89 

Geneuil, Louis, ii. 19, 20 

Geneva, Academy of, ii. 239 

Geneva, an Envoy from Coligny 
Reaches, i. 32 ; His Reception 
in, i. 32 ; Solemn Services at, i. 


Geneva, Le Mercier's Church 
History of, ii. 242 

Genevese, a Company of, Set out 
to join Villegagnon's Colony, i. 
33 ; Visit Coligny at Chatillon- 
sur-Loing, i. 34 ; Their stay in 
Paris, i. 34 ; Attacked by a mob 
in Honfleur, i. 35 ; Sail for Bra- 
zil, i. 36 ; Arrive at Rio de Jan- 
eiro, i. 36 ; Welcomed by Ville- 
gagnon, i. 36 ; Their Sorry En- 
tertainment, i. 38 ; Their First 
Impressions of the New World, 
i. 39 ; Disappointed in Villegag- 
non, i. 46 ; Leave the Island 
Coligny, i. 46 ; Visit some of the 
Savage Tribes, i. 47 ; Sufferings 
of, on the Homeward Voyage, i. 
52 ; They Land on the Coast of 
Bretagne, i. 52 ; Villegagnon's 
Treachery Toward, i. 53 

Genouil, Marie, ii. 32 

Germaine, Margaret, wife of Paix 
Cazneau, 268 

Germany, the Protestant States of, 
Welcome the Huguenot Refu- 
gees, i. 256 

Germany, the Reformation in, ii. 
22 ; Protestant Princes of, i. 23 

Germon in Poitou, ii. 59 

Germon, Jean, ii. 32 

Germon, (Germaine,) Jean, ii. 266, 
268, 281, 310 

Gerneaux, Francois, ii. 194 

Gerould. See Jerauld 

Gervon, Jean, i. 182 

Ghent, Walloon Church of, i. 

Gignilliat, Jean Fran£ois, ii. 95 

Gilbert, Rene, ii. 55 

Gilet, William, ii. 144, 332 ; Elie, 
ii. 144 ; Elisha, ii. 144 ; Lli- 
phalet, ii. 332 

Gillette Family, the, ii. 144 

Gilliet, Ester, ii. 104 

Gilliot, Philip, ii. 93 

Girard, Jean, ii. 317 

Girardeau, Jean, ii. 53 

Gironde River, ii. 36 

Girrard, Pierre, ii. 52 

Giton, Judith, Wife of Gabriel 
Manigault, ii. 112 ; Her Nar- 
rative of her Escape, ii. 112-114; 

Gloves, Manufacture of, ii. 284 

Godet Family, of Bermuda, i. 235, 

Gombauld, Daniel, i. 231, 292 ; 
Moi'se, of Martinique, Removes 
to New York, i. 234 ; Marries a 
Daughter of Antoine Pintard, i. 


Gondeau, Estienne, i. 65 

Gonnor, Michel, i. 70 

Goose Creek, S. C. , ii. 65 

Gosselin Family, ii. 74, 75 

Gosselin, Jacob, ii. 74 

Gougeon, Gregoire, i. 307, 326 ; 
Renee Marie, Wife of Pasteur 
Rou, i. 307 

Gouin, Abraham, ii. 27 

Gourdain, Louis, ii. 95 

Gourgues, Dominique de, Under- 
takes to Avenge the Slaughter of 
the French in Florida, i. 76 ; 
Surprises the Spanish Fort. i. 77 

Gousset, Jacques, Minister of Poi- 
tiers, ii. 51 

Gowanus, Long Island, N. Y., 
Walloons Settle at, i. 177 



Goyave, in Guadeloupe, Bay of, i. 

Goyon, Claude-Charles, Baron, ii. 

Grand, Juste, i. 186 

Grandchemin, i. 65 

Grand, Isaac le, ii. 71 ; Jean le, 
Sieur d'Anvuille, ii. 71 

Grand, le, Family, ii. 93 

Grand, Pierre le, ii. 93 

Grandpre, i. 65 

Grange, de la, i. 179 

Grasset, Augusle, i. 289 ; Mari- 
anne, ii. 138 

Graton, Renee Marie, Wife of 
Gregoire Gougeon, i. 307 

Gravesend, England, ii. 151, 154, 
176, 259 

Gravesend, L. I., N. Y., ii. 27, 28 

Grazilier, Ezechiel, ii. 196, 298, 

Greene, John, ii. 306 

Greenwich, East, Rhode Island, 
Huguenot Settlement in the 
Town of, ii. 295 ; Earlier Ap- 
portionment of, ii. 309 ; The 
French Molested by the People 
of, ii. 301 

Grenier la Tour, Marguerite de, 
Wife of Tierre Peiret, ii. 147 

Grenoble in Dauphiny, Refugees 
from, ii. 1 17 ; Parliament of, ii. 

Grennell, Daniel, ii. 316 

Greycourt. See Gricourt 

Gricourt, Near St. Quentin, ii. 91 

Grignon, Rene, ii. 212, 233, 266, 
281, 298, 310 

Giinnell Family, the, ii. 316 

Grion la Capelle, Francois, i. 179 

Grissaut, Pierre, i. 183 

Groesbeeck, John, ii. 70 

Grontaut, de, Goes With Laudon- 
niere to Floiida, i. 65 

Gros, i. 70 

Groton, Massachusetts, ii. 275 

Guadeloupe, W. L, Island of, The 
Protestant Population of, Very 
Considerable, i. 210 ; Freedom 
of Worship in, i. 210; Li-t of 
American Huguenot Names in, 
i. 212 ; Escape from, i. 231 ; ii. 

Guenon, Jean, i. 182 
Guercheville, Antoinette de Pons, 
Marquise de, i. 103 ; Purchases 

De Monts' Proprietary Rights, 
i. 104 
Guerin, Mathurin, ii. 17 
Guernache, The Drummer, i. 60 
Guernsey, Island of, Flight of 
Huguenots to, after ihe Mas- 
sacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, 
i. 149 ; ii. 190, 194 ; Emigrants 
from, Settle in America, ii. 193, 

194, 312 
Guerrain, Pierre, ii. 18 
Guerri, Pierre, ii. 61 ; Jacques, ii. 

Guerry, Anne, i. 306 ; Veuve, 

ii. 196 
Guibal, Jean, ii. 134 
Guichard, Francois, i. 206 ; Marie 

Anne, i- 289 
Guimard, Pierre, ii. 19, 20, 83 
Guion, Isaac, ii- 51 ; Louis, i. 300, 

Guionneau, Henri, i. 287 ; Louis, 

ii. 212 
Guiraut, of Nismes, Sentenced to 

Transportation to the Antilles, i. 

226 ; Humanely Treated, i. 

226, 229 
Guise, The Duke of, Attacks an 

Assembly of Protestants, i. 62 
Gui'on, Marie, ii. 37 
Guiton, Mayor of La Rochelle, i. 


Gumaer, Peter L., ii. 20 

Guyenne, Province of, ii. 135 ; 
Loyalty of the Protestants of, 
ii. 136 : The Dragonnades in, 
it. 137 ; Refugees from, ii. 138- 

Guymard, in Orange Co., N. Y., 
ii. 20 

Hain, Jean, ii. 16, 205 

Hainault, Province of. i. 149 ; 
Walloon Churches in the, 1. 
149 ; Refuses to join the United 
Netherlands, i. 150; Protestants 
in, Remove to Holland, i. 150 

Half-Way River, the. ii. 279 

Hamel, Etienne, Escapes From 
Guadeloupe to New York, i. 230, 
231 ; ii. 78 

Hamilton, A. Boyd, ii. 36 

Hammocks, Indian, i. 39' 

Hance, Artificer, i. 65 

Hancock, Thomas, ii. 245 



Harfleur in Normandy, ii. 82 

Harlem, New, on the Norih End 
of Manhattan Island, i. 17S ; 
Walloons and French Settle at, 
i. 178 

Harramond, Elizabeth, ii. 65 

Harriette, Benjamin d', i. 299 ; it. 
212 ; Susanne, Wife of Pierre 
Bellin, i. 299 

Harris, Mary, Second Wife of Ga- 
briel Bernon, ii. 325 

Harrisburg, Penn., ii. 36 

Hartford, Connecticut, Huguenot 
Families Settle in, ii. 335 

Harwich, Massachusetts, ii. 142 

Hasbrouck, Abraham, i. 1S8 ; 
Ester, ii. 20 ; Jean, ii. 20 

Hastier, Jean, i. 231, 292 

Hats, Huguenots of New England 
Engage in the Manufacture of, 
ii. 284, 318, 319 

Havre in Normandy, i. 60, 65 ; 
ii. 82 

Hawes, Esther, ii. 233 

Hawkins, Sir John, Befriends the 
Huguenots in Florida, i. 69 

Henry II. Peisecutes the Protest- 
ants,.!. 23 

Henry IV. Favors Colonization, i. 
80 ; Founds the first Agricultu- 
ral Colony in the New World, i. 
80 ; Upon Principles of Religious 
Freedom, i. 80 ; Grants a Com- 
m'ssion to the Sieur de Monts ; 
Replies to the Objections Raised 
Against it, i. 98 ; is Murdered, i. 

Herbe, Judith, ii. 140 

Het, Rene, i. 289, ii. 29 ; Josue, 
i. 289 

Hiersin Saintonge, ii. 21, 22 

Hillhouse, James A.,ii. 315 

Holland, the Provincial States of, 
Consider Jesse de Forest's Plan 
of Emigration to America, i. 
166 ; Flight of Huguenots to, 
After the Massacre of St. Bar- 
tholomew's Day, i. 149 ; Invites 
the Oppressed Huguenots to 
Settle Within Her Territory, i. 
Holy Communion. First Adminis 
tration of the, in Brazil, i. 41 ; 
In New Amsterdam, i. 176 ; In 
Esopus, i. 193 
Holyoke, Margaret, ii. 250 

Hommedieu, 1', Benjamin, i. 232. 

293 ; Family, i. 293 ; Pierre and 

Osee, i. 293 
Iloneur, Gutllaume de, i. 183 
Honfleur in Normandy, Affray at, 

i. 35 

Horry, Daniel, i. 309 ; Elie, ii. 

Hospital in London for Poor 
French Protestants and Their 
Descendants, ii. 157 
Houpleine, Juste, i. 182 
Hubbard. William, ii. 250 
Hudson River, the, Discovered by 
Verazzano, i. 169 ; Arrival of 
the Ship New Netherland at the 
Mouth of, i. 169 
Huertin, Guillaume, i. 289 
Huger, Daniel, i. 310 ; ii. 50, 51 
Hugla, Susanne, ii. 138 
Huguenots, the French Protestants 
Begin to be Called, i. 57 ; A 
Recognized Party in France, i. 
57 ; Take up Arms, i. 62 ; In 
Florida, i. 61-77 ; In France, 
Under the Edict of Nantes, i. 
79-83 ; In Acadia, i. 89-100 ; 
On the St. Lawrence, 102, 103, 
107 ; In France, After the Death 
of Henry IV., i. 103 ; Join the 
Expedition to Seize Acadia, i. 
113; To be Excluded from 
Canada, i. 116 ; Conversion of, 
to Romanism, in Canada, i. 118, 
119; Occasionally Admitted, i. 
121 ; Pass Over Into New Eng- 
land and New York, i. 123 ; In 
France, Acknowledged Loyalty 
of, i. 179, 240; Renewed Per- 
secution of, i. 1 80 ; In the An- 
tilles, i. 201, seq.\ In France, no 
longer a Political Party, i. 239 ; 
Give Themselves up to Agricul- 
ture, Manufactures and Trade, 
i. 239 ; Inventive and Industri- 
ous, i. 240 ; Inoffensive to the 
State, i. 241 
Huguenot Merchants and Manu- 
facturers of France, Their Ability 
and Integrity, i. 181 
Huguenot Merchants, of La Ro- 
chelle, i. 106, 121 ; of France, 
i. 181 : in Canada, i. 127 
Huguenots Take Refuge in the 
Antilles From Severities in 
France, i. 214 ; Persecuted in 



the Islands, 1. 227 ; Escape From 
the Islands, i. 230 seq. 

Huguenot Merchants in the Antil- 
les, i. 208 ; Their Virtues Recog- 
nized, i. 208 ; Numerous and 
Prosperous, i. 208 

Huguenot Seamen in the Antilles, 
i. 206 

Huguenot Soldiers in Canada, i. 
119, 124; Boasted Conversions 
Among, i. 1 19 ; Seek to Escape 
to New York, i. 124 

Huguenots in Boston, Kindness 
Shown the, by the Public Au- 
thorities and by the Ministers, ii. 
221-224 ; Theological Specula- 
tions Concerning the, ii. 229-231; 
Prosperity of the, ii. 251-254 

Huguenot Refugees, Remittances 
From France to, ii. 217 

Hullin, Francois, i. 289 

Hurley, N. Y., or the New Village, 
i. 193 ; Destroyed, i. 194 

Hutchins, James, i. 295 

Hutchinson, Captain Elisha, ii. 
199 ; Foster, ii. 251 

Imbert, ii. 133 ; Andrew, ii. 133 ; 

Jean, ii. 133 
Indians, South American. See 

Indians, the Nipmuck. See Nip- 
muck Indians 
Ingall. John, a Trader at Oxford, 

ii. 284 
Inquisition, Spanish, Pioposilion 

to Introduce the, in France, i. 

24 ; In the Netherlands, i. 149 
Investiture by Turf and Twig, ii. 

Ireland, Refugees in, ii. 6[ 
"Islands" of Arvert and Marennes, 

ii. 24 
Isle, Seigneurs de 1', i. 284 
Ive, Gerard, i. 186 

Jabouin, Jeanne, i. 306 

Jamain, Arnaud, i. 290; Elie,' i. 

290 ; Etienne, i. 288, 289 ; ii. 

298, 310 ; Nicolas, i. 290 ; 

ii. 25 ; Marie, 290 
James I., of England, Grants the 

Province of Nova Scotia to Sir 

William Alexander, i. 112 

James II., King of England, Atti- 
tude of, Toward the French 
Protestant Refugees, ii 156 

James River, Virginia, ii. 142 

Janvier, i. 308 ; Philippe, Pierre, 
Jaulin, Guy, ii. 37 

Jay, Auguste, i. 2S0, 2S9, 294 ; 
Adventures of, i. 319 

Jay Family, the, of La Rochelle, i. 
279 ; Seigneurs de Montonneau, 
i. 279 

Jay, Jehan, of La Rochelle, i. 279 

Jay, Pierre, i. 279 ; ii. 158 ; The 
"Large House" of, i. 317; Stead- 
fastness of, i. 317 ; Sufferings of 
his Family Under the Dragon- 
nades, i. 317 ; Sends his Family 
to England, i. 317 ; is Impris- 
oned in La Lanterne, i. 318 ; His 
Own Escape, i. 318, 319 

Jenney, Rev. Robert, i.*296 

Jen< uille. Village of Chatelas, in 
Saintonge. ii. 36 

Jerauld, Jacques, ii. 135 ; Dutee, 
ii. 136 

Jcoe, Antoine, i. 179 

Jersey, Island of. Flight of Hu- 
guenots to, after the Massacre of 
St. Bartholomew's Day, i. 149 ; 
Protestantism in, ii. 190 ; The 
Reformed Churches of, ii. 191 ; 
Emigrants from, Settle in Sa- 
lem, Massachusetts, ii. 190-194 

Jesuits, The, i. 103 ; Missions of, 
in Asia and South America, i. 
103; Gain a Foothold in Acadia, 
i. 103 ; Attempt a Settlement 
on the Island of Mount Desert ; 
Expelled by Argall, i. 105 ; En- 
ter Canada, i. 107 ; Coldly Re- 
ceived by De Caen, i. 107 ; 
Complain of the Saying of Pray- 
ers and Singing of Psalms by 
the Huguenots on the St. Law- 
rence, i. 108 ; Five, Sent to 
Quebec, i. 108 ; Kindly Treated 
by Louis Kirk, i. 115 ; Boasted 
Success of, in Converting Cal- 
vinists in Canada, i. 118 

Jodon, Daniel, i. 310 ; Elie, i. 
306 ; ii. 6t 

Johonnot, Daniel, ii. 212, 266, 
268, 278, 281 

Johonnot Family, the, ii. 212, 

Johnson, John, a Native of Alve- 



ton, County of Stafford, En- 
gland, ii. 212, 258, 266, 268, 
269 ; Murdered, Together with 
his Three Children, ii. 278 ; Es- 
cape of his Wife, ii. 278 

Jolain, Jacquette, ii. 59 

John, Andre, ii. 36 

Jonville, Sieur de, Goes with 
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69 

Jorisse, Madeleine, Wife of Mat- 
thieu Blanchard, i. 193 

Jouet, Daniel, i. 306 ; ii. 298 

Jouet Family, the, i. 306 

Jouneau, Abraham, i. 304 ; ii. 50 ; 
Etienne, i. 326 ; Philippe, i. 
304 ; Pasteur, i . 304 ; Pierre, i. 
231, 304 

Journeay, Meynard, i. 182. 188 

Joux, Benjamin de, Minister, ii. 

ill, 179 
Julien, Jean, ii. 284, 298, 310 
Juin, Geoige, ii. 59 
June. See Juin 

Kekamoochuk, an Indian Village 
near Oxford, Mass., ii. 282 

Kickameeset Meadow, near 
Frenchtown, R. I., ii. 300 

Kidnapping of Children in Massa- 
chusetts, by the Canadian Indi- 
ans, ii. 274 

Kingston, N. Y. , i. 191, 293 

Kingstown, Rhode Island, ii. 295 : 
The French Molested by the 
People of, ii. 301 

King's Province, The. ii. 294, 
302. See Narragansett Coun- 
try, The 

Kirk, David, Admiral, Commands 
the Expedition for ihe Conquest 
of Acadia, i. 113; Takes Port 
Royal, i. 114 ; Louis, i. 113, 
114 ; Governor of Quebec, i. 
114 ; Courtesy of, i. 115 ; Thom- 
as, i. 113 

Kockuyt, Juste, i. 182 

Kolver, Jacob, i. 183 

Krygier, Captain, Pursues the 
fisopus Indians, i. 197 

La Barree in Flanders, i. 187 
Labe, Elizabeth, Wife of Daniel 

Gaillard, ii. 39 
Laborie, Jacques, a Huguenot Min- 

ister, ii. 145, 282; Arrives from 
England, ii. 282 ; Is Commis- 
sioned to Preach to the Indians, 
Near Oxford, Mass., ii. 282 ; let- 
ter of. to Lord Bellomont, ii. 285 

La Cadie, i. 86. See Acadia. 

Lacaille Accompanies Ribaut to 
. Florida, i. 60, 65 

La Caroline, Fort, i. 65 ; Scarcity 
in, i. 68 ; Council of War in, 1. 
72 ; Taken by the Spaniards, i. 
74 ; Butchery in, i. 74 

LachtSre Accompanies Ribaut to 
Florida, i. 60 

Lackeman, Louis, i. 183 

La Court, Marie, ii. 27 

La Crete, i. 65 

La Croix, i. 65 

La Flotte, Isle of Re, i. 302 

Lafon, Andre, Goes to Brazil, i. 
33 ; Jean, ii. 298, 310 

La Forge-Nocey in Poitou, ii. 60 ; 
Refugees from, ii. 61 

Lage, Island of, i. 31 

Lagrange, Sieur de, Goes With 
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69 

Lambert, Daniel, ii. 36, 298, 310 ; 
Denis, ii. 138 

Lamoureux, Andre, ii. 37 

Lancey, de, Lieutenant-governor 
James, ii. 70 

Lancy, Etienne de, ii. 69 ; Escapes 
to Holland, ii. 69 ; Arrives in 
New York, ii. 70 ; Jacques de, 
ii. 68 

Lancy, de, Family, ii. 69, 70 

Languedoc, Province of, Refugees 
From, ii. ] 19-135 

Lanier, Thomas, ii. 143 

Lanterne, la, tower of, in La Ro- 
chelle, i. 274 ; Used as a Prison 
of State, i. 274, 275, 313, 317, 

Lardant, Jacques, ii. 79 
Lareine, Catharine, ii. 53 
Laronde. See Bretin 
Lasseur, Josue, ii. 138 
Lasty, Jacques, i. 231 
Latane, Louis, Minister, ii. 144, 

177 ; Isaac, ii. 144 ; Daniel, ii- 

Latin Schoolhouse, the, Used by 

the Huguenots of Boston as a 

Place of Worship, ii. 221 
Latouche, Jeremie, ii. 139 
La Tour, Charles de St. Etienne, 



Sieur de, i. 132 ; A Huguenot, 
i. 132, 138, note; Succeeds 
Biencourt as Proprietor of Port 
Royal, i. 133 ; Builds a Fort 
Near Cape Sable ; Petitions 
Louis XIII. to be Placed in 
Command of Acadia, i. 133 ; 
Inflexible Loyalty of, i. 134 ; 
Appointed Lieutenant-General, 
i. 135 ; Obtains a Grant of Land 
on the River St. John, i. 135 ; 
Removes to a Fort at the Mouth 
of that River, i. 135 ; His Con- 
tentions with Charnise, i. 135- 

138 ; His Relations with La Ro- 
chelle, i. 136; With Boston, i. 
136, 142; Marriage of, i. 136; 
Obtains a Renewal of His Com- 
mission from Louis XIII. , i. 

139 ; Surrenders to Cromwell, i. 
139 ; Obtains a Grant of Land 
from Cromwell, i. 139 ; Sells 
His Rights, i. 139 ; Death of, 

i. 139 

La Tour, Claude de St. Etienne, 
Sieur de, i. 132 ; A Huguenot, 
i. 132 ; Comes to Port Royal, i. 
132 ; Builds a Fort at the Mouth 
of the Penobsiot River, i. 133 ; 
Is Dispossessed by the English, 
i. 133 ; Goes to France, i. 133 ; 
Is Taken Prisoner by the Eng- 
lish, i. 134; Obtains a Grant of 
Land Under Sir W. Alexander, 
i, 114 ; Fails to Persuade His 
Son to Own Allegiance to En- 
gland, i. 134, 135 

La Tour, Madame de, Wife of 
Charles, i. 136 ; a Huguenot, i. 
136, 148, note ; Heroic Conduct 
of, i. 137 ; Death of, i. 138 

La Tour, Marguerite de, Wife of 
Pierre Peiret, ii- 147; Susanne, 
ii. 37 ; Wife of Daniel Robert, 
i. 2S6 

La Tourette, Jean, ii. 20 

Laudonniere, Rene de, Joins the 
Expedition to Florida under 
Ribaut, i. 60; His Character, i. 
60 ; Chosen by Coligny to Lead 
the Second Expedition, i. 63 ; 
Sails from Havre, i. 65 ; Builds 
Fort La Caroline, i. 65 ; His 
Mistakes, i. 67 ; Unfavorable 
Reports Reach France Con- 
cerning, i. 69 ; Superseded by 

Jean Ribaut, i. 70 ; His Counsel 
Overruled, i. 72 ; Escapes from 
La Caroline, i. 74 

Laurent Family of La Rochelle, 
the, i. 2S2 ; Andre, i. 282 ; ii. 
3*5. 335 ; Jean, i. 2S2 ; Eliza- 
beth, i. 282 

Laval, Bishop of Quebec, i. 121 

Lavandier, Catharine, Wife of 
Daniel Marchand, ii. 72, 81 

Lavau, Mane, i. 118 

Lavigne, Charles, ii. 36 ; Etienne, 
ii. 36, 298, 310 

Lavillon, Susanne, ii. no 

Laymerie (Lainerie), Noede, ii. 123 

Leake, Admiral Sir John, ii. 237 

Lebanon, Connecticut, ii. 314 

Le Bas. See Bas, le 

Lebert, Jean, ii. 90 

Le Boiteux, Gabriel, ii. 28 

Le Breton, ii. 310 

Lebreton, Christophe, i. 70 

Le Brun, Moise, ii. 298 

Leclerc, Jean, the First Conspicu- 
ous Mattyrof the Reformation in 
France, i. 57 ; ii. 104 

Leclercq. See Clerc, le 

Le Conte, Dr. John L., ii. 75, 76 

Le Conte Family, the, ii. 75, 76 

Le Conte, Professor John, ii. 73 

Le Conte, Professor Joseph, ii. 75 

Le Conte, Francois, ii. 81 ; Guil- 
laume, i. 232; ii. 75 ; Jr., ii. 75 ; 
Isaac, i. 118 ; Jean, ii. 79 ; 
Pierre, i. 232 ; ii. 75, 79 

Leech, Captain Jonas, ii. 201 

Lefavor Family, the, ii. 191 

Le Febre. Simon, i. 188 

Lefebvre, Daniel, ii. 315 

Legare, Francois, ii. in, 203, 204, 
213, 310, 298 ; Solomon, ii. ill, 

Leger, Elizabeth, Wife of Jacques 
le Serrurier, ii. 94 

Legrand, Chiistophe, ii. 28 

Le Grand. See Grand, le 

Leisler, Jacob, ii. 63 

Lemaistre, Nicolas, i. 65 

Lemestre, Charlotte, Wife of Dan- 
iel Streing, ii. 91, 96 ; Escape of, 
ii. 102 

Lemoyne, Jacques, de Mourgues, i. 

Lequier (L'Ecuier), Jean, 182 
Le Roy, Ester, wife of Gabriel 

Befnon, Home of, i. 275 ; Es- 



capes to Holland, i. 324 ; Death 
of, ii. 325 
Le'ry, Jean de, Goes to Brazil, i. 
33 ; Preaches to the Savages, i. 


Lescarbot, Marc, i. 32 ; Joins the 
Settlement at Port Royal, i. 94 ; 
Acts as Religious Teacher, i. 94; 
His Allusions to Missionary La- 
bor among the Savages, i. 93 

Leschelle in Picardy, ii. 95 

Lesueur, Abraham, ii. 82 

Le Thuillier Family of Bermuda, 
the, i. 235 

Levasseur, for Twelve Years Gov- 
ernor of Tortuga, an Avowed 
Protestant, i. 214 

Levelin, Jean, i. 182 

Le Vilain, Josias, i. 232 

Leyden in Holland, i. 152 ; Uni- 
versity of, i. 153; Arrival of the 
Puritans in. i. 154; Walloons in, 
i. 153 ; Their Employments, i. 
153, 154 ; The Puritans leave, 
i. 157. See Walloons 

L'Hommedieu. See Hommedieu 

Libot, Louis, Daniel, Jacques, ii. 


Lieure (Lievre), Gilles, ii. 38 ; 
Pierre, ii. 38 ; Jean, ii. 38 

Lille in Flanders, i. 187; Walloon 
Church of, i. 149 

Liton, Louis, ii. 132, 332-335 

Lispenard, Mary, ii. 70 

Lodeve in Languedoc, ii. 121 

Lolsary (?) ii. 20 

London, the Bishop of, ii. 180 

London, the Chambeilain of the 
City of, Disburses the Funds 
for the Relief of the Refugees, 
ii. 180 

London, the French Protestant 
Refugees in, ii. 149 ; Their First 
Impressions of, ii. 149 ; A New 
City, ii. 149 ; The " Great Fire " 
of, ii. 149 ; The French Church 
in, it. 153, 154 ; French Churches 

in. 153, 157. 158 
Longemare, Nicolas de, ii. 77, 80 
Long Island, Acadia, i. 92 
Long Island, N. Y., Huguenot 

Settleis on, ii. 28, 31 
Lorange, Jean, i. 296 ; Veuve, i. 

Lords of Trade, the, ii. 320-322 ; 

Take into Consideration Ber- 

non's Scheme for Manufacturing 

Naval Stores, ii. 217 
Lorieres, Poncet fctelle, Sieur des, 

ii. 27 
Loring, F. C, ii. 250 
Lorme, Marie de. ii. 95 
Lorraine, Province of, Flight from 

the, ii. 107 
Loudun in Poitou, ii. 50 ; The 

Dragonnades at, ii. 50 ; Refu- 
gees from, ii. 50, 51 
Louhman, Louis, i. 183 
Louis, Prince of Conde, at the 

Head of the Huguenot Party, i. 

Louis the Walloon. See Du Bois, 

Loumeau, Jeanne de, ii. 33 
Louraux, Frangois, i. 290 
Louvois, Minister of Louis XIV., 

ii. 78, 132, 137 
Lucas, Auguste, i. 290 ; ii. 315 ; 

Daniel, i. 282 ; Marie, i. 282 
Lucas, Jean, Commander of one of 

Laudonniere's Ships, i. 65 
Lumigny (Luminie), Near Meaux, 

Refugees From, ii. 104 
Lusignan in Poitou, ii. 60 
Luten, Walraven, i. 182 
Luxembourg, The Duke of, ii. 237 
Lyonnais, Province of, Refugees 

from the, ii. 11 1 
Lyons-la-ForSt, in Normandy, ii.76 
Lyons, Refugees From, ii. ,11 
Lys, du, Goes With Ribaut to 

Florida, i. 70 

Maanexit River, Oxford, Mass., ii. 


Mace, Anne, ii. 17 

Machet, Jean, i. 232 ; ii. 34. 35 

Machonville, de, Goes with Ribaut 
to Florida, i. 70 

Magni, ii. 310. See Many 

Magnon, Jean, ii. 140 

Magny, Near Meaux, Refugees 
from, ii. 104 

Mahault, Eticnne, i. 294 ; Mar- 
guerite, wife of Guillaume le 
Conte, ii. 75 ; Marie, i. 302 

Maillard Goes with Ribaut to 
Florida, i. 69 

Maillet, Jean, ii. 213, 266, 2S1 

Maine, Province of, in America, 



Maine, Province of, France, ii. 98 
Main, Robert de la, i. 182 
Maintenon in Orleanais, ii. 97 
Malacare, Sieur de. See Saint 

Malherbe, Marie, ii. 104 ; Nicolas, 

ii. 51 

Mallet, Jean, ii. 82, 213 

Mallon, Nicolas, Accompanies Ri- 
baut to Florida, i. 60 

Manakintown, Virginia, Hugue- 
not Settlers in, i. 308 ; ii. 15, 18, 
51, 89, 133. 142. 145. 176. 178 

Manakin Tribe of Indians, ii. 178 

Manhattan Island, The Walloons 
and French Settle on, i. 172 

Manatte. See New York 

Manigault Family, the, i. 279, 

Manigault, Gabriel, i. 279 ; Pierre, 
i. 279 ; Jean, i. 280 ; Isaac, i. 

Manigault, Judith (Giton), birth- 
place of, ii. 112 ; Letter of, 112- 
114, 182. 183. Appendix 

Manley, Phoebe, ii. 239 

Mannheim in the Palatinate, a 
Refuge of the Persecuted 
French, i. 188 

Mannion. See Magnon 

Manufacturers, Protestant, of Nor- 
mandy, Bretagne and Picardy, 
ii. 66 

Manufactures, Huguenots of New 
England Engage in, ii. 217 

Many (Magni), Jacques, ii. 37, 298 

Many (Magni), Jean, ii. 38, 298 

Marans in Aunis, i. 297, 298 ; ii. 

Marbceuf, Joseph, ii. 90 

Marchand, Daniel, ii. 72, 81 

Marchant, Pierre, Commander of 
One of Laudonniere's Ships, i. 

Marc, Pierre de, i. 182 

Marcou, of Montbeliard, Settles in 
the West Indies, i. 209 ; Abra- 
ham, i. 209, 210 

Marennes in Saintonge, i. 299, ii. 
21, 24-29; "Temple" of, De- 
stroyed, ii. 24, 25 

Marest, David de, i. 182, 188 

Margaret of Angouleme, Sister of 
Francis I., Embraces the Re- 
formed Faith, i. 22 

Mariette, ii. 97 ; Charlotte, wife 

of Louis Thibou, ii. 197 ; Fran- 
gois, ii. 213 

Marigny, de. See Berthon 

Marillac, de, Accompanies Lau- 
donni&re to Florida, i. 63 

Marillac, Lord Lieutenant (Intend- 
ant)of Poitou, ii. 54, 58 

Marion, Benjamin, ii. 52 ; General 
Francis, ii. 52 

Marlborough, The Duke of, ii. 237 

Marseau, Jacques, ii. 61 ; Gabriel, 
ii. 61 

Marsilly, Near La Rochelle, ii. 196 

Martiline, i. 187 

Martin, i. 70 

Martineaux, Elizabeth, i. 311 

Martinique, W. I., Island of, ii. 
28 ; List of American Huguenot 
Names in, i. 212 ; Persecution 
in, ii. 216 ; Principal Destination 
of the Transport-Ships, i. 226 ; 
Appearance of, i. 226 ; Humane 
Treatment of the Exiles in, i. 
229 ; Huguenots From, Reach 
New York, i. 231 

Martin, Jean, ii. 16, 266, 268, 281; 
Pierre, i. 186 

Martinou, i. 187 

Maryland, ii. 19 ; Huguenot Set- 
tlers in, i. 294 ; ii. 114 

Marylan, Josias, Lord of La Forcet, 
i. 285 

Mascarenc. See Mascarene 

Mascarene, Cesar, ii. 130 

Mascarene, Jean, ii. 125 ; Arrest of, 
ii. 126 ; Defense of, 126, 127; 
Imprisonment of, ii. 127 ; Re- 
lease of, ii. 128 ; Death of, ii. 

Mascarene, Jean Paul, Son of Jean, 
ii. 124 ; Lieutenant-Governor of 
Nova Scotia, i. 140, 250 ; ii. 124 ; 
Wise and Able Administration 
of, i. 141 ; Retirement and 
Death of, i. 142 

Mascarene Family, the, i. 250, 251 ; 
ii. 124, 125 ; Arms of, ii. 125 

Mascarene Papers, the ; Appen- 
dix of vol. ii. 

Mas d' Azil, ii. 147 

Masiot, Marie, ii. 61 

Maslet, Madeleine, Wife of Laurent 
Philippe Trouillard, ii. '98 

Massachusetts, Huguenot Settlers 
in, i. 287, 303 ; ii. 14, 63, 74, 
83 ; Petition of Inhabitants of 



La Rochelle for Permission to 
Settle in, ii. 190 ; Emigration to, 
after the Revocation, ii. 197 

Massachusetts, the Council of, 
Grants the use of the Latin 
School House to the Refugees in 
Boston, ii. 221 ; Grants a License 
to Collect Funds for the Erection 
of a House of Worship, ii. 222 ; 
Grants Relief for the Support of 
the French Minister, ii. 235 

Massachusetts, the General Court 
of, makes a grant for the Settle- 
ment of New Oxford, ii. 168 ; 
Orders a Collection for the Re- 
lief of the French Protestant 
Refugees, ii. 195 ; The Council 
of, Orders a Collection for the 
same Purpose, ii. 199 ; Admits 
all French Protestants to dwell 
in the Colony, ii. 198 

Massacre at La Caroline, i. 72 

Massacre in Provence, i. 23 

Massacre of Vassy, i. 59 

Masselin. i. 70 

Masse, Pierre, ii. 20 

Massomuck, Indian Village, ii. 

Mather, Cotton, Minister of the 
Second Church in Boston, ii. 
228 ; Befriends the Huguenot 
Refugees, ii. 228, 253 ; His Ac- 
count of the Persecutions in 
France, ii. 229, 230, 304 

Mather, Increase, Minister of the 
Second Church in Boston, ii. 224; 
Befriends the Huguenot Refu- 
gees, ii. 224 ; Correspondence of 
Daille with, ii. 224 

Mauber, le Pre de, La Rochelle, i. 
276, 277 ; ii. 276, 277 

Maulard, Susanne, ii. 98 

Maurice, Prince, The Ship i. 185 ; 
Wreck of, i. 185 

Mauritius, the. See Hudson River 

Maury Family, the, ii. 36 

Mauvoisin in Guyenne, ii. 143 

Mauze, Ce>ar, i. 297 

Mauze in Aunis, Refugees from, i. 
300, 301 

Mawney. See Moine, la 

May, Cornells Jacobsen, Comman- 
der, of the Ship New Netherland, 
i. 170 

Mazicq Family, the, i. 310, 311 ; 
Isaac, i. 310, 311 ; Paul, i. 310 

Meaux, Persecution at, i. 23 ; Ref- 
ugees from the Neighborhood of, 
ii. 104 

Mechlin, Walloon Church of, i. 

Medrield, Massachusetts, ii. 136 

Medis in Saintonge, Refugees 
from, ii. 38 

Melet, Jean, ii. 32, 59 ; Madame, 
ii. 32 

Me'min, Auguste, ii. 61 ; Jean, ii. 

Menardeau, ii. 298 

Menendez, Pedro, de Abila, Sent 
by Philip II. to Dislodge the 
French, i. 71 ; Lands on the 
Coast of Florida, i. 72 ; Sur- 
prises the French Fort La Caro- 
line, i. 74 ; Puts Ribaut and 
His Followers to the Sword, i. 


Menigault, Elizabeth, Widow of 
Jean Laurent, ii. 282, 283 

Menissier, Jacqueline, ii. 65 

Mennin, Jehan, i. 70 

"Men of Estates" Among the 
Huguenot Refugees Arrive in 
Boston, ii. 204 

Menou, Susanne, ii. 98 

Mercereau, Daniel, ii. 20 ; Josue, 
ii. 20 ; Marie, ii. 147 

Mercier, i. 326 ; Abraham, ii. 64 

Mercier, Andie le, Huguenot Min- 
ister, Becomes Pastor of the 
French Church in Boston, ii. 
239: His First Sermon, ii. 240, 
241 ; Testifies to the Kindness 
of the Public Authorities and 
Ministers Toward the Refugees, 
ii. 222-224; Preaching of, ii. 242; 
Writings of, ii. 242, 243 , Phil- 
anthropic Exertions of, ii. 243- 
245 ; Death of, ii. 245 ; Will of, 
ii. 245, 246 ; Jacquine, ii. 64, 65; 
Isaac, i. 292, 232 

Mercier, Bartholomew, i. 292 ; ii. 

213, 245 

Merie, Jacques, i- 290 

Me'rindol in Dauphiny, ii. 116 

Merindol in Provence, ii. 120 

Merlet, Gedeon, i. 183 

Merlin, Paul, i. 290, 232 

Meschers in Saintonge, ii. 36 ; 
Refugees from, ii. 37, 38, 56 

Mesnard, Daniel, ii. 28 ; Made- 
leine, i, 292 ; Elizabeth, ii. 138 



Mestayer, Elie, i. 306 ; Franpois 

and Philippe, i. 306 
Mesureur, le, i. 65 
Mesurole, Jean, i. 182 
Metz in Lorraine, ii. 107 ; burning 

of Leclerc at, i. 58 
Michaelius, Jonas, Dutch Minister, 

Preaches and Administers the 

Lord's Supper to the Walloons 

in New Amsteidam, i. 176 
Michaud, Pierre, i. 306, 310 
Micheaux, Abraham, ii. 109 
Michel, Captain Jacques, i. 1 13 ; 

"A Furious Calvinist," i. 113 ; 

Death of, 115 
Micou, Paul, ii. go 
Migault, Jean, Autobiography of, 

"• 55 
Milard, ii. 298 
Milford, Connecticut, Huguenot 

Settlers in, ii. 132, 144, 2S1, 

310, 330-335 
Millet, Jean, ii. 213, 233, 266, 269, 

Mill, The, at Oxford, Mass, ii. 257, 


Ministers, French Protestant, go 
to Brazil, i. 33 ; To Florida, i. 
70 ; To Acadia, i. 89 

Minuit, Peter, i. 175 ; a Walloon, 
i. 175 ; Director of New Neth- 
erland, i. 175 

Minvielle, David, ii. 143 ; Ga- 
briel, ii. 138, 139, 140; Peter, 
ii. 143 

Mirambeau in Saintonge, Refu- 
gees from, ii. 42, 170 

Missionary Zeal Among the Hu- 
guenots, i. 95 

Missions, Protestant, to the 
Heathen : in Brazil, i. 33 ; 
Prospects of, i. 39 ; Discourage- 
ments of, i. 42 ; In Acadia, i. 
95 ; Partial Success of, i. 95 

Massacre of St. Bartholomew's 
Day, i. 148 ; Emigration Imme- 
diately After the, to Great Britain 
and Holland, i. 149 

Mohegan Indians, the. ii. 279 

Moine, Jacques le, i. S2, 298 ; 
Pierre le, ii. 82, 298, 310, 31 1 

Moise in Saintonge, ii. 19, 20 

Money, Henri de, ii. 138 

Monier, Jacques, i.183; Marie, i. 
288 ; Pierre, i. 183 

Monks, Converted, Preach in , 

Saintonge, i. 81 ; Take Ref- 
uge in " the Islands " of Oleron, 
Marennes and Arvert, i. 82 ; 
Several Burned at the Stake, i. 
82. See Friars 

Monnie, Sarah, ii. 50 

Mons, Walloon Church of, i. 149 

Montagne, de la, i. 151 ; Jean 
Mousnier, i. 174 ; Accompanies 
Jesse de Forest to America, i. 
174; Returns to Holland, i. 
175 ; Marries Rachel de Forest, 
i- 175 ; Doctor, Goes Back to 
New Netherlands, i. 175 

Montagne, Rachel de la, Wife of 
Gyzbert Imbroch, i. 193 ; Cap- 
tured by the Indians, i. 196 

Montauban in Guyenne, ii. 137, 
142, 143 

Monteils, Pierre, ii. 121, 122 

Montel, ii. 266, 281 ; Gabriel, ii. 

Montier, Jacques, ii. 74, 213, 281 

Montivilliers in Normandy, ii. 82 

Montmorency, Compagnie, i. 106 ; 
Privileges of, i. 106 

Montmorency, Duke of, Made 
Viceroy of New France, i. 106 ; 
Gives the Monopoly of Trade 
with Canada to a Body of Mer- 
chants, i. 106 ; succeeded by the 
Duke of Ventadour, i. 108 

Montpellier in Languedoc, Prot- 
estantism in, ii. 119 ; Persecu- 
tion in, ii. 120; Refugees from, 
ii. 121, 122, 123 

Moms, Pierre du Gua, Sieur de, 
Accompanies Chauvin to the St. 
Lawrence, i. 85 ; His Character, 
i. 88 ; Obtains from Henry IV. 
a Commission to Possess and 
Settle a Territory in North 
America, i. 84 ; Not Required to 
Propagate the Roman Catholic 
Faith Among the Savages, i. 96 ; 
Organizes a Company, i. 88 ; 
Sails from Havre de Grace, i. SS; 
Attempts to Form a Settlement 
at the Mouth of the St. Croix, i. 
93 ; Removes to Port Royal, i. 
93 ; His Privileges of Tiade 
Wi'hdrawn, i. 99 : Abandons 
Port Royal, i. 100 ; Retains his 
Commission, i. 100 : Obtains a 
Renewal of his Privileges of 
Tiade, i. 101 ; Undertakes the 



Settlement of Canada, i. 101 ; 

Sends Champlain to the St. 

Lawrence, i. 101 ; Parts with his 

Commission, i. 103 ; Is made 

Governor of Pons, in Saintonge, 

i. 104 ; His Commission Viewed 

with an evil eye by the Jesuits, i. 

Moreau, Jean, ii. 60 ; Jeanne, ii. 

64 ; Marthe, ii. 22 
Morin Family, the, ii. 158 ; Jean, 

ii. 56 ; Minister, ii. 20 ; Marie, 

Wife of Louis Guion, i. 300 ; 

Moi'se, ii. 56, 21 ; Pierre, i. 290; 

ii. 25 ; Samuel, ii. 56, 61 
Morocco, Slavery in, ii. 27 
Morrall, Peter, ii. 191 
Morrye, Marie, ii. 21 
Mortagne. See St. Seurin de 
Mothe, de la. See Caen, Guillaume 

Motte, Jean Henri la, ii. 118, 119 
Mouchamps in Poitou, Refugees 

from, ii. 53, 54 
Moulinars, Jean Joseph Brumaud 

de, Minister, ii. 133 
Mounart, Franchise, ii. 61 
Mounier, Louis, i. 311 ; Pierre, i. 

Mourgue, Jean, of Villemande, 

Languedoc, ii. 266, 269 ' 
Mousset, Thomas, ii. 204, 213, 

233, 281 
Muce, David, Marquis de la, ii. 87 
Muce, Marguerite de la, ii. 89 
Muce, Olivier, Marquis dela, ii. 87; 

His Arrest and Imprisonment, 

ii. 88 ; His Release, ii. 88 ; 

Leads an Expedition to Virginia, 

ii. 89, 177, 178 
Muce-Ponthus, Bonaventure de la, 

ii. 87 
Muce-Ponthus, La, House of, ii. 

Mucot, Andre, i. 299 
Murdock, Phoebe, ii. 248 
Musson, Paroisse de Medis, en 

Saintonge, Refugees from, ii. 39 

Nails, Huguenots of New England 
Engage in the Manufacture of, 
ii. 217, 317 

Names, Huguenot, Anglicized, ii. 

Nansemond River, Virginia, Con- 

templated Settlement on the, ii. 

Nantes, Edict of, Happy Effects of 
the, i. 79 ; Its Execution Bitterly 
Opposed by the Clergy, i. 83 

Nantes in Bretagne, ii. 87 

Nanteuil - les - Meaux, Refugees 
from, ii. 104 

Narragansett Country, Rhode 
Island, the, ii. 212, 293 ; A 
Party of Refugees Design to 
Settle in, ii. 170; Disputes Con- 
cerning the Ownership of, ii. 293, 
294, 300, 309 ; Climate of, ii. 299 

Narragansett, Huguenot Colony in, 
i. 304 ; ii. 15, 32. 36, 49, 82, 291 ; 
Families Composing the, ii. 298 ; 
Prospects of the, ii. 299 ; Incip- 
ient Troubles of the, ii. 300-302 ; 
Protes'ant Character of the, Sus- 
pected, ii. 304-307 ; Domiciliary 
Visits to the, ii. 305, 306 ; The 
Oath of Allegiance Administered 
to the, ii. 306 

Narragansett, Proprietors of. See 
Atherton Company 

Naturalization, Anxiety of the 
Refugees for the Registration of 
their Letters of, ii. 205 

Naturalization of French Protest- 
ants in England, a General Act 
for the, Promised, ii. 172 ; Let- 
ters-Patent of, Granted, ii. 173 ; 
Conditions of, ii. 173 ; Patent 
Rolls of, ii. 173 ; Petitions for. 
ii. 174 ; Granted by the Colonial 
Legislatures, ii. 174 ; The Right 
of the Colonial Governors to 
Grant, Denied by England, ii. 

Naudin Andre, ii. 36, 51 ; Ar- 
nauld, ii. 35, 36 ; Elie, ii. 34, 


Naugatuck River, the, ii. 333 

Navigation, Uncertainties of, ii. 

Neau, Elie, ii. 214 ; Birthplace of, 
ii. 19 ; In the Antilles, i. 214 ; 
His Religious Experience, i. 215 ; 
In Boston, ii. 197 ; Becomes Ac- 
quainted with Eliot, ii. 197 ; His 
Opinion of the "Praying Indi- 
ans," ii. 197 

Neau, Jean, ii. 213 

Neufville, Jean de, i. 232 ; ii. 62, 
63 ; Marie Prudence, ii. 63 



Nevis, W. I., Island of, i. 207 

New Amsterdam, (New York,) 

First Visited by a Minister of 

Religion, i. 176 ; Appearance 

of, in 1660, i. 189 

Newberry Plantati n, R. I., ii. 295 

New England, Huguenots from, 

Canada Remove to, i. 124 
Newfoundland, Huguenots in, i. 
145 ; Persecution of, i. 145-147 
Newfoundland, the Banks of, Fre- 
quented by French Fishermen, 
i. 80 
Newfoundland, Trade With, ii. 30 
New France, Early Attempts to 
Settle, i. 84 ; Foundations of, 
Laid in Religious Freedom and 
Toleration, i. 87 ; Company of, 
i. 108 '; Takes Possession of 
Canada, i. 116 
New Jersey, Huguenot Settlers in, 
i. 295 ; ii. 32, 75, So, 117, 134, 

New London, Connecticut, ii. 279 
New Netherland, i. 148-200 ; ii. 
296 ; becomes an English Pos- 
session, i. 200 
"New Netherland," The Ship, 
Sails from the Texel, i. 169 ; 
Her Passengers, i. 169, 172, 
173 ; Arrives at Manhattan, i. 

New Oxford, Mass. See Oxford 
New Paltz, Ulster County.N. Y., 

Huguenot Settlement of, ii. 19, 

49, 108 
Newport, Rhode Island, ii. 141 ; 

283, 315, 319 ; Gabriel Bernon 

in, ii. 316 ; Lord Bellomont in, 

New Rochelle, N. Y., French 

Church in, ii 133 
New Rochelle, N. Y., Huguenot 

Settlers in, i. 211, 291, 301 ; ii. 

22, 25, 34, 36, 37, 38, 40, 57, 58, 

63, 74, 79, I02, I32, 140, I4I, 
212, 225, 28l, 310. 

New Rochelle, N. Y., Settled in 
Part by Huguenot Families 
From the Island of Saint Chris- 
topher, i. 211 ; First Pastor of, 
i. 211 

New Village, The, Afterwards 
Hurley, N. Y., i. 193 ; Destroyed 
by the Indians, i. 194 ; Capture 
of Walloon Families at, i. 195 

New York, Huguenots from Can= 
ada Remove to, i. 124 ; Hugue- 
nots from the Antilles Escape 
to, i. 231 ; Huguenot Settlers in, 
i. 287. 300, 304 ; ii. 16, 18, 19, 
20, 21, 22, 26, 27, 28, 31, 32, 

36. 37, 39. 42, 49. 52, 53. 54, 
55. 56, 58, 62, 63, 69, 71, 72, 
74, 79, 8t, 90, 92, iot, 103, 
107, 108, 118, 121, 122, 123, 
138, 142, 143, 147, 310 

New York, Protestant Reformed 
Dutch Church of, ii. 225 

Nezereau, Elie, i. 290 ; James, 
Lewis, Martin, i. 290 

Nicholas. Andre, ii, 17 ; Jacques, 
dit Petit Bois, ii. 42 

Nicolas, St., Fort of, in La Ro- 
chelle, i. 274 

Niort in Poitou, i. 301 ; ii. 213 ; 
Sufferings of Protestants in 
Villages Near, ii. 54 ; Refugees 
from, ii. 54 

Nipmuck Country, Mass. , ii. 168, 


Nipmuck Indians, The, in the 
Vicinity of Oxford, Mass., ii. 
256-8 ; Took Part in Philip's 
War, ii. 277 ; Punished, ii. 277; 
Sluggish and Pacific, ii. 271, 
277 ; Sale of Rum to, it. 272 ; 
Incited by Emissaries from Can- 
ada to Rise against the English, 
ii. 284-286 

Nismes in Languedoc, Protestant- 
i>m in, ii. 131 ; Persecution of 
the Protestants of, ii. 131 ; Ref- 
ugees from, ii. 1 32-132 

Nitherohy, Bay of. See Rio de 

Noailles, Duke of, ii. 132 

Nobility, Protestant, of Aunis, ii. 
283, seq ; of Normandy, Bre- 
tagne and Picardy, ii. 66, seq. 

Noger, Susanne, ii. 139 

Nonant, Barons of, ii. 75 

Non-Conformist Churches, French, 
in England, Proportion of, ii. 165 

Non-Conformists, the English, wel- 
come the French Refugees, ii. 

Nonnelle, Anne, ii. 138 
Nord, Dcpartement du, i. 149 
Norfolk County, Mass., ii. 204 
Norfolk, Virginia, Contemplated 

Settlement in, ii. 178 



Normand, Philippe, ii. 59 

Normandy, ii. 239, 313 ; Flight 
■ from, after the Massacre of St. 
Bartholomew's Day, i. 149 ; at 
the Revocation, ii. 66-83 ; Prot- 
estantism in, ii. 67, seq. ; Set- 
tlers from, in New Netherland, 
i. 179 ; Renewed Emigration 
from, i. 182 

Northern Provinces, Flight from 
the, ii. 66-106 

Norwalk, Connecticut, ii. 146,280 

Nottinghamshire, England, the 
Brownists from, i. 154 

Noue, Franyois, Sieur de la, [Bras- 
de-fer,] ii. 88 

Noue, Pierre, i. 186 

Nova Scotia, under Lieutenant- 
Governor Mascarene, i. 141 

Nova Scotia, ii. 244, 251. See 

Nud, Nicholas le, ii. 79 

Nuns of Quebec, Pious Ingenuity 
of one of the, i. 1 19, 120 ; 
Daughters of the " New Con- 
verts" to be sent to the, i. 146 

Nuquerque, Marie Madeleine, ii. 

Occoquan Creek, Virginia, ii. 170 

Old South Church, Boston, ii. 212 

Oleron, Isle of, ii. 24 

Olivier, Antoine, ii. 213 

Olmy, Herman, ii. 154 

Olry, Jean, of Metz, Sentenced to 

Transportation to the Antilles, 

i. 223 
Ony, Elizabeth, ii. 122 
Oraille, le Sieur d', Goes with De 

Monts to Acadia, i. 89 
Orange County, New York, ii. 19 ; 

Huguenot Settlers in, ii. 83 
Orange, Jean 1'. See Lorange 
Orange. See Albany 
Orchards, French, in Narragansett. 

ii. 295, 299 
Orleanais, Refugees from, ii. 96, 97 
Orleans, Refugees from, ii. 96, 97 
Orsemont in Orleanais, ii. 97 
Osse in Beam, ii. 147 
Ottigny, d', Accompanies Laudon- 

niere to Florida, i. 63 
Oudenarde, Walloon Church of, 

i. 149 
Ouradour, Anne, ii, 142 

Oxford, Massachusetts, Grant of 
Lind for the Site of, ii. 168 ; 
Company of Proprietors of, ii. 
169; Huguenot Families Settle 
in, )i. 34, 209, 213 ; Aided by 
the French Church in Boston, ii. 
234 ; Settlement of, ii. 255-290, 
310; Site of, ii. 257 ; Fort of, 
ii. 263-265 ; Population of, ii. 
269 ; Abandoned, ii. 281 ; Re- 
occupied, ii. 281, 318 ; Finally 
Abandoned by the French Refu- 
gees, ii. 289 ; Settled by En- 
glishmen, ii. 289 

Oxford, Massachusetts, Huguenot 
Settlers in, ii. 14, 32, 34, 52, 82, 
83, 204 ; Huguenot Memorial 
Society of, ii. 329 

Oyster River, now Durham, New 
Hampshire, ii. 275 

Packnett. See Pacquenett 

Paillet, Andre, ii. 26, 27 

Pairan, Charlotte, wife of Andre 
Sigourney, i, 324 ; ii. 267 

Palatinate, The, i. 187 ; ii. 108 

Panetier, Jean, ii. 18 

Paparel, Andre, ii. 134 ; Ester, 
wife of Joachim Gaillard, ii. 123 

Papillon, Pierre, ii. 312 

Papin, i. 326 ; David, i. 286, 291 ; 
Elie, i, 232, 286, 291 ; Family, 
i. 286 ; Jean, ii. 28 ; Suzanne, 
wife of Elie Boudinot, i. 298, 9 ; 
ii. 140 

Paquenett, James, ii. 32 

Paquinet, Andre, ii. 32 ; Pierre, 
ii. 32 

Parat, le Sieur, Governor of Pla- 
centia, i. 145 

Parcot, Pierre, ii. 25 

Pare, Jean, ii. 195 ; Judith, wife of 
Stephen Robineau, ii. 196, 214 ; 
Marie, wife of Ezekiel Grazilier, 
ii. 196, 214 ; Susanne, wife of 
Elias Neau, ii. 196, 214 

Paris, Protestant Church of, i. 24 ; 
Visited by the Genevese Volun- 
teers for Brazil, i. 34 

Paris, Settlers in New Netherland 
from, i. 182 ; The Persecuted 
Huguenots Seek Refuge in, ii. 
99, 100 ; Refugees from, ii. 100- 

Parliament of Rouen, The, Refu- 



ses to Register De Monts' 
Commission, i. 97 ; Its Objec- 
tions Overruled, i. 98 

Parmentier, i. 186, 188 

Parquot. See Parcot 

Pasquereau, Louis, ii. 63, 64 ; 
Madeleine, wife of Pierre Fau- 
connier, ii. 63, 64 ; Pierie, ii. 64 

Passaic, N. J., ii. 28 

Pasteur, le Sieur, i. 146 ; His 
Daughter sent to the Nuns in 
Quebec, i. 146 

Pastre, Jean, ii. 214, 303, 307 

Pawcatuck River, The, ii. 293 

Peace of Amboise, ii. 67 

Pcchels, Samuel de, Sentenced to 
Transportation to the Antilles, 
i. 225 ; His Account of the Voy- 
age, i. 225 ; Humanely Treated 
in the Islands, i. 229 

Pecontal, Jean, ii. 138 

Peenpack, Valley of the, ii. 83 

Peiret, Pierre, Huguenot Minister, 
ii. 146, 147, 331 

Pelletreau, Elie, ii. 39 ; Francois, 
ii. 31 ; Jean, i. 232 ; ii. 39 ; 
Paul, ii. 39 

Peloquin, Etienne, ii. 160 ; Jacob, 
i. 287 ; Mrs. Mary Anne, Gift 
of, ii. 161 

Pennakook Tribe of Indians, in 
New Hampshire, ii. 284, 285 

Pennsylvania, Emigration to, Ad- 
vocated, ii. 170 ; Huguenot Set- 
tlers in, i. 295, 308 ; ii. 52, 76, 
80, 117, 123, 133 

Penn, William, Endeavors to Se- 
cure the French Refugees for 
his Plantations, ii. 170 

Peonage, System of, Practiced in 
the Antilles, i. 218 

Pepie, Daniel, i. 118 

Pepin, Paul, ii. 117; Alexandre, 
ii. 117 

Perdriau, Etienne, i. 291 ; Daniel, 
i. 291 ; Elizabeth and Marie, i. 
2')i ; Marguerite, i. 310 ; ii. 50 

Perie, Jean, i. 170 

Perigny, near La Rochelle, i. 282 ; 
ii. 321 

Perkins, Thomas, ii. 250 

Peion, Marthe, widow of Pierre 
l'llommedieu, i. 293 

Peronneau, Henri, i. 297; Mary, ii. 

Perot Family of Bermuda, i. 236, 

237 ; Represented in Baltimore 
and Philadelphia, i. 237 

Peirin, i. 187 

Perron, Jeanne, i. 292 

Perrotau, Anne, i. 306 

Perry, Elizabeth, wife of John 
Paul Mascarene, ii. 250 

Persecution in the Antilles, In- 
stances of, i. 215 ; Begins in 
Earnest, i. 227; Effects of, i. 229 

Persecution in France, under Fran- 
cis I., i. 23 ; Under Henry II., i. 
23 ; Under Charles IX., i. 58 ; 
Under Louis XIV., i. 180, 242- 

Persecutions Endured by the Hu- 
guenots in France, Cotton 
Mather's Account of the, ii. 
229, 230 

Petilion, Marie, ii. 108 

Petit Bois. See Nicholas, Jacques 

Petit, Judith, ii. 74 ; Marguerite, 
ii. 104 

Peyret. See Peiret 

Peyster, Johannes de, i. 200 ; Abra- 
ham de, i. 20c 

Philo Family. See Filou Family 

Philip II. Sends a Force to Dis- 
lodge the French in Florida, i. 71 

Phips, Sir William, ii. 218 

Pia, Pierre, i. 182 

Piaud, Judith, i. 288 

Picard, Louis, ii. 103 

Picardy, Flight from, After the 
Massacre of St. Bartholomew's 
Day, i. 149 ; Settlers from in 
New Netherland, i. 179 ; Linen 
Manufactories of, i. 1S1 ; Early 
Emigration from, i. 182 ; ii. 90, 
91; Refugees from, at the Period 
of the Revocation, ii. 91-96 

Piedevin, Marie, ii. 95 

Pierrot, Jean, ii. 18 

Pie, Judith, ii. 59 

Pinaud, Jean, ii. 59 ; Catharine, 
Jeanne, Paul, ii. 59 

Pineau, Jacques, ii. 314 

Pinneo Family, The, ii. 314 

Pintard, Antoine, i. 232, 235, 295 ; 
Family, i. 295 ; Margaret, wife 
of Pierre le Conte, ii. 75 ; Sam- 
uel, i. 326 

Piracy, Acts of, Perpetrated by 
Bois-le-Comte, i. 35 ; Coligny 
Denounces, i. 36 ; Dangers from, 
ii.' 182 



Pirates, Algerine, ii. 27 

Pitts, James, ii. 24S 

Placentia, Bay of, Newfoundland, 
French Colony on the, i. 145 

Plague, The Wonderful, in New 
England, i. 130, 131 

Plaine, Fleury de la. See Fleury 

Plaine, Marie de la, wife of Jean 
Le Chevalier, ii. 80 ; Nicolas de 
la, i. 183 

Plan of the Narragansett Settle- 
ment, ii. 296 

Plimpton, Ursula, ii 233 

Plymouth, England, Refugees in, 
'ii. 149, 15S 

Plymouth, Massachusetts, ii. 312, 


Poillion, i. 187 

Poillon, Jacques, ii. 147 

Poinset, Catharine, ii. 82 ; Jeanne, 
ii. 41 ; Pierre, ii. 18 

Poissant, Jacques, i. 118; ii. 317 

Poitevin, Antoine, ii. 97 

Poitier*, Jean Baptiste du. See Du 

Poitou, Province of, Early Spread 
of Piotestantism in, i. 262 ; 
Protestants from, take Refuge in 
La Rochelle, i. 313 ; One Hun- 
dred Imprisoned in La Lanterne, 
i. 313; Flight of Huguenots 
from, ii. 49-62, 213, 214, 297, 
3 r 4> 335 ; A Cluster of Protest- 
ant Villages in, ii. 54 ; Firmness 
of the Protestants of, ii. 62 

Pompierre, Normans de, i. 65 

Pons, Antoinette de, Maiquise de 
Guercheville. See Guercheville 

Pons in Saintonge, Town of, i. 104, 
301 ; ii. 42 ; Refugees from, ii. 
43 ; Demolition of the Church 
of, ii. 43 ; Elie Prioleau, Pastor 
of, ii. 43, 44 

Pont en Royans, Dauphiny, ii. 117 

Pontin, Marie, ii. 52 

Pont l'Eveque in Normandy, ii. 81 

Pont, Marine, ii. 135 

Pont, Philippe de Corguilleray, 
Sieur du, Takes the Leadership 
of the Genevese who set out for 
Brazil, i. 33 ; Reaches the Island 
Coligny, i. 36 ; Addresses Ville- 
gagnon, i. 36 ; Leaves the Island 
Coligny, i. 46 ; Returns to Eu- 
rope, i. 52 

Porcher de Richebourg.Isaac, ii. 105 

Porcher Family, The, ii. 105 

Portage, Hannah, ii. 248 

Port des Barques, Saintonge, Refu- 
gees from, ii. 14-16, 268 

Portland, The Earl of, ii. 216 

Port Royal, Acadia, Discovered by 
De Monts, i. 92 ; Granted to 
De Poutrincourt, i. 92 ; De- 
scribed, i 93 ; Lay Preaching at, 
i. 94 ; A Good Beginning made 
at, i. 99 ; Abandoned, i. 100 ; 
Re-occupied, i. 105 ; Destroyed 
by Argall, i. 105 ; Possession of, 
i. 130; Taken by Kirk, i. 114; 
Captured by Forces under Sir 
William Phips, ii. 218 

Port Royal, South Carolina, Chan- 
nel of, i. 61 

Portsmouth, New Hampshire, ii. 

214, 275 

Portuguese, The, Hated by the 
Brazilian Savages, i. 29 ; Prox- 
imity of, to the French Settlement 
in Brazil, i. 30 ; Ciuelty of, to 
some of the French Protestants, 
i. 54 ; Under Menendez, i. 72 

Postel, Marie, ii. 27 

Potell, Jean, ii. 80 

Pougnin, David, ii. 55 

Poupin, Madeleine, ii. 37 

Poutrincourt, Jean de Biencourt, 
Baron de, Accompanies DeMonts 
to Acadia, i. 90 ; His Hostility to 
the Jesuits, i. 94 note ; Remnant 
of his Colony, i. 131 ; Re-en- 
forced, i. 131 

Powell, Anna, ii. 250 

Pra, Pierre, i. 182 

Prioleau, Elie, Minister of Pons, i. 
301 ; ii. 43, 44 ; Elisee, Pasteur, 
i. 301 ; ii. 43 ; Samuel, Pasteur, 
i. 301 ; ii. 43, 44 ; Margaret, i. 

Protestant Churches of France. See 
Reformed Churches of France 

Protestant Church of Paris, the 
first in France, i. 24 

Protestant Fisherman, Adventure of 
a, i. 130 

Protestant French, The, Suspected 
as Disguised Papists, ii. 304, 305 ; 
Vindicated by the Government of 
Massachusetts, ii. 306 

" Protestant Princes," The, ii. 30 

Protestantism in France, Its Early 
Spread, i. 22 ; Anxious Outlook 



for, i. 22 ; Its Extirpation Sought, 
i. 23 ; Its Growth in spite of Re- 
pressive Legislation, i. 24 ; Its 
Existence Recognized by the 
Edict of January, 1562, i. 59 ; 
Weakened by Persecution, i. 

Protestant Settlers in Acadia, i. 132 

Providence, la. See Hospital in 
London for Poor French Protest- 

Provence, Refugees from, ii. 118 

Providence, Rhode Island, ii. 2S8 

Provost, Elias, i. 290. 

Provost, David, i. 200 ; Guillaume, 
i. 200 

Psalms, The French Metrical, ii. 

Psalms, The, Relating to the Afflic- 
tions of the Church, Sung Kneel- 
ing, ii. 232 

Psalm v., Marot's Version, i. 37 

Psalm civ., i. 47. Psalms cxxviii., 
cxxx., i. 68 

Psalm cxxxvii., i. 198 

Psalms, Singing of the Huguenot, 
in Brazil, i. 47 ; in Florida, i. 68; 
off the Banks of Newfoundland, 
i. 81 : on the St. Lawrence, i. 
103 ; Forbidden, i. 108 ; in Cap- 
tivity among the Savages, i. 198; 
in the Antilles, i. 206 

Puritans, The, in Leyde ', i. 154 ; 
Purpose to Emigrate to America, 
i. 155; Negotiations of, with the 
Virginia Company, i. 156; with 
the Dutch Government, i. 157 ; 
Embark for America, i. 157 

Puylaurens in Languedoc, ii. 134 

Pyoset, Charles, Minister, ii. 167 

Quantin, Isaac, ii. 36 

Quebec, Settlement of, i. 101 ; Su- 
perb Situation of, i. 101 ; Fran- 
ciscan Friars at, i. 107; Arrival of 
Three Jesuit Fathers at, i. 107 ; 
Huguenots at, i. 107 ; Captured 
by Louis Kirk, i. 114 ; Held by 
the English, i. 1 14 ; Restored to 
the French, i. 115; Unsuccessful 
Attack on, ii. 218, 219 ; English 
Children Carried by the Indians 
to, ii. 274 

Quebec, The Bishop of, i. 121 ; 

Supervision of, over Acadia, i. 
Quintard Family, The, ii. 158 ; 
Laac, ii. 38. 56, 60 ; the Rt Rev. 
C. T., ii. 60 

Radnor, The Earl of, ii. 157 
Raleau, le Sieur, Secretary of De 

Monts, i. 89 
Rambert, Elie. See Rembert 
Ramilies, in Belgium, Battle of, 

May 23, 1706. ii. 237 
Rapalie, George de, 172 ; Settles 
on the Wallabout, i. 177 ; Sarah, 
i. 172 
Rapin, M. de, ii. 130 
Rappe, Gabriel, i. 308 ; Nicolas, i. 

Rassin, Anne, i. 310 ; ii. 51 
Ratier, Jacob, ii. 298, 310 
Rayneau, David, i. 292. See Re- 
tt aud 
Ravard Family, The, ii. 58; Pierre, 

ii- 59 
Ravenel Family, The, ii. 85 
Rawlings, Jean, ii. 214, 231, 233, 

Reading, Massachusetts, ii. 193 
Reformation, Spread of the, in the 

Seaboard Provinces of France, 

i. 262 
Reformed Churches of France, 

First National Synod of, i. 24 ; 

Presbyterian Organization of, i. 

25, 239 
Refugees, The French Protestant, 
in Massachusetts and Rhode 
Island, Viewed with Suspicion, 
ii. 304 ; Legislation Concerning, 
ii. 305 ; Domiciliary Visits to, ii. 

305, 306 

Registration of Naturalized Refu- 
gees, ii. 204. 205 

Regrenie, Paul, i. 305 

Regrenier, i. 187 

Regreny, Marie, i. 305 

Re, Island of, Described, i. 302 ; 
Inhabitants of, i. 302 ; Refu- 
gees in, 50, 51 ; Refugees from, 
i. 303-311 ; ii. 24 

Relics, a Novel Use of, i. 119 

Religious Liberty, in New Fiance, 
Secured under De Monts' Com- 
mission, i. 86, 97 ; Enjoyed, i. 
110; Complained of, i. no; in 



France, under the Edict of 
Nantes, i. no, in 

Remberf, Andre, ii. 117 ; Elie, ii. 
22, 298,(310 ; Jacques, ii. 22 

Remes, ii. 272 

Remittances, the Refugees Re- 
ceive, from Correspondents in 
France, ii. 217 

Renard, Martin, i. 182 

Renaud, Daniel, ii . 298 ; Family, i. 

Reneau, Jacques, i. 182 

Renee of France, Daughter of 
Louis XII., i. 43, 33S, 341 

Renegades, Huguenots, in New 
York, so styled, i. 123 ; in Bos- 
ton, ii. 196 

" Renegats FranQais," ii. 196 

Renel, Susanne, ii. 108 

Rennat, i. 70 

Requa, Claude, ii. 101 ; Family, 
ii. 100, ior 

Resseguier, Family, ii. 146 ; Alex- 
andre de, ii. 146 ; Jeanne de, wife 
of Jacques Laborie, ii. 145, 282 

Reverdy, Pierre, ii. 56 ; Benoni, 
ii. 56 ; Catharine, ii. 56 

Revere, Paul, ii. 254 

Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 
Approach of the, i. 238-257 ; 
Not a Political Necessity, i. 241 ; 
Its Possibility Contemplated, i. 
242 ; Preparatives for the, i. 
243-257 ; Provisions of the Edict 
of the, 258, 259 ; Judgment 
of the Duke of Saint-Simon upon 
the, i. 259-261 ; Consequences 
of the, in Canacfa, i. 126, 127 

Reynaud Family, The, ii. 40 

Reyneau, Daniel, ii. 40 

Rezeau, Rene, i. 305 

Rhode Island, Boundary Disputes 
of, ii. 291 ; Huguenot Settle- 
ment in, ii. 291 ; Huguenot Set- 
tlers in, ii. 15, 32, 36, 49, 82, 96, 

134. 135, Mi 

Ribaut, Jacques, Accompanies Jean 
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69 

Ribaut, Jean, Chosen by Coligny 
to Lead the First Expedition to 
Florida, i. 60 ; Sails from 
Havre.i. 60 ; Lands Near Beau- 
fort, S. C, i. 61 ; Builds 
Charlesfort, i. 62 ; Returns to 
France, i. 62 ; Enters the Hu- 
guenot Ranks, i. 63 ; Takes 

Refuge in England, i. 63 ; 
Appointed by Coligny to Con- 
duct the Third Expedition to 
Florida, i. 69 ; Supersedes Lau- 
donniere, i. 70 ; Reaches La 
Caroline, i. 70 ; Pursues the 
Spanish Fleet under Menendez, 
i. 72 ; is Shipwrecked, i. 73 ; Sur- 
renders to Menendez, i. 74; Is 
Murdered, i. 75 
Ribouleau, Nicolas, i. 308 
Ribouteau, Gabriel, ii. 52; Etienne, 

ii. 52 
Richard, Jean Pierre, ii. 136 ; 

Paul, i. 182 ; Pierre, i. 182 
Richebourg, Claude Philippe de, 

Minister, ii. 105, 177 
Richebourg, The Counts of, ii. 105 
Richelieu, Cardinal, at the Head 
of the Company of New France, 
i. 108 ; his Policy, i. 109 
Richer, Denis, ii. 15, note 
Richer, Pierre, called De Lisle, 
Minister, goes to Brazil, i. 33 ; 
Visits the Newly-formed Church 
in Paris, i. 34 ; Preaches on the 
Lland Coligny, i. 38 ; Writes to 
Calvin, i. 41 ; Returns to France, 
i. 52 ; his Subsequent History, 
i. 53 ; Letters of, i. 329-335 
Richmond in Virginia, ii. 178 
Ridouet Antoine de. See Sance 
Rio de Janeiro, a Misnomer, i. 29 ; 
Discovery of, i. 29 ; Described, 
i. 29 
Rivasson, Jeanne, ii. 141 
Rivedoux, Sieurs de, i. 283, 284 
Rivedoux, on the Isle of Re, i. 283 
River of May, now the St. John's, 

i. 61 
Robbins, Rev. Ammi R., ii. 313 
Robert, Christopher R., i. 287 
Robert College, Constantinople, i. 

Robert, Daniel, i. 2S6, 291 
Robert Family, The, i. 286 
Robert, Minister, Accompanies the 
Third Expedition to Florida, i. 
70 ; Escapes from La Caroline, 

i. 74 

Robineau, Etienne, ii. 196, 214, 

298, 310 
Robinet, Louise, i- 311 
Robinson, John, i. 154, 156 
Roche Chalais, la, in Perigord, iL 




Roche, Susanne, ii. 139 

Rocheferriere, de la, Accompanies 
Laudonniere to Florida, i. 63 

Rochefort, Prisons of, ii. 21 

Rochefoucauld, Dina de la, wife of 
Isaac liertrand du Tuffeau, ii. 259 

Rochelle, La, The City of, Its 
Present Appearance, i. 273 ; Its 
History, i. 264, 275 ; Early Wel- 
comes the Reformed Doc- 
trines, i. 265 ; Becomes the Cit- 
adel of the Reformed Party, i. 
266; The "Grand Temple" of, 
i. 276 ; First Siege of, i. 266 ; 
Second Siege of, i. 113, 267; 
Is Taken by Louis XIII., i. 267; 
Is Dismantled, i. 268 ; Loses its 
Political Importance, i. 268 ; 
The "Prgche de Maubec," or 
Second " Temple" of, i. 276 ; 
Relations of, With Canada, i. 
121 ; Wih Acadia, i. 131, 136, 
144; Settlers from, in Acadia, i. 
131 ; In New Netherland, i. 
182 ; Continues Exempt from 
many Inflictions Felt Elsewhere, 
i. 268 ; Three Hundred Fami- 
lies Expelled from, i. 269 ; Some 
of Which Remove to America, i. 
270-273 ; Commencement of 
Severe Persecution in, i. 312 ; 
Huguenot Families of, i. 277- 
297 ; The Leading Protestants 
of, Summoned before the Gover- 
nor, i. 313 ; The " Temple" of, 
Demolished, i. 313 ; The Dra- 
gonnades in, i. 313-316 ; Forced 
Conversions in, i. 316, 317 ; 
Flight of many Huguenots from, 
i- 317—325 ; Continued Exist- 
ence of Protestantism in, i. 178, 

Rochelle, George de, i. 296 

Rochester, or Kingstown, R. I., ii. 
295, 306 

Rochette, Susanne, Escape of, ii. 

Roi, Catharine, i. 296 

Rolland, Pierre, ii. 33 ; Jean, ii. 
33 ; Abraham, ii. 33 

Romans in Duiphiny, ii. 112 

Rombouts, Francois, i. 183 

Rondeau, Michel, ii. 28 

Rcmduut, N. Y., i. 190 

Roos, Cornelia, widow of EUas 
Provost, i. 290 

Roquette, La, i. 65 

Rosin, Manufacture of, ii. 216, 217, 
318, 320 

Rosoy, near Meaux, ii. 104 

Rouen in Normandy, i. 200 ; 
Protestantism in, ii. 72 ; Perse- 
cution in, ii. 72, 73 ; Refugees 
from, ii. 73-76 

Rouffi, Accompanies Ribaut to 
Florida, i. 60 

Roufigny in Poitou, ii. 58 

Rousseau, Jacques, Goes to Brazil, 

i- 33 
Rousserie, Franc^ois de, ii. 123 
Roux, Jacob, ii. 32 ; Jean, ii. 32 
Roux, le, Pierre, ii. 32, 36 
Roviquet, Nicolas, Goes to Brazil, 

'■ 33 
Roxbury, Massachusetts, ii. 141, 

213 ; Huguenots Se.tle in, ii. 

Roxbury, New. See Woodstock 
Roy, Anne le, ii. 77 ; Judith le, ii. 

Roy, Joseph, ii. 193, 214 

Royan, in Saintonge, ii. 36 ; Refu- 
gees from, ii. 36 

Royer, Noe, ii. 64 ; Sebastien, ii. 64 

Rues, Jean Paul de, i. 183 

Rum, Sale of, to the Indians, ii. 
272, 273, 284 

Rupell, George. See Rochelle, de 

Rusland, Pierre, ii. 22 

Rutan, Abraham, ii. 108 

Ryswick, Peace of, ii. 282 

Sable, Cape, i. 90 

Sable Island, Nova Scotia, Andre 
Le Mercier Obtains a Grant of, 
ii. 244 ; Shipwrecks on, ii. 244, 


Sagard, the Jesuit, i. 1 10 ; Anec- 
dote Related by, i. no 

Sailly, Charles de, accompanies 
the Marquis de la Muce to Vir- 
ginia, ii. 177 

Saint Ambroix, Languedoc, ii. 134 

Saint Andre de Valborgne, Lan- 
guedoc, ii. 134 

Saint Aubin, Island of Jersey, ii. 


Saint Catharine Gasthuis, Leyden, 

i. 154 
Saint Christopher, W. I., i. 203 ; 
ii. 29 ; Chief in Importance 
Among the French Islands, i. 



203 ; Description of, by a Hu- 
guenot Pastor, i. 203 ; French 
Protestant Church of, i. 206 ; ii. 
225 ; Engli>h Quarter of, Well 
Provided with Churches, i. 207 ; 
Huguenot Families of, that Re- 
moved to Massachusetts, New 
York and South Carolina, i. 210 ; 
Some Huguenot Families of, Re- 
mained for More than One Gen- 
eration, i. 210 ; List of American 
Huguenot Names in, i. 211 ; 
French Protestant Refugees from 
the Island of, i. 231 ; ii. 225 ; 
Reach Boston, ii. 225 

Saint-Clerk, Goes with Ribaut to 
Florida, i. 70 

Saint Croix River, Attempted Set- 
tlement of De Monts at the 
Mouth of, i. 93 

Saint Denis, Captain, Killed by the 
Mob in Honfleur, i. 35 

Saint Etienne, Charles de. See 
La Tour, Sieur de 

Saint Etienne, Claude de. See La 
Tour, Sieur de 

Saint Eustatius, W. I., Island of, 
Preaching in French in, i. 208 ; 
Huguenot Families from, Re- 
move to Bermuda, i. 235, 236 ; 
Names of French Protestants in, 

i. 235 # 
Saintes in Saintonge, i. 174, 292 
Saint Froul in Saintonge, ii. 21 
Saint Gelais in Poitou, i. 301 
Saint Georges in Saintonge, ii. 36 ; 

Refugees from, ii. 37 
Saint Germain, Peace of, i. 148 
Saint Helier, Island of Jersey, ii. 191 
Saint Jean d' Angely, Saintonge, 

Refugees from, ii. 41 
Saint John River, La Tour Builds 

a Fort at the Mouth of, i. 135 
Saint John's Bluff, i. 65 
Saint John's Church, Providence, 

Rhode Island, ii. 322, 323 
Saint Julien Family, ii. 85, 86 ; 

Louis de, ii. 85, 86 ; Pierre de, 

Sieur de Malacare, ii. 85, 86 
Saint Kitts, Island of. See Saint 

Saint Lawrence River, Visited by 

Champlain, i. 101 ; Traders on 

the, i. 102 
Saint Lo in Normandy, Refugees 

from, ii. 80 

Saint Maixent in Poitou, ii. 60 ; 
Refugets from, ii. 60 

Saint Malo in Bretagne, ii. 315 ; 
the Merchants of, Oppose De 
Monts, i. 100 ; Admitted as Part- 
ners with De Monts, i. 102 

Saint Mark's Church, Bristol, En- 
gland, ii. 159 

Saint Martin, Isle of Re, i. 302, 
305, 308 

Saint Martir., W. I., Island of, 
Preaching in French in the, i. 208 

Saint Mary, Bay of, i. 90 

Saint Nazaire in Saintonge, Refu- 
gees from, ii. 16, 17 

Saintonge, The Province of, Now 
Embraced in the Department 
of Charente -Inferieure, ii. J3 ; 
Coast Line of, ii. 13 ; Early 
Spread of Protestantism in, ii. 
13 ; Settlers from, in Acadia, i. 
132 ; Flight of the Huguenots 
from, ii. 13, 268 

Saint Palais in Saintonge, ii. 36 ; 
Refugees from, ii. 36 

Saint Paul's Cathedral, London, 
Rebuilt after the Fire, ii. 150 

Saint Paul's Church, Narragansett, 
Rhode Island, ii. 322, 323 

Saint Pierre, Cathedral of, Geneva, 
Solemn Religious Services in the, 

i. 32 

Saint Quentin in Picardy, Refugees 
from, ii. 91 

Saint Sauveur, Church of, in La 
Rochelle, Occupied by Protest- 
ants and Romanists Jointly, i. 

Saint Sebastian, (Rio de Janeiro,) 

i. 54 
Saint Seurin de Mortagne, Sain- 
tonge, Refugees from, ii. 40 
Saint Severe in Berri, Refugees 

from, ii. 105 
Saint Simon, Duke of, i. 259 
Saint Surin in Poitou, i. 301 
Salavy, Marguerite de, ii. 125 
Sale Accompanies Ribaut to Flor- 
ida, i. 60 
Sale, Jacques, i. 65 
Salem, Massachusetts, French Prot- 
estants from the Channel Islands 
Settle in, ii. 190 ; Refugees from 
France Arrive in, ii. 200; the 
" French House" in, ii. 201 
Salenave, Jean Pierre de, ii. 20 



Salle, Abraham, i. 308 

Salle, Pierre la, ii. 138 

Salt, Huguenots of New England 
Engage in the Manufacture of, 
ii. 217 

Salue, Philippe, ii. 141 

Samborne, Anne, Wife of Jean le 
Bas, ii. 71 

Sance, Antoine de Ridouet, Baron 
de, i. 165 ; Colony under, in Vir- 
ginia, i. 165 

Sanceau, Pierre, i. 325 

San Marain, Sieur de, Goes With 
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69 

San Salvador, i. 30 

Sanferrent, i. 65 

Santee, Settlers on the, ii. 61 

Sirrasin, Jean, ii. 43 

Saujon in Saintonge, Refugees 
from, ii. 38 

Saulnier, (Saunier,) Madeleine, ii. 

Saunier. Susanne, ii. 80 

Sautreau, Minister, Shipwreck of, 
ii. 182 

Sauvage, Abraham, ii. 94, 214 

Sauzeau, Blanche, ii. 28 

Savages, Brazilian, Friendly to the 
French, i- 29 ; Hopes as to their 
Conversion, i. 40 ; Barbarous 
Condition of, i. 42 ; Cannibals, 
i. 42 ; Ten, Sent to France, i. 
44 ; Susceptible of Religious 
Impressions, i. 49 ; Floiidian, 
Friendly to the French, i. 68 ; 
Sing the Huguenot Psalms, i. 68; 
North American, to be Taught 
the Christian Religion, i. 87 ; 
In Acadia, Converted to Chris- 
tianity, i. 95 : Scandalized by 
the Differences Between Roman 
Catholics and Protestanls, i. 99 

Savariau, Matthieu, i. 183 

Says, Louis, ii. 133 

Schoolhouse, the Latin, in Boston, 
ii. 222 

Schoolhouse Lane, Boston, ii. 222 

Schuyler, Jeremiah, ii. 70 

Scotland, Church of, First General 
Assembly of the, i. 24 ; lis Dis- 
cipline Substantially the Same 
with that of the French 
Churches, i. 24 

Seaboard Provinces of France, Early 
Spread of Protestantism in the, 
i. 81, 82, 261-266 ; A Large Pro- 

portion of the Huguenots who 
Reached America came from, i. 
Seamen, Huguenot, ii. 16, 22, 23 ; 
Off the Banks of Newfoundland, 
i. 80 ; On the St. Lawrence, i. 
107, 10S ; Conversion of, ii. 23 
Seays, Richard, ii. 133 
Sedan in Champagne, ii. 98 ; Ref- 
ugees from, ii. 108, 109 
Seine, Towns near the Mouth of 

the, ii. 82 
Selipeaux, Jacquine, ii. 64 
Sellew, T. G., ii. 142 
Selyns, Henricus, Minister of the 
Protestant Reformed Dutch 
Church of New York, ii. 225, 228 
Seneschaud, Daniel, ii- 60 
Sepvret in Poitou, ii. 60 ; Refu- 
gees from, ii. 61 
Sere, Noe, ii. 104 ; Claude, ii. 104 
Serrurier, Damaris Elizabeth le, 
Wife of Pierre de St. Julien, Jr., 
ii. 85 ; Jacques le, ii. 94 ; Pierre 
le, ii. 94, 95 
Seton, Mrs. Elizabeth, ii. 75 
Seudre River, ii. 29 
Sevenhoven, Jean, i. 291 
Sewall, Captain Samuel, ii. 199 
Sewall, Judge Samuel, ii. 228, 324 
Shawangunk Mountains, i. 190 
Shelter Island, N. Y., i. 294 
Ship-building, Huguenots of New 
England Engage in, ii. 217, 317 
Ships, The Amorante, i. 230 ; 
Bear, i. 185 ; Concorde, i. 222 ; 
Dolphin, ii. 202, 259 ; Flower 
of Guelder, i. 185 ; Fox, i. 186 ; 
Friendship, ii. 141, 202 ; Gilded 
Otter, i. 189 ; John and Eliza- 
beth, ii. 202 ; Mackerel, i. 170 ; 
Marie, i. 222 ; Nassau, ii. 186 ; 
New Netherland, i. 169 ; Notre 
Dame, i. 222 ; Petite Roberge, 
i. 35 ; Porcupine, ii, 218 ; Prince 
Maurice, i. 185 ; Rosee, i. 35 ; 
St. Bertram, i. 234 ; Spotted Cow, 
i. 186 
Shrewsbury, New Jersey, i. 295 
Sicard, Ambroise, i. 292 ; Daniel 
and Jacques, i. 292 ; Family, i. 
Signac, Peter, ii. 214, 2S4, 318 
Sigournais in Poitou, i. 282 ; Refu- 
gees from, ii. 53 
Sigourney, Andre, i. 282, 287 ; ii. 



201, 212, 215, 266, 267, 282 ; 
Escape of, i. 324, 325 ; Consta- 
ble of Oxford, Mass., ii. 267 ; 
Complains of the Selling of Rum 
to the Indians, ii. 273 ; Reports 
the Appearing of Hostile Bands 
of Indians, ii. 275 ; Returns to 
Boston, ii. 281 ; Charles, ii. 336; 
Family, The, i. 282 ; Mrs. Lydia 
Huntley, ii. 336, 337 ; Susanne, 
ii. 267, 278 

Silvester, Nathanael, i. 294 

Simitiere, Pierre Eugene du, i. 307 

Simmons, Lidie, ii. 95 

Simon, Vincent, i. 70 

Smith, Hannah, ii. 233 ; Major 
Richard, ii. 306 ; Nathanael, ii. 
332 : Josias, ii. 95 ; Peter, ii. 94 

Smith, Pierre. See Serrurier, 
Pierre le 

Society for Promoting and Propa- 
gating the Gospel of Jesus Christ 
in New England, (Incotporated 
July 27, 1649,) ii. 168, 169, 256, 
258, 282 

Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts, (Incor- 
porated June 16, 1701,) ii. 235, 
236, 322 

Society of Friends, The, ii. 123 

Society of Jesus. See Jesuits 

Soisson, Marc du, [Disosway,] i. 

Soubise in Saintonge, i. 306 ; ii. 
18 ; Refugees from, ii. 18-21 ; 
The "Cure" of, ii. 21 

Souchard, Marie, ii. 41 

Soulard, Jean, ii. 314 

Soulice Family, The, ii. 58; Jacques, 

ii. 58 
Soulice, M. Louis, Bibliothecaire 

de Pau, ii. 58 
Soumain, Jeanne, ii. 139 ; Simeon, 

i. 291 
Sosee, la, Physician, ii. 177 
Sossais in Poitou, ii. 50 ; Refu- 
gees from, ii. 50 
Soupzmain, (Soubmain,) Madeleine, 

ii. 64 
Sourin, le Sieur de, i. 89 
Southack, Captain Cyprian, i:. 218 
Southampton, England, ii- 35, 64, 

214 ; Refugees in, ii. 149 
Southampton, L. I., ii. 31 
South Carolina, Huguenot Settlers 

in, i. 283, seq., 296, 297, 308, 

309, 310, 311 ; ii. 16, 17, iS, 27, 

33, 41, 42, 43, 44, 49. 5o. 52, 53. 
59, 60, 61, 64, 71, 74, 77, 79, 80, 
82, 84.86, 90, 94, 95, 97, 98, 103, 
104, 105, 106, in, 112, 117, 118, 
123, 132, 134, 138, 166, 167, 176, 
176, 182, 185, 310 

Southern Provinces of France, 
Flight from the, if. 119 

Southold, Long Island, N. Y., i. 

Soyer, Marie, ii. 80 

Spain Claims Sovereignty over the 
New World, i. 21 ; Coligny Aims 
to Weaken, i. 22 ; at Peace wiih 
France, i. 71 ; Denies the Right 
of the French in Florida, i. 71 

Spanish Inquisition, Proposition to 
Introduce the, in France, i. 24 

Speedwell, Passengers on the, i. 

Spencer, George, i. 296 
Spies, Canadian, in the English 

Colonies, i. 125 
Spitalfields, London, French Colo- 
ny in, ii. 153, 157 
Spring, Roger Williams', ii. 326 
Springfield, Massachusetts, ii. 255 
Staffordshire, England, ii. 25S 
Siaten Island, Huguenot Settlers 
on, i. 294, 272 ; ii. 21, 22, 38, 
79, 147 ; Waldenses on, i. 186 
States-General of the United Neth- 
erlands, i. 166 
Stelle, Poncet, Sieur des Lorifires, 

i. 206 ; ii. 27 
Stoade, Marie le, ii. 134 
Stoughton, William, one of the 
Proprietors of Oxford, Massa- 
chusetts, ii. 258 : Lieutenant- 
Governor, ii. 279 
Streing, Daniel, ii. 91, 96 ; Es- 
cape of, ii. 101 ; Settles in 
New Rochelle, N. Y., ii. 102; 
Gabriel, ii. 91 
Stuckey, Andre, ii. 212 
Stuffs, Manufacture of, ii. 318 
Stuyvesant, Petrus, Appointed 
Director-General of New Neth- 
erland, i. 178 ; Had Married the 
Daughter of a Huguenot Cler- 
gyman, i. 152, 178 ; Is In- 
formed of the Coming of a Band 
of Waldenses, i. 184 ; Visits the 
Ship-wrecked Waldenses, i. 186 ; 
Visits the Walloons in Esopus, i. 



192 ; His Severity, i. 194 ; 

Raises a Force lo Relieve the 

Settlements in Esopus, i. 196. 
Suffolk County, Mass., ii. 205 
Suire Family, The, ii. 40 ; Jean, 

Susanne and Cesar, ii. 40 
Sully, Minister of Henry IV., i. 

Suranne, Marie, ii. 123 

Surin. See Saint Sunn 

Synods, British, Send Ministers to 
the Antilles, i. 207, note 

Synods of the Reformed Churches 
of France, i. 239 

Synods of the French Protestant 
Churches in England, ii. 161 

Swartwout, Jacobus, ii. 20 

Switzerland, the Protestant Can- 
tons of, Invite the Persecuted 
Huguenots to Take Refuge 
Within Their Borders, i. 256 

Switzerland, the Persecuted Wal- 
denses Take Refuge in, ii. 178 

Sword, Bernon's, ii. 324 

Tadourneau, Benjamin, ii 27 ; 

Elie, ii. 27 
Tadoussac, on the St. Lawrence, 

i. 85, 114 
Taille, le Sieur La, Goes with De 

Monts to Acadia, i. 89 
Tallard, Marshal, ii. 237 
Talmont in Poitou, ii. 53 
Tarente, the Princess Emilie of, 

ii. 84, 86 
Targe, Daniel, ii. 14, 15, 298, 

310 ; Jacques, i. 305 ; ii. 15, 21, 

288, 310 
Tartarien, Tartarin, Jean, ii. 41 ; 

ii. 233 
Tauvron, Etienne, i. 311 ; Jacques, 

i. .311 
Tauze, Jacques, i. 70 
Tay, Jeanne du, i. 304 ; Marie du, 

i- 305 
Tebaux, Marie, ii. 36, 55 
Temple, Sir John, ii. 248 
"Temples," Huguenot, Converted 

into Roman Catholic Churches, 

i. 268 ; ii. 29, 30, 31 
"Temples," Huguenot, Destroyed, 

i. 245, 246, 247, 272, 273, 313, 

314 ; ii. 24, 25, 40, 43, 68,84, 

114, 120, 137 
Terrin, Thonnct, i. 188 

Testart, Anne, Wife of Daniel 
Crommelin, ii. 91 

Thauvet, Andre, i. 232, 292, 293 ; 
Pierre, i. 292-3 

Theroulde, Jacob, i. 232, 293 

Thibaud, Jacques, ii. 258 ; Catha- 
rine, ii. 258 

Thibou, Gabriel, ii. 96, 97 ; 
Louis, ii. 96, 97 

Thirty Years' War, The, i. 1S7 

Thomas, Jean, ii. 41 

Thompson, Robert, ii. 168, 258 

Thorigne in Poitou, 56 ; Remark- 
able Firmness of the Protestan's 
of, ii. 58 ; Refugees from, ii. 
56, 57 

Thoury, Louise, Wife of Samuel 
du Bourdieu, ii. 85 

Tibault, Anne, i. 118 

Tillou, Pierre, ii. 16, 17 ; Vincent, 
ii. 17 ; Francis R., ii. 17 

Tinel, Jeremie, Minister, ii. 160 

Tiphaine ( Tiffany) Family, ii. 108 

Tissau, Marie, Widow of Jean 
Pare, ii. 195, 196 

Tobago, W. I., Island of, French 
Church in the, i. 208 

Toby, a Wapaquasset Indian, ii. 
277 ; Concerned in the Murder 
of Johnson and his Children, ii. 
278-80; An Agent of the 
Canadians, ii. 286 

Tois, Arnout du, i. 182 

Tongrelou, Rene, i. 232 

Tonneins in Guyenne, ii, 140, 141 

Tonnerre in Burgundy, ii. 324 

Tortuga, W. I., Island of, i. 214; 
the Governor of, an Avowed Prot- 
estant, i. 214 

Tougere, Pierre, ii. 298, 310 

Toulouse in Languedoc, Protest- 
antism in, ii. 122 ; Persecution 
in, ii. 122 ; Refugees from, ii. 

Toulouse, the Count of, ii. 237 

Touraine, the Province of, ii. 62 ; 
Refugees from, ii. 62-65 

Tourelte, Jean la, ii. 147 ; Pierre 
and David la, ii. 147 

Tourge'e, ii. 15 ; Family, The, ii. 

312 ; Peter, ii. 312 
Tournay, Walloon Church of, i. 

Tourneur, Daniel, i. 182 
Tours in Touraine, Refugees from, 
ii: 62-65 



Tourtellot, Abraham, ii. 141, 215, 
288, 310 ; Benjamin, ii. 141 ; 
Gabriel, ii. 141 

Touton, Jean, i. 270, 271 

Touzell, John, ii. igi 

Trabue, Antoine, Flight of, ii. 
142, 143; Daniel, Narrative of, 
ii. 142, 143 

Trade, Board of, ii. 320, 321, 322 

Trade, the Huguenots of New En- 
gland Engage in, with Pennsyl- 
vania and Virginia, ii. 217 ; with 
Nova Scotia, ii. 217 ; with the 
West Indies, ii. 217 

Transportation of French Protest- 
ants to the Antilles, a Method of 
Intimidation and Punishment, i. 
217 ; Dreaded, i. 217-221 ; Mis- 
eries of, i. 219-226 ; Numbers 
Actually Shipped, i.221 ; Sym- 
pathy among the Protestants of 
Europe in View of, i. 222 

Transportation of French Protest- 
ants from England to America, 
Provision for the, ii. 175 ; Dis- 
bursements of the Relief Com- 
mittee for the, ii. 175 

Traverrier, Pierre, ii. 298, 310 

Trelawney, Sir Jonathan, Bishop 
of Bristol, ii. 159 

Tremblade, la, in Saintonge, ii. 29 ; 
Refugees from, ii. 32-35 ; De- 
lays at, ii. 47 

Tremouille, Henri Charles de la, 
due de Thouars, ii. 84 

Trenchant, pilot, i. 65 

Trescleoux in Dauphiny, ii. 146 

Trezevant, Daniel, ii. 98. 

Tiico, Catalina, i. 172 

Trinity Church, Newport, Rhode 
Island, ii. 322, 323 

Trinity Church, New York, ii. 53, 

54. 147 

Tripe, Captain, ii. 317 

Trochon, Pierre, ii. 27 

Trouillard, Laurent Philippe, Min- 
ister, ii. 44, 98 ; Pierre, ii. 98 

Trouville in Normandy, ii. 83 

Troy, N. Y. , i. 190 

Tuffeau, du. See Bertrand du 

Turck, Paul, i. 183 

Tyng, Edward, ii. 206 

Ully, sieur d\ goes with Ribaut to 
Florida, i. 99 

Ulster connly, N. Y , Huguenot 
settlers in, i. 293 ; ii. 19, 49, 91, 

Usilie, David, i. 182 

Vabre, Susanne de la, wife of Paul 

Droilhet, ii. 42, 131 
Valenciennes, Walloon Church of, 

Valleau, Arnaud, i. 305 ; Etienne, 

i. 232, 305, ii. 38 ; Esaie.i. 305 ; 

ii. 38. 52 ; I., i. 326 ; P., i. 326 ; 

Marguerite de, wife of Gu 1- 

laume Le Conte, ii. 75 ; Pierre, 

i. 304 
Vallet, Jacques, ii. 27 ; Elias, ii. 


Vallete, Pierre, ii. 33 

Valliere, Michel le Neuf, Sieur de 
la, sent by the Governor of Can- 
ada with a Message for Lord 
B^llomont, ii- 333 

Valos [Valleau], Anne, ii. 38 

Valpy family, The, ii. 191 

Valuot goes with Ribaut to Florida, 
i. 70 

Van Dam, Isaac, i. 296 

Van den Bosch, Laurentius, (Lau- 
rent du Bois,) Huguenot Minis- 
ter, ii. 224 ; Pastor of the French 
Church in Boston, ii. 224 ; His 
Erratic Course, ii. 224, 225 ; Cor- 
respondence of Daill§ and In- 
crease Mather, regarding, ii. 224, 
225 ; Leaves Boston, ii. 225 

Van Tienhoven, Cornelis, ii. 295 

Van Wyck (Vanewick), Elizabeth, 
wife of Paul Mazyck, i. 310 

Vasseur, Michel, Commander of 
one of Laudonnifere's Ships, 65 ; 
Nicolas, Pilot, i. 65 

Vassy, Massacre of, i. 59, 62, 138 

Vaud, Paysde, Switzerland, ii. 145 

Vaugelade (?), in Holland, ii. 239 

Vaughn n Bridge, Maine, ii. 206 

Vaux, Frederic de, i 188 

Vaux, Paroisse de Saint Palais 
Saintonge, ii. 37 

Ventadour, Duke of, i. 108 

Verdier, Nicolas, goes with Ribaut 
to Florida, i. 70 

Vergereau, Jean and Pierre, i. 302; 
Susanne, i. 293 

Verneuil, Matthieu, Goes to Brazil, 
i. 33 ; Is Martyred, i. 53 



Verrazzano's discoveries, i. 85, 169 

Verriers de Gabre. Marguerite des. 
See La Tour, Marguerite de 

Vest, leSieur du, Goes with Ribaut 
to Florida, i. 69 

Viconte, Elizabeth, ii. 56 

Videaul, Pierre, i. 297 

Vignaud, Anne, ii. 16, note ; Jean, 
ii. 16, 17 

Vigne, de la, Goes with Ribaut to 
Florida, i. 70 

Vigne, Jean, The First European 
Child born on Manhattan Island, 
i. 171 

Vigneron, Norbent Felicien, ii. 96 

Vignon, Nicolas, ii. 107 

Vilain, Josias le, ii. 79 ; Rachel 
le, ii. 62, 63 

Villedieu, la, in Poitou, ii. 61 ; 
Refugees from, ii. 61 

Villegagnon, Nicolas Durand de, 
Proposes to Coligny the Estab- 
lishment of a Protes'ant Colony 
in Brazil, i. 27 ; His Qualifica- 
tions, i. 27 ; Organizes an Expe- 
dition, i. 28 ; Sails from Havre 
de Grace, i. 28 ; Attempts a Set- 
tlement on the Mainland near 
Rio de Janeiro, i. 29 ; Encount- 
ers Difficulties, i 30 ; Removes 
to the Island of Lage, i. 31 ; 
Thence to the Island of Coligny, 
i. 31 ; Sends a Messenger to 
Coligny, i. 32 ; Welcomes Du 
Pont and the Genevese, i. 36 ; 
His Professions, i. 36 ; H s 
Singular Demeanor, i. 38 ; His 
Eloquence and Orthodoxy, i. 40 ; 
A Second St. Paul, i. 40 ; His 
Conduct at the First Observance 
of the Lord's Supper, i. 41 ; 
Writes to Calvin, i. 42 ; Letter 
°f» 335-34 1 ! Grows Captious 
and Querulous, i. 43 ; Sends the 
Minister Chartier Back to France, 
i. 43 ; His Opinion of Calvin 
Changes, i. 44 ; His Treatment 
of the Protestant Colonists, i. 
46 ; Expels Them From the 
Island, i. 46 ; His Purpose of 
Treachery Toward the Genevese, 
i. 53 ; Puts Three of the Protest- 
ants to Death, i. 53 ; " The 
Cain of America," i 54 ; Re- 
turns to France, i. 55 ; Subse- 
quent History of, i. 55 

Villemonteix. See Villeponteux 
Villeneuve in Guyenne, ii. 139 
Villeponteux, Pierre, ii. 141 
Vinaux, Jacques, ii. 31 
Vincent, Adrien, i. 182 ; Ester, i. 
306 ; Francis, i. 232, 309 ; ii. 
29, 38, 205 ; Jean, i. 306 ; Mad- 
eleine, i. 306 
Vine plants carried to America, ii. 

Vineyards in Narragansett, ii. 299 

Virginia Company,the, Negotiations 

of the Puritans in Leyden with, 

i. 156, 167 ; of the Walloons and 

French in Leyden with, i. 163- 

Virginia, Emigration to, Advocated, 

ii. 170 
Virginia, French Protestant Colony 

in, Under Baron de Sance, i. 165 
Virginia, Huguenot Settlers in, i. 

296, 308 ; ii. 15, 18, 36. 51, 89, 

90, 109, in, 133, 142, 143, 144, 

" Virginia in the West Indies," i. 

Vitre in Bretagne, Refugees from, 

ii. 84-86 
Vitre, the Chateau of, ii. 84 
Voienne, Judith, ii. 95 
Vouden, John, ii. 191 
Voulte, la, in Languedoc, ii. H2 

Waal-bocht, the. See Wallabout 
Wadsworth, Benjamin, ii. 239 
Wagachkemeck, in Ulster Co., N. 

Y., ii. 20 
Walcheren, W. I., Island of, i. 208 
Waldenses of Piedmont, i. 183 ; 
Persecutions of the, i. 183 ; 
Many take Refuge in Holland, i. 
184 ; A Number of Emigrants to 
New Netherland. i. 185 ; Ship- 
wreck of, i. 185; Settlement of, 
in Delaware, i. 186 ; Some Re- 
main in New Amsterdam, i. 186, 
187 ; Take Refuge in the Pala- 
tinate, i. 187 ; Many of the, 
Take Refuge in Switzerland, In 
1687 and 1698, ii. 187 ; Num- 
bers Emigrate to America, ii. 179 
Wallabout, the, Settlement at, i. 

J 77 , . 

Wallkill, N. Y., Valley of the, 1. 



Walloons, the, i. 149 ; Flight of, 
to England and Holland, Afier 
the Massacre of St. Bartholo- 
mew's Day, i. 149 ; Settlement 
of, in England, i. 150 ; In the 
Palatinate, i. 187 
Walloons settle in Esopus, i. 193 ; 
Capture of Several, by the In- 
dians, i. 195 
Walloons and French, The, i. 153 ; 
In Leyden, i. 153 ; Their Rela- 
tions with the Puritan Refugees 
from England, i. 153 ; Some of. 
Join the Puritans, i. 155 ; and 
Accompany them to New En- 
gland, i. 158 ; Others Prepare to 
Follow, i. 159 ; Petition of, i. 
I57-i 6 3, 348-354 ; Arrive at 
Manhattan, i. 171 ; Favorable 
Report of, i. 172 ; Some of, Re- 
turn to Holland, i. 176 ; Some 
of, Settle in the Vicinity of Man- 
hattan Island, i. 177 
Walloons and French, Petition of 
the, i. 157-163 ; 348, 349 ; An- 
swer of the Virginia Company 
to the, i. 350, 351 
Walloons, Bay of the. See Walla- 
Walloon Petitioners, the, and others : 
Barbe, Adrien, i. 352, 353 
Baseu, Chrjstienne, i. 353 
Billt [Billet ?] Jan, i. 352, 353 
Broque, Gillam, i. 352, 353 ; 
Louis, i. 352, 353 ; Robert, 
i- 352 
Ca, Jan le, i. 353, 354; George 

le, 352 
Campion, Flipe, i. 352 ; Jean, 

i- 352, 353 
Carpentier, Martin de, i. 352 
Carpentry, Jan du, i. 352, 354 
Cap, Isabeau, i. 353 
Caron, Philippote, i. 353 
Censier, Michelle, i. 352, 353 
Catoir, Ernou, i. 352, 353 
Channy, Challe, i. 352 
Chotein, Anna, i. 354 
Cloux, Marie du, i. 353 
Conne [Coinne], Jacque, i. 

352, 353 
Cornille, Piere, i. 352 
Clitden, Francoi, i. 352 
Crenne [Cranne], Jean de, i. 

352, 353 
Crepy, Abel de, i. 352, 353 

Cray, Jan de, i. 352, 354 
Damont, Jan, i. 352, 353 
Desendre, Antoin, i. 352, 353 
Digand, Barthelemy, i. 353, 154 
Face, Cataline, i. 353 
Fache, Marie, i. 353 
Flip, Mari, i. 353 
Four, Theodor du, i. 352, 354 
Fourdrin, Franchois, i. 352 
Farnarcque [ FarvarqueJ 
^ Thomas, i. 352, 354 
Forest, Jesse de, i. 351, 354 
Framerie, Martin, i. 353, 354 
Francis, Marie, i. 354 
Fregeau, Franchise, i. 354 
Gantois, P., i. 352 
Gaspar, Pierre, i. 352 
Geay, Pontus le, i. 353 
Ghiselin, Claude, i. 352, 353 
Gille, Jan, i. 352, 353 
Gourdeman, Jan, i. 352 
Gremier, Antoine, i. 352 
Husse, Prudence, i. 354 
Jeune, Gregoire le, i. 352, 354 
Lambert, Henry, i. 352, 353 
Lannoy, Jaquemine de, i. 353 
Le, Philippe de, i. 352 
Lechielles [LespielleJ, Jacques 

de, i. 352, 354 
Marlier, Nicolas de la, i. 351, 

Maton, Philippe, 1. 352, 353 
Mousnier de la Montagne, 

Etudiant en Medicine, i. 352 
Mousnier de la Montagne, 

Pharmacien et Chirurgien, i. 

Martin, Antoine, i. 352, 354 
Martin, Jenne, i. 352 
Merre, Jenne de, i. 354 
Mot, Jan de la, i. 352, 353 
Nicaise, Sara, i. 354 
Pasar, Polle de, i. 352 
Per, Susanne le, i. 353 
Pon, Michel du, i. 352, 353 
Pre, Marie des, i. 354 
Quiesnier [Quesnee], Pierre, i. 

353. 354 
Quinze, Chertruy, i. 353 

Rou, Jan le, i. 352 
Roy, Jerome le, 1. 352, 353 
Sage, Jan, i. 352, 354 
Simon, Marguerite, i. 353 
Trou, Jan de, i. 352 
Violate, Anthoyne de, i. 352 
Woutre, Gouerge, i. 352 

44 8 


Walloon Churches of Holland, 
Synod of the, Supplies the French 
Protestant Congregations in the 
Antilles with Ministers, i. 206 

Walloon Churches, Synod of the, 
in the Provinces of Artois, Flan- 
ders, Brabant and Hainault, i. 

Walloon Churches in London, 
Canterbury, Norwich, South- 
ampton, i. 150 

Walloon Colonies and Churches in 
Holland, i. 151 

Walpole, Massachusetts, ii. 233 

Walslant, i. 186 

Walter, Nehemiah, Minister of the 
First Church in Roxbury, Sup- 
plies the Vacant Pulpit of the 
French Church in Boston, ii. 
226 ; 238 ; Translates Carre's 
Sermon, ii. 303 

Wapaquasset, an Indian Village 
near Oxford, Mass., ii. 277 ; One 
of the " Praying Towns," ii. 277, 

Wapaquassets, the, a Clan of the 
Nipmuck Indians, ii. 277, 280 ; 
Persuaded to Leave their Habita- 
tions, ii. 284, 285 

Warde, Jean de la, i. 183 

Ware, Captain John, ii. 141, 202, 

Warwick, Rhode Island, ii. 306 

Wash-Leather Manufactory, at 
Oxford, Mass., ii. 283 

Waterbury, Connecticut, ii. 333 

Wawayanda Patent, in Orange Co., 
N. Y., ii. 91 

Wedding Companies, Huguenot, 
ii. 159 

Westchester Co., N. Y., ii. 37 

West India Company, the Dutch, 
Organized i. 166 ; Directors of, 
Report Favorably upon Jesse de 
Forest's Plan of Emigration to 
America, i. 166 ; Sends a Com- 

pany of Emigrants to New 
Netherland, i. 169; Ships of, i. 

West India Company, the French, 
i. 289 

West Indies, ii. 25, 316, 317. See 
Antilles, the 

West Indies, the Name applied to 
the Whole American Continent, 
i. 168 ; " Virginia in the West 
Indies,"' i. 168 ; " New Nether- 
land in the West Indies," i. 168 

Westphalia, Treaty of, i. 187 

Wicres in Flanders, i. 187 

Wilkinson, Lieutenant, of Provi- 
dence, R. I., ii. 288 

Willard, Rev. Samuel, ii. 212 

William III., ii. 234 ; Orders a Col- 
lection for the Protestant Refu- 
gees, ii. 179 ; Makes a Donation 
to the French Church in Bos- 
ton, ii. 221, 222 

Willis, Martha, ii. 239 

Wiltwyck, in the Esopus, i. 191 ; 
Attacked by the Indians, i. 192 ; 
Brave Defense of, i. 196 

Winthrop, John, Governor of Con- 
necticut, ii. 279 

Winthrop, Hon. Robert C, ii. 206, 
248, 251 

Winthrop, Thomas L., Lieutenant- 
Governor, ii. 248 

Witchcraft Delusion, the, in Massa- 
chusetts, ii. 192, 193 

Witnesses, the Two, ii. 230, 231 

Woodbridge, New Jersey, ii. 194 

Woodstock, Connecticut, ii. 27, 
287 ; Proximity of, to Oxfoid, ii. 
271 ; Selectmen of, Complain 
of the Selling of Rum to the 
Indians, ii. 273 ; Indians Near, 
ii. 277, 280 

Woodstock Trail, the, ii. 278 

Zurich, Switzerland, ii. 145